II. The Intellectual as Good Citizen
1 H.-G. Gadamer, Platon als Porträtist (Munich, 1988) 7ff. [BACK]
2 W. Helbig, JdI 1 (1886) 71-78 (= Fittschen 1988, 62f); Pfuhl 1927, 28ff. (= Fittschen, 246f); H. von Heintze, in Helbig 4 I, no. 86; cf. Berger (infra n. 4), who speaks of "the hard intellectual labor of one who has to struggle for the truth."
On the portrait type see Boehringer 1935; Schefold 1943, 74, 205; H. von Heintze, RM 71 (1964) 31ff.; Richter II, 164ff., figs. 903-72; Richter-Smith 1984, 181ff.; Giuliani 1986, 138f.; K. Vierneisel, in Ein Platon-Bildnis für die Glyptothek (Munich, 1987) 11-26; Fittschen, 22, 24. [BACK]
3 Lippold 1912, 55f.; cf. Pfuhl 1927, 28. [BACK]
4 On the Holkham Hall-Basel type see Pfuhl 1927, 29; F. Poulsen, Greek and Roman Portraits in English Country Houses (Oxford, 1923) 32f., no. 5; E. Berger, Perspektiven der Philosophie, Neues Jahrbuch 13 (1987) 371ff. (though I disagree with his dating of this more dramatic version in the Antonine period; as far as I can see, no new adaptations of Classical or Hellenistic portrait types were created in the Imperial period); Fittschen 1988, 25, pl. 125; Sokrates 1989, 43. [BACK]
5 On Lycurgus' dedication see Lippold 1912, 49ff., 62f.; G. M. A. Richter, Greek Portraits, (Brussels, 1962) 4: 24ff.; Fehr 1979, 54ff.; Gauer 1968, 132-35; C. Schwingenstein, Die Figurenausstattung der griechischen Theatergebäude (Munich. 1977) 74ff.; Giuliani 1986. 138f. On the dating see most recently Fittschen 1988, 21. On Lycurgus and his political program see RE 13.2 (1927) 2446ff., s.v. Lycurgus 10 (Kunst); Mitchel 1970, 165ff.; C. Mossé, Athens in Decline, 404-86 B.C. (London, 1971) 80ff. [BACK]
6 On the statue of Sophocles in the Vatican see now C. Vorster, Vatikanische Museen, Museo Gregoriano Profano, Römische Skulpturen (Mainz, 1993) 1 : 154, no. 67, figs. 297-308. For the copies see Richter II, 128ff., figs. 680-88; Richter-Smith 1984, 205ff.; Schefold 1943, 90-93; Fittschen 1988, 36 n. 146. [BACK]
7 I base my interpretation primarily on the work of Fehr (1979, 51ff.), though I would see the statue of Sophocles less as a model for the "Normal-bürger" than for the citizen presented as politically engagé. I have subsequently discovered that Theodor Reinach had already suggested this interpretation in JHS 42 (1922) 50-69. He identified the statue, however, as the portrait of Solon on Salamis. Cf. the response of F. Studniczka, JHS 43 (1923) 57. [BACK]
8 Paris, Louvre G 222; Beazley, ARV 2 272, no. 7; CVA Louvre (III, Ic), 32f., pl. 42, 5-7; E. Pottier, Vases antiques du Louvre (Paris, 1922) 3 : 207, pl. 130; A. Shapiro, in The Birth of Democracy, exh. cat., National Archives (Washington, D.C., 1993) 24, fig. 4. [BACK]
9 Aeschin. In Tim. 21ff.; Arist. Ath. pol. 28; Plut. Nicias 8.3. Cf. Giuliani 1986, 132; Fehr 1979, 94 n. 102. [BACK]
10 On the statue of Aeschines see Richter II, 212ff.; Richter-Smith 1984, 73ff.; Schefold 1943, 102, 208; P. C. Bol, Liebieghaus Frankfurt: Antike Bildwerke, vol. 1, Bildwerke aus Stein und aus Stuck (Melsungen, 1983) 210ff., no. 62. The suggestion that the statue should be dated posthumously, after 315, is supported by both historical circumstances (the Macedonian domination) and stylistic indicators: see R. Horn, Stehende weibliche Gewandstatuen in der hellenistischen Plastik, RM-EH 2 (Munich, 1931) 21f. On the problem of the relationship of statue and viewer, see F. Hiller, MarbWPr, 1962, 53ff. [BACK]
11 Cf. Dem. De cor. 129; Fehr 1979, 57f., esp. n. 410. [BACK]
12 Cf. the illustrations collected in G. Koch-Harnack, Knabenliebe und Tiergeschenke (Berlin, 1983). For school scenes see Simon 1976, pls. 99-100. [BACK]
13 E.g., a votive relief to Asklepios: Athens, NM 1345; U. Hausmann, Griechische Weihreliefs (Berlin, 1960) 71. fig. 40; I. N. Svoronos, Das Athener Nationalmuseum (Athens, 1908) no. 1501, pl. 83; cf. the Atarbos Base in the Acropolis Museum: C. E. Beulé, L'Acropole d'Athènes (Paris, 1854) pl. 4. Later, in the Hellenistic period, the type of Aeschines and Sophocles is used, for example, on East Greek gravestones: see Zanker 1993, 217. [BACK]
