I. Introduction: Image, Space, and Social Values
1 D. Bering, Die Intellektuellen (Stuttgart, 1978) 32ff.; M. Walzer, The Company of Critics (New York, 1988). [BACK]
2 W. Sauerländer, Voltaire, Reclam's Werkmonographie 89 (Stuttgart, 1963). [BACK]
3 P. Raabe, "Dichterverherrlichung im 19. Jahrhundert," in Bildende Kunst und Literatur (Frankfurt, 1970) 79-101; T. Nipperdey, "Nationalidee und Nationaldenkmal in Deutschland im 19. Jh.," HZ 206 (1968) 530-85; R. Selbmann, Dichterdenkmäler in Deutschland. Literaturegeschichte in Erz und Stein (Stuttgart, 1988). Just how long this monument continued to inform the image of the ''bourgeois" is well illustrated by the photograph that caricatures Kandinsky and Klee in the pose of the two princes of poetry: see P. Raabe, Spaziergänge durch Goethe's Weimar (Zurich, 1990) 141. [BACK]
4 From the dedication address for Schwanthaler's monument to Goethe in Frankfurt, 1844, quoted by Raabe 1970 (supra n. 3). [BACK]
5 See, for instance, P. O. Rave, Das geistige Deutschland im Bildnis (Berlin, 1949). [BACK]
6 La gloire de Victor Hugo, exh. cat., Grand Palais (Paris, 1985-86) 318ff.; R. Cadenbach, Mythos Beethoven, exh. cat., Verein Beethoven-Haus (Bonn, 1986) 13ff. [BACK]
7 A. Dückers, Max Klinger (Berlin, 1976); G. Winkler, Max Klinger (Leipzig, 1984). For the positive reaction of some contemporaries see E. Asenijeff, M. Klinger's Beethoven: Eine kunsttechnische Studie (Leipzig, 1902); J. Vogel, Leipziger Skulpturen (Leipzig, 1902) 77ff. Cf. N. Himmelmann, Ideale Nachtheit, Abh. Rhein.-Westf. Akad. Wiss. 73 (Opladen, 1985), 20f. [BACK]
8 Raabe 1970 (supra n. 3). [BACK]
9 On the history of scholarship see Fittschen 1988, 9ff. [BACK]
10 For recent examples of thorough Kopienkritik in the field of Greek portraiture see Kruse-Berdoldt 1975; Scheibler 1989; Stähli 1991; von den Hoff 1994. [BACK]
11 See Neudecker 1988, 64ff. On copying techniques see now M. Pfanner, JdI 104 (1989) 154ff. [BACK]
12 Richter 1962. [BACK]
13 My dating of the Oslo copy to the first century B.C. disagrees with that of Bergemann (1991, 159ff.). I do not believe that the doubts expressed by S. Sande, AAAH ser. B, 2 (1982) 27, on the authenticity of the head in Naples are well founded. [BACK]
14 See the recent discussion by Neudecker (1988, 64ff.). [BACK]
15 Richter I, 47ff. and pls. 1-17. On the copy in Munich, with earlier bibliography on the type, see B. Vierneisel-Schlörb, Glyptothek München, Katalog der Skulpturen, vol. 2, Klassische Skulpturen (Munich, 1979) no. 5, pp. 36-48; Giuliani 1980, 60, no. 15; Voutiras 1980, 54ff.; Fittschen 1988, 18 and pl. 13. [BACK]
16 Red-figure amphora by Euthymides, Munich, Antikensammlungen 2307; CVA Munich 4, pls. 166-67. Many vases of this period show other attempts to conceal baldness with an artful coiffure or distract attention from it: cf. Fittschen 1988, pl. 26, 3. On the coiffure of the Homer portrait see Voutiras 1980, 61. I am, however, not persuaded by the suggestion of H. Kenner, Der Apoll von Belvedere, SBWien 297.3 (Vienna, 1972), adopted by Voutiras, that the knot over the brow carries a cultic reference. The examples she cites have nothing in common. On the characteristics of old age see F. Preisshofen, Untersuchungen zur Darstellung des Greisenalters in der früh-griechischen Dichtung, Hermes Einzelschriften 34 (Wiesbaden, 1977) esp. 117ff. [BACK]
17 A. Esser, Das Antlitz der Blindheit 2 (Leiden, 1961); R. Kretschmer, Geschichte des Blindenwesens (Ratibor, 1925); RAC 3 (1954) 433-46, s.v. Blindheit (E. Lesky). [BACK]