14 Studniczka (supra n. 7) 61; A. Krug, "Binden in der griechischen Kunst" (Diss., Mainz, 1968) 129f. On Sophocles as priest, and the hero cult after his death, see, most recently, L. Beschi, ASAtene 45-46 (1967-68) 424ff. [BACK]
15 H. C. Avery, "Sophocles' Political Career," Historia 22 (1973) 509-14. [BACK]
16 Cf. the grave stele Athens, National Museum; B. Schmaltz, Griechische Grabreliefs (Darmstadt, 1983), 204, pl. 18, 1; Conze I, no. 337, pl. 85 = Einzelaufnahmen 692. The elimination of any intellectual trait from the portrait would be all the more significant if, as has been suggested, another portrait type preserved in numerous copies, the so-called Sophocles Farnese, which does have a "spiritual" expression, does indeed reflect a statue created about 400 B.C. See most recently Fittschen 1988, 19f., pls. 36ff. In this version, Sophocles is depicted as an old man. The later statue would then have made him younger in deliberate opposition to an already existing iconographical tradition, in order to emphasize the aspect of the subject as still politically active. [BACK]
17 See Richter I, 121ff. figs. 577-603; Richter-Smith 1984, 74ff.; Schefold 1943, 88f., 207; Fittschen 1988, 36 n. 146, pl. 56. The most finely nuanced copy is preserved in the herm in Naples, Mus. Naz. 6139; ABr 401f.; Richter, fig. 597. The identification as Aeschylus is based on two arguments: first, a close stylistic similarity to the Sophocles in the Vatican; second, the association of this head with that of Sophocles in a "gallery" of herms and on a double herm. The similarity of hairstyles, especially at the temples, and beard, as well as in the modeling of the face, is considerable, even in a comparison of the early Augustan copy of Aeschylus from the Villa dei Papiri with the Vatican Sophocles, which is probably Augustan in date. [BACK]
18 S. Karusu, AM 96 (1981) 179-94, pls. 53ff. [BACK]
19 As in the case of Sophocles, it is possible that the portrait of Aeschylus is a "regularized" version of an earlier portrait more in the physiognomic tradition. Aeschylus' baldness is first attested in late literary sources ( Vita in Page's OCT, p. 332; Val. Max, 9, 12. Ext. 2; Ael. NA 7.16). Some gems and glass pastes of questionable authenticity (Richter I, figs. 606, 608-9) allude to the anecdote about Aeschylus' death in which a turtle was dropped on his bald head by an eagle that mistook his head for a rock! An Early Classical portrait of a bald-headed man, preserved in only a single copy in the Capitoline Museum (Richter, figs. 604-5; Fittschen 1988, 18, 24, pl. 14), with eyebrows sharply drawn together, could in fact represent an intellectual, but an identification as Aeschylus must remain completely hypothetical because of the problematical nature of the gems. Cf. Gauer 1968, 159ff. Pausanias' comment that the portrait of Aeschylus was created long after the poet's death and after the painting of the battle of Marathon (1.21.2) nevertheless implies that he was familiar with another physiognomy for Aeschylus. The bald portrait head in the Capitoline may in any event, apart from its uncertain identity, give us an idea of what a portrait of Aeschylus made in his lifetime might have looked like. [BACK]
20 On the portrait of Euripides see Richter I, 133ff., figs. 717-61; Richter-Smith 1984, 121ff.; Schefold 1943, 94, 208; H. von Heintze, RM 71 (1964) 71-77. As far as the copies are concerned, of the nearly thirty replicas of the head, the best is probably the early Augustan herm from the Villa dei Papiri, now in Naples (Richter, figs. 717-19). The accuracy of its details is confirmed by the finely worked head in Mantua (Fittschen 1988, pl. 75) and the recently discovered herm from Lucus Feroniae (Richter, figs. 753-54), both made in the first century A.D. The dating of the original must, I believe, be based on the plastic modeling of the forehead and brows, which has good parallels only in works of the second half of the fourth century (cf. Fittschen, 24). The early dating, in the late fifth or early fourth century, argued, for example, by H. Walter, AM 71 (1956) 178f., is based primarily on the style of the long hair. But this is rather an iconographical motif characterizing the subject as an old man, which, because of its normative value, cannot be used as a dating criterion. It seems to me therefore questionable whether we may see in this trait a historicizing reference to the period of Euripides' lifetime (what Fittschen calls a "Rekonstruktionsporträt"), especially since such evocations of the High Classic are frequently found in the fourth century; cf. Borbein 1973, 43ff. On the dating see most recently E. Voutiras, in Villa Albani II, 191f., no. 210 (ca. 330/20). The Rieti type, which is occasionally identified with the statue in Lycurgus' dedication, pre-supposes the existence of the Farnese type and must, I believe, be dated ca. 300 or later. Cf. L. Curtius, RM 59 (1944) 22ff., and, most recently, Giuliani 1986, 294; Fittschen 1988, pls. 118-20. [BACK]
21 M. Meyer 1989. [BACK]
22 Istanbul, Archaeological Museum 1242 (from Smyrna); Lippold 1912, 49f.; Richter I, 137, fig. 767. The association of the portrait of Euripides with this relief is also discussed by H. von Heintze, in Hekler 1940, 27, pl. 33.
On the form of the chair cf. Conze I, 27f., no. 95, pl. 37; 84, no. 370, pl. 91; Conze II, 154, no. 720, pl. 139; 161, no. 752, pl. 145. On the book roll and the pillow in the iconography of older men see M. Meyer 1989. [BACK]
23 See Giuliani 1986, 244 n. 144; G. Xanthakis-Karamos, Studies in Fourth-Century Tragedy (Amsterdam, 1980) 28ff.; H. Flashar, Poetica 16 (1984) 1ff. = id., Eidola (Amsterdam, 1989) 147ff. [BACK]
24 AC 12 (1983) 1032ff., s.v. Greisenalter (C. Gnilcka); P. Roussel, ''Essai sur le principe d'ancienneté dans le monde hellénique du V e s. a. J.-C. à l'époque romaine," MémAcInscr 43.2 (1951) 123-228. [BACK]
25 Giuliani 1986, 139. Cf. also Voutiras 1980, 147, 289; I. Scheibler, in Sokrates 1989, 65. On the construction of Euripides' character from his work see Lefkowitz 1981, 88ff. [BACK]
26 Cf. the illustrations in Fittschen 1988, pls. 38, 42, 43, 45, 49. [BACK]
27 Lycurgue, Contra Léocrate, Fragments, ed. and trans. F. Durrbach (Paris, 1956) 100, p. 64. [BACK]
28 Cf. the survey of C. Schneider, Kulturgeschichte des Hellenismus (Munich, 1967) 1 : 159ff.; T. Hölscher, "The City of Athens: Space, Symbol, Structure," in City-States in Classical Antiquity and Medieval Italy, ed. A. Molho, K. Raaflaub, and J. Emlen (Ann Arbor, 1991) 368-75. [BACK]
29 On the "program" of Lycurgus see Mitchel 1970, 190ff.; Fehr 1979, 54ff. On the cult of Demokratia see A. E. Raubitschek, Hesperia 31 (1962) 238-43. On the Eponymous Heroes, see J. Travlos, Pictorial Dictionary of Athens (London, 1971) 210; H. A. Thompson, The Athenian Agora 3 (Athens, 1976) 70f. [BACK]
30 For the copies of the Socrates portrait Type B see Richter, I, 112ff., figs. 483 ff.; Fittschen 1988, pls. 58-64. The type has most recently been treated in detail by I. Scheibler, in Sokrates 1989, 44ff.; also Giuliani 1980, 84f., who arrives at a similar interpretation. It is uncertain whether the statue was in fact set up in the time of Lycurgus, and this cannot be confirmed through stylistic analysis. The dates suggested in the scholarly literature vary, as usual: e.g., Gauer 1968, 124 (mid-fourth century); Giuliani 1980, 64, no. 21 (330s); Scheibler, in Sokrates 1989, 51 (soon after 320). A comparison with grave stelai such as that of Korallion (Diepolder 1931, pl. 45, 2; D. Ohly, AA, 1965, 344) suggests to me that a date ca. 330 is the most likely (cf. Braun 1966, 50, 90). Mitchel (1970, 209 n. 197) had already suspected an association with the Lycurgan program. The story reported by Diogenes Laertius (2.43) that the motive for the new statue was the "regret" of the Athenians for the condemnation of Socrates is probably a later interpretation. [BACK]