18 B. Ashmole and N. Yalouris, Olympia: The Sculptures of the Temple of Zeus (London, 1967) figs. 32-40. [BACK]
19 Plut. Mor. 432B ( De def. or. 39). Cf. Esser (supra n. 17), with further references. [BACK]
20 Cic. Fin. 5.29; Tusc. 5.114; cf. Esser (supra n. 17) 64. [BACK]
21 B. E. Richardson, Old Age among the Ancient Greeks (Baltimore, 1933) 4ff. [BACK]
22 See R. Stupperich, IstMitt 32 (1982) 224f. [BACK]
23 Naples, Museo Nazionale inv. 6216; D. Comparetti and G. de Petra, La villa ercolanese dei Pisoni (Naples, 1883) 277, no. 83; Lorenz 1965, 13. [BACK]
24 F. Eckstein, Anathemata: Studien zu den Weihgeschenken strengen Stils im Heiligtum von Olympia (Berlin, 1969) 33-42. [BACK]
25 W. Burkett, Griechische Religion der archaischen und klassischen Epoche (Stuttgart, 1977) 440ff. [BACK]
26 Cf. Fittschen 1988, 15ff. [BACK]
27 B. Gentili, Poesia e pubblico nella Grecia antica: Da omero al V secolo (Rome and Bari, 1985) 207 and passim. [BACK]
28 C. Meier, Die politische Kunst der griechischen Tragödie (Munich, 1988) 75ff. [BACK]
29 See most recently Vierneisel-Schlörb (supra n. 15) 39-41, with summary of earlier literature. [BACK]
30 On this passage see most recently L. Beschi, in Pausania, Guida della Grecia, vol. 1, ed. D. Musti and L. Beschi (Vicenza, 1982) 355. [BACK]
31 Hölscher (1975, 191) assumes that Pericles was the patron responsible for both statues. Cf. Lippold 1912, 35; F. Poulsen 1931, 6; Schefold 1943, 64; Gauer 1968, 141. [BACK]
32 The statue is now in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek in Copenhagen: V. Poulsen 1954, 25ff., no. 1, pls. 1-3, 33. On the copies see Richter I, 75ff. and figs. 271-90. For the dating of the copies see Voutiras 1980, 77-91; H. Lauter, ''Zur Chronologie römischer Kopien nach Originalen des V. Jh." (Diss., Bonn, 1966) 114. As far as style and dating of the original are concerned, the association with Phidias was made by A. Furtwängler, Meisterwerke der griechischen Plastik (Leipzig and Berlin, 1893) 1 : 92ff. Cf. E. Buschor, Pheidias der Mensch (Munich, 1948) 60ff.; Voutiras 1980, 85ff. [BACK]
33 K. C. Kurtz and J. Boardman, "Booners," in Greek Vases in the J. Paul Getty Musem 3 (Malibu, 1986) : 67ff. [BACK]
34 Cf., for example, the Doryphorus of Polyclitus: most recently, P. C. Bol, in Polyklet: Der Bildhauer der griechischen Klassik, exh. cat., Liebieghaus (Frankfurt, 1990) 111ff. For this interpretation of the pose see Lippold 1912, 35; also Schefold 1943, 64; Buschor (supra n. 32); Gauer 1968, 141; Metzler 1971, 266. An opposing is held by F. Poulsen (1931, 4-6, 13-15), Voutiras (1980, 87f.), and L. Giuliani (review of Voutiras, in Gnomon 54 [1982] 54), who all reject the interpretation of both Pausanias and modern scholarship and believe the pose is derived from a Hellenistic conception of Anacreon. [BACK]
35 Schefold 1943, 50-53; Kurtz and Boardman (supra n. 33) 47-70; H. A. Shapiro, AJA 85 (1981) 138-40; N. Hoesch, in Kunst der Schale: Kultur des Trinkens, exh. cat., ed. K. Vierneisel and B. Kaeser (Munich, 1990) 276ff. [BACK]
36 See Gauer 1968, 142. [BACK]
37 Kalathos-shaped krater attributed to the Brygos Painter, Munich, Antikensammlungen 2416; Schefold 1943, 54f.; Simon 1976, pl. 150; M. Ohly, Attische Vasenbilder in den Antikensammlungen in München nach Zeichnungen von K. Reichhold 2 (Munich, 1981) 54ff. Professional singers who entertain at a symposium are clearly characterized as such: cf., for example, a somewhat later hero or funerary relief in Rome, Museo Barracco inv. 118; Helbig4 II, no. 1887 (W. Fuchs); K. Schefold, Meisterwerke griechischer Kunst (Basel, 1960) 84, 246, 248, no. 307. [BACK]