31 The holding tight of the excess fabric with one hand is depicted on many grave stelai (e.g., Diepolder 1931. pls. 44, 45. 2) and some statues (Richter II, fig. 1368). The other gesture, however, of the free arm with hand gripping the overfold, is rare in the fourth century, and so may have to do with the standard gestures of dexiosis on the gravestones and of prayer on the votives (cf., for example, the votive relief to Demeter in the Louvre: EncPhotTEL III, 216a). For Socrates, therefore, the gestures of both hands reflect correct behavior, and, as the comparison with the grave stelai reveals, they cannot be interpreted psychologically or as indicative of a specific situation; cf., most recently, Sokrates 1989, 50, and Giuliani 1980, 65. A good example of disorderly draping of the mantle is found in the statue of a Cynic in the Capitoline ( cf. fig. 72). [BACK]
32 Two heads, Louvre MA 59 (Richter I, figs. 513, 516; Fittschen 1988, pl. 58) and Museo Capitolino inv. 508 (Richter, figs. 484-86; Fittschen, pl. 61), offer the most reliable versions of the original. This is then confirmed by several heads of lesser quality, such as the inscribed herm in the Conservatori (Richter, fig. 511), a head in St. Petersburg (Richter, figs. 505-7), a head in a private collection (Richter, figs. 494-96), and a fragment in the museum in Sfax (Fittschen, pl. 60). The fine Early Imperial head in the Terme Museum (Richter, fig. 490; Fittschen, pl. 63), which is often reproduced as the "best" copy, with its sunken cheeks and "Socratic" expression, represents, in my view, an eccentric interpretation of the original derived from the philosopher's biography. The superb sculptor undoubtedly wanted to convey more of Socrates' personality than the original of Type B ever contained. In two other copies, both of the second century A.C. , an inscribed herm in Naples and a tondo bust in the Villa Albani (Richter, figs. 483, 500, 501, 503, 512; Villa Albani, II, 272, pl. 193), the physiognomic qualities of the original have been entirely done away with. [BACK]
33 Travlos (supra n. 29) 477ff.; W. Höpfner, Kerameikos, vol. 10, Das Pompeion und seine Nachfolgerbauten (Berlin, 1976); U. Knigge, Der Kerameikos von Athen: Führung durch Ausgrabungen und Geschichte (Athens, 1988) 79ff. On the pinakes see Fittschen 1991, 278. [BACK]
34 Richter I, 96, figs. 381-97. Cf. the convincing interpretation and dating of ca. 350 in Gauer 1968, 128ff.; Fittschen 1988, 24 n. 142. But the head is—pace Gauer—entirely without expression and in this respect comparable to the tragedians set up by Lycurgus in the Theatre of Dionysus, to which it is also close in style. Cf. in particular the subtler copy in Aranjuez: D. Hertel, MM 26 (1985) 239, no. 4, pl. 52, together with Aeschylus, fig. 28. [BACK]
35 See D. Pandermalis, "Untersuchungen zu den klassischen Strategenköpfen" (Diss., Freiburg, 1969). On the typology of statues of strategoi see, most recently, N. Himmelmann, Ideale Nacktheit in der griechischen Kunst, JdI-EH 26 (Berlin. 1990) 86ff.: T. Hölscher, Gnomon 65 (1993) 524. On the portrait of Archidamus III of Sparta (?), see Richter II, 160ff., figs. 888-89; Gauer 1968, 154; cf. Giuliani 1986, 140ff. [BACK]
36 See B. Schweitzer, Zur Kunst der Antike (Tübingen, 1963) 2: 186; Gauer 1968, 130. On such reuse see H. Blanck, Wiederverwendung alter Statuen als Ehrendenkmäler bei Griechen und Römern (Rome, 1969). [BACK]
37 The two portraits are, however, very different in style. For Lysias see Richter II, 207, figs. 1340ff.; Richter-Smith 1984, 157; Voutiras 1980, 205ff.; Fittschen 1988, pls. 44f. For Thucydides, see Richter I, 147ff.; figs. 825ff.; Schefold 1943, 76, 205; Fittschen, pls. 41-43. [BACK]
38 The existence of the group portrait of the Seven Wise Men in Athens has been correctly inferred from the epigram Anth. Gr. 16.332. It is, however, quite uncertain whether any connection exists between this group and the surviving portrait types. The latter include inscribed copies of the heads of Periander, Bias, and Pittakos of Mytilene (Richter II, 81ff.; Brommer 1973; von Heintze 1977a, 1977b). The Athenian Solon, who also belongs to this élite company, had previously been represented in the guise of the model citizen (see pp. 45ff.). [BACK]
39 The key monument illustrating this phenomenon is the statue of Eirene, or Peace, in the Agora; see Borbein 1973, 113ff. and passim. On Isocrates see, most recently, C. W. Müller, ''Platon und der 'Panegyrikos' des Isokrates," Philologus 135 (1991) 140-56. [BACK]
40 On the historical significance of the Sophists see J. Martin, "Zur Entstehung der Sophistik," Saeculum 27 (1976) 143ff. [BACK]
41 See Weiher 1913; Sassi 1988, 32. [BACK]
42 The tomb of Theodectes stood on the road to Eleusis, that of Isocrates at Kynosarges (ps.-Plut. X orat. 837D, 838C). The tomb of Theodectes was still standing in the time of Pausanias (1.37.4). Instead of the usual family grouping that we find on the tombs of Athenian citizens in this period, the poet appeared surrounded by his spiritual predecessors, much as the princes and noblemen of the day dedicated in major sanctuaries groups of themselves with their ancestors going back to mythological heroes. One of these, the monument of the Thessalian dynast Daochos at Delphi, may give the best idea of the architectural form of Theodectes' tomb; see Borbein 1973, 68ff. Certainly Theodectes' gallery of poets cannot have looked anything like the standard bourgeois tomb monument in the form of an aedicula. Isocrates' "trapeza" will probably have been no less noticeable or expensive. A monumental column, thirty ells in height, topped by a mourning sphinx, would have recalled Archaic grave monuments and was perhaps part of the family's earlier tomb. Thus as a member of the Athenian aristocracy, unlike the immigrant from Phaselis, Isocrates would have combined a display of family tradition with his own claim to the special status of an outstanding intellectual. Cf. B. Schmaltz, AM 83 (1978) 90, and now the detailed study of A. Scholl, in Jdl 109 (1994), 242-54. [BACK]
43 On the portrait of Plato see the references above in n. 2. The Early Imperial (Tiberian?) copy in Munich (figs. 24, 38) is certainly of high quality, but whether it represents the "best" copy in every respect seems to me questionable. Thus, for example, the stylization of the hair across the brow is less precise in the subtler copies and the edges of the forehead are not so pronounced. These features suggest a partial assimilation to a hairstyle of the period of the copy. One could also question the material rendering of the flesh tones. [BACK]
44 M. Weber, RM 98 (1991), 218f., pl. 52. [BACK]
45 For Isocrates we know of two statues set up during his lifetime: see K. Gaiser, "Philochoros über zwei Statuen in Athen," in Praestant Interna, Festschrift U. Hausmann (Tübingen, 1982) 91-100. Gaiser's restoration of the papyrus text does not seem to me compelling, as it starts from the unfounded assumption that Plato did not allow any honorific statue of himself during his lifetime. [BACK]
46 The following examples are illustrated here (fig. 44a-d): (a) Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek 213; Billedtavler I, pl. 16; EA 3995/6; (b) Athens, National Museum 719; Conze I, 83, no. 359, pl. 89; (c) Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek 218; Billedtavler I, pl. 16; EA 3995/6; (d) Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek 212 (= infra n. 51). Cf. also Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 73.AA.116: A. N. Oikonomides, GettyMusJ 5 (1977) 41f.; Athens, National Museum 3505: S. Karusu, AM 96 (1981) 186, with n. 16, pl. 61, 1; and a fragment illustrated in ArchDelt 20 (1965) Chron. 104, pl. 57 b, c. And cf. the wrinkled brows of all the older men on the base of an Attic grave monument of the later fourth century illustrated by Schmaltz (supra n. 42) pl. 28. I am indebted to J. Bergemann, who is preparing a study of Attic gravestones, for a number of suggestions, improvements, and photographs. [BACK]