38 See Giuliani 1986, 129ff., on "Mimik und Verhaltensnormen in klassischen Zeit"; Hölscher 1975, 197. [BACK]
39 The copies of this type, then erroneously identified as the Spartan king Pausanias, are collected in Richter I, too and figs. 412-25; Richter-Smith 1984, 176ff.; Smith 1990, 132ff.; Fittschen 1988, 19. The series and interpretation are now discussed in detail by Bergemann (1991, 157-89). Cf., however, N. Himmelmann, in Antike Welt 24.1 (1993) 56ff., who gives a very different interpretation, detecting in the portrait peasant features. Cf. id., Realistische Themen in der griechischen Kunst der archaischen und klassische Zeit, JdI-EH 28 (Berlin, 1994) 69ff. [BACK]
40 See Voutiras 1980, 194; Fittschen (1988, 31 n. 58) rightly rejects Voutiras's classicistic dating of the statue. [BACK]
41 The copies generally agree closely in the rendering of the face. The subtlest version is the head in Berlin: Richter I, figs. 277, 280. The copy with erect head: once Palazzo Altemps; Richter, figs. 288-90. [BACK]
42 RE 9 (1916) 2545ff., s.v. infibulatio (J. Jüthner); Voutiras 1980, 89; W. E. Sweet, Sport and Recreation in Ancient Greece (Oxford, 1987) 129f.; id., 11 (1985) 43-49; J. P. Thuillier, Nikephoros 1 (1988) 35ff. [BACK]
43 E.g., red-figure stamnos by the Kleophon Painter, Munich, Antikensammlungen 2414 (contemporary with the statue of Anacreon): CVA Munich 5, pl. 256; B. Philippaki. The Attic Stamnos (Oxford, 1967) 144, no. 4. Cf. the Nolan amphora, a generation earlier, Munich 2339; CVA Munich 2, pl. 53. 3-4, with a komast playing the lyre. Other early examples include the red-figure cup Berlin F 2289; CVA Berlin 2, pl. 80; another red-figure cup, Berlin F 2309; CVA Berlin 2, pls. 69-70, with clear differentiation between older and younger komasts. I am indebted to B. Kaeser for helpful discussion of this problem. For older satyrs cf. the red-figure pelike by the Kleophon Painter, Munich 2361: Beazley, ARV 2 1145, no. 36; Simon 1976, pls. 208f.; cf. also J. L. Caskey and J. D. Beazley, Attic Vase-Paintings in the Museum of Fine Arts Boston, vol. 3 (Oxford, 1963) pl. 87; RA 15. 1 (1910) 222-26, figs. 5-8. [BACK]
44 For instance, on the pinakes from Penteskouphia; Antike Denkmäler I, pls. 7-8; II, pls. 23-24; N. Himmelmann, Archäologisches zum Problem der griechischen Sklaverei, AbhMainz 13 (Mainz, 1971) figs. 3, 6. Cf. in particular the man working the kiln on the foundry cup in Berlin: CVA Berlin 2, 73. See H. Licht, Sittengeschichte Griechenlands, Supplement (Zurich and Leipzig, 1928) 218, on the word kollops as a derogatory term for a catamite with a fat penis head. See also Sweet (supra n. 42) on the practice of lengthening the foreskin ( epispasmos ) and on the efforts of Hellenized Jews to conceal their circumcision. [BACK]
45 H. Flashar, Der Epitaphios des Perikles, SBHeid (Heidelberg, 1969) no. 1, reprinted with additions in id. Eidola (Amsterdam, 1989) 435-81. [BACK]
46 Cf. Kunst der Schale (supra n. 35) 293ff. and passim. [BACK]