47 Giuliani 1986, 134ff., with a collection and interpretation of the relevant texts. Cf. in particular Xen. Symp. 8.3; Isoc. Dem. 1.15. [BACK]
48 Weiher 1913, 45ff. [BACK]
49 A statuette of a seated man, now lost, with the inscription . .LATON, must belong in the Hellenistic period by the rendering of the drapery: Fittschen 1987, 153; Richter II, 167, fig. 960. The bust in Kassel (supra n. 44) is also not evidence for a seated statue. The pattern of the drapery folds is also consistent with a standing figure; cf. the statuette of Socrates, fig. 33. On grave stelai there are mature men who have drawn the mantle over their right shoulder: e.g., the stele of Artemon; B. Vierneisel-Schlörb, Glyptothek, München, Katalog der Skulpturen, vol. 3, Klassische Grabdenkmäler und Votivreliefs (Munich, 1988) 43ff., no. 9. The erect posture of the head on the small bust in Kassel could well be an accurate reflection of the original, and this too would argue against a seated statue. The same is true of a portrait type of Isocrates, which should be combined with a normal standing statue like the statuette of Socrates: Richter II, 208, figs. 1346ff.; Richter-Smith 1984, 141; Villa Albani I, 216f., no. 70, pls. 120-21 (L. Giuliani). [BACK]
50 Giuliani 1986, 138. [BACK]
51 Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek 212; Billedtavler I, pl. 16; E. Bielefeld, AA, 1962, 91f.; Vierneisel (supra n. 2) 26; Fittschen 1988, 24, Pl. 50.2. On this phenomenon see further Fittschen, 24; V. Poulsen, ActaArch 14 (1943), 68. [BACK]
52 For Theophrastus see Schefold 1943, 98; Richter II, 176, fig. 1022; and, most recently, L. Giuliani, in Villa Albani I, 463, no. 152. For Aristotle see F. Studniczka, Das Bildnis des Aristoteles (Leipzig, 1908) = Fittschen 1988, 147ff.; Schefold 1943, 96; Richter II, 172ff., figs. 976ff.; Richter-Smith 1984, 97; Fittschen, pls. 76ff. The facial expression of the fine copy of Antonine date in Vienna (Richter II, figs. 976-78, 985) goes beyond the other preserved copies in the rendering of signs of old age, and I believe the Antonine copyist may have exaggerated these.
A comparable phenomenon has also been observed in Roman portraiture, though to an even greater extent. That is, the portraits of average citizens were assimilated, even in physiognomic detail, to those of the reigning emperor, who served as the exemplar. On this phenomenon of the "Zeitgesicht" in the Imperial period see Zanker 1982. [BACK]
53 See, for example, N. Himmelmann's article in the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 1993, no. 46, p. N5. [BACK]
54 There are, of course, exceptions. Cf., for example, the stele of Thraseas and Euandria in Berlin: Diepolder 1931, Pl. 44; or the stele in Kansas City: B. F. Cook, AntPl IX (Berlin, 1969) 70, fig. 5. [BACK]
55 Cf. PCG, ed. Kassel and Austin (Berlin, 1986) 5: 142f.; Weiher 1913, 52ff. With its piling up of other topoi of the ridicule of philosophers, as well as its enumeration of other targets, the passage can hardly, in my view, be interpreted as having a "programmatic meaning" for the self-image of the philosophers, as Himmelmann has argued. [BACK]
56 W. Hoepfner and E. L. Schwandner, Haus und Stadt im klassischen Griechenland (Munich, 1986). [BACK]
57 A votive relief of a shoemaker, for example, from the Athenian Agora, depicts four men at work. They wear their mantles in the same correct manner as their contemporaries on grave stelai or in honorific statuary, although this can hardly be the way they dressed in real life. It must have been their principal concern as well to emphasize what exemplary citizens they were. See J. M. Camp, The Athenian Agora: Excavations in the Heart of Classical Athens (London, 1986) 147, fig. 126. [BACK]
58 The standard work for reconstruction of the historical sequence is now C. Habicht, Untersuchungen zur politischen Geschichte Athens im 3. Jahrhundert v. Chr. (Munich, 1979). After the collapse of the democracy (and the death of Demosthenes) in 322, there followed first an oligarchy for four years, then the ten-year quasi-tyrannical regime of the Peripatetic philosopher Demetrius of Phaleron, 317-307. Then a democratic phase of four years' duration, a reasonably democratic constitution from 303 to 294, seven years of oligarchy until 287, then the radical democracy under Demochares until 270/69. [BACK]
59 Fittschen 1991. This monographic treatment includes all the relevant evidence, as well as a complete list of copies. R. Röwer undertook a complete study of the copies in a Munich dissertation, "Studien zur Kopienkritik frühhellenistischer Porträts" (1980), that is unfortunately still unpublished. [BACK]
60 For the copies see Richter II, figs. 1528ff. The bust in Venice should be dated to the Late Republic and overemphasizes the wrinkles, while the youthful version in Copenhagen rather takes account of both tendencies. Cf. fig. 46. [BACK]
61 For the anecdotes see RE 15.1 (1931) 707ff., s.v. Menandros 9 (A. Körte); Studniczka 1918 = Fittschen 1988, 211. [BACK]
62 On Demetrius of Phaleron see RE 4.2 (1900) 2817-41, s.v. Demetrios 85 (Martini); RE Suppl. II (1968) 514-522, s.v. Demetrios of Phaleron (F. Wehrli). On Demetrius Poliorcetes see Plut. Demetr. and RE 4.2 (1900) 2769-91, s.v. Demetrios 33 (Kaerst). [BACK]
63 On the statue of Demosthenes see Schefold 1943, 106; Richter II, 216ff., figs. 1397 ff.; Balty 1978; Giuliani 1986, 139f.; Fittschen 1988, pls. 108-16. The literary testimonia are collected by R. E. Wycherley, Agora, vol. 3, Literary and Epigraphical Testimonia (Princeton, 1957) 210f., nos. 697ff.; cf. B. Hebert, Schriftquellen zur hellenistischen Kunst (Graz, 1989) 8ff. On the decree, recorded in Plot. Mor. 847D, cf. the commentary of F. Ladek, WS 13 (1891) 63-128. On the location of the statue see, most recently, I. Worthington, "The Siting of Demosthenes' Statue," BSA 81 (1986) 389. For the historical background see Habicht (supra n. 58) 68ff.
Concerning the transmission of the statue type, the torso in Brussels of Early Imperial date (Balty 1978) represents the most faithful copy of the body. It has keenly observed and realistic elements of old age that are suppressed or beautified in the two other surviving copies of the body. The hands are preserved only in a modern cast of a now-lost bronze statuette (Richter II, figs. 1511-12) and in one fragment of a hand. The contraction of the brows is also rendered in a variety of ways, but the subtlest copies are also the most expressive, and this is even confirmed by some gems. For the best copies of the head, and especially the facial expression, see in particular the small bronze bust in Naples (Richter II, figs. 1441-43; our fig. 49), a marble bust in Cyrene (Richter, figs. 1485-88), and an amethyst in a private collection (Richter, fig. 1506). [BACK]
64 On the motif and its interpretation see T. Dohrn, JdI 70 (1955) 50ff.; S. Settis, Prospettiva 2 (1975) 4-28; Giuliani 1986, 135. For the multiple meanings of this gesture cf., for instance, Anth. Gr. 2.17ff. and 254f. [BACK]
65 Those who would interpret the mood of the statue as one of melancholy introspection would have to offer evidence that such a possibility even existed at this period. In that case, where are we to think the speaker is actually standing? At home? There is no indication that the viewer is meant to imagine him in private. [BACK]
66 See Pfuhl-Möbius I, 80f., no. III, pl. 25; 185, no. 664, pl. 100; Zanker 1993. [BACK]
67 Torso in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, the so-called Arundel Homer: D. Haynes, The Arundel Marbles (Oxford, 1975) pl. 4 (second century B.C. ). Cf. the drawings by Rubens, reproduced in Boehringer-Boehringer 1939, pls. 108-13. Cf. the torso from Samos: R. Horn, Hellenistische Bildwerke auf Samos, vol. 12 of Samos (Bonn, 1972) 14, 86, no. 7, pl. 20f. (ca. 160 B.C. ). [BACK]
68 Giuliani 1986, 139f. [BACK]