47 If there was actually a personal bond between Pericles' father and Anacreon, as a fragment of the poet has suggested to some, then putting up the statue would have been an ideal opportunity for Pericles to portray his close association with artists and intellectuals as an old family tradition. On the supposed association see RE 1 (1894) 2038, s.v., Anakreon (O. Crusius); D. Page, Poetae Melici Graeci (Oxford, 1962) 493. [BACK]
48 So Voutiras 1980, 87ff., followed by N. Himmelmann, Ideale Nacktheit in der griechischen Kunst, JdI-EH 26 (Berlin, 1990) 77. The unusual stylization of the statue, which can hardly be read as a specifically oligarchic message, would seem to argue against this interpretation. Besides, the position of the oligarchic party in the years when Pericles was at the height of his power makes this scenario very unlikely. Cf. E. Stein-Hölkeskamp, Adelskultur und Polisgesellschaft (Stuttgart, 1989) 13gff. The fact that Anacreon was later invoked by oligarchs like Kritias (the basis of Voutiras's argument) simply shows how popular the poet continued to be in Athens as a symbol of the life of pleasure. [BACK]
49 This portrait type, referred to as A, was first fully investigated in a detailed study by Scheibler (1989), who summarizes the arguments for the early dating. Cf. Richter I, 109, figs. 456-82. [BACK]
50 G. B. Kerferd, ed., The Sophists and Their Legacy, Hermes Einzelschriften 44 (Wiesbaden, 1981); J. Martin, Saeculum 27 (1976) 143ff. [BACK]
51 Weiher 1913, 5ff. Cf. K. J. Dover, Aristophanes' Clouds (Oxford, 1968) xxxii-lvii; P. Green, "Strepsiades, Socrates, and the Abuses of Intellectualism," GRBS 20 (1979) 15-25. [BACK]
52 Paris, Louvre G 610; E. Pottier, Vases antiques du Lowre, vol. 3 (Paris, 1922) pl. 157; Metzler 1971, 101, fig. 11. [BACK]
53 Schefold 1943, 56, 103; Metzler 1971, 94f; Helbig4 I, no. 978 (H. Sichtermann), with the correct dating in the second half of the fifth century. I assume that the identification is correct, though in the present context it makes no difference. [BACK]
54 See Xen. Symp. 5.5-7 for the bulging eyes, the pug nose with flaring nostrils, and the large mouth with thick lips; Pl. Symp. 215f. for the comparison with silens, satyrs, and Marsyas; and Pl. Meno 80A for the comparison with a stingray. Cf. Scheibler 1989, 25ff., with further references. [BACK]
55 Sokrates 1989, 33ff. On the iconography of silens and satyrs see Roscher, ML IV: 444ff., s.v. Satyros (E. Kuhnert). [BACK]
56 Naples, Museo Nazionale: H. Fuhrmann, RM 55 (1940) 78ff.; Schefold 1943, 162, 215; Richter I, 117f.; F. Winter and E. Pernice, Die hellenistische Kunst in Pompeji (Berlin and Leipzig, 1932) 5: 76ff., pls. 48f.; A. Rumpf, in Analecta Archaeologica, Festschrift F. Fremersdorf (Cologne, 1960) 93ff. Apart from the Naples relief, the scene is repeated on two terra-cotta appliqués (imitating a bronze vessel). The J. Paul Getty Museum recently acquired a fine fragment of another bronze copy: GettyMusJ 20 (1992) 142f., no. 7. The head of Socrates, however, cannot be identified with Type A but is rather a free conflation of the two principal types. As evidence of this, one may note the sharp elevation of the right shoulder in the copy of the head in Toulouse (Richter I, figs. 473-75), which matches the image on the relief. [BACK]
57 F. Brommer, Der Parthenonfries (Mainz, 1977) pls. 165, 177; cf. H.-G. Hollein, Bürgerbild und Bildwelt der attischen Demokratie auf rotfigurigen Vasen des 6.-4. Jh. v. Chr. (Frankfurt, 1988) 17ff., 56, 255 ("Schole-Typus"). [BACK]
58 Red-figure skyphos, Bari, Museo Nazionale R 150; F. A. G. Beck, Album of Greek Education (Sydney, 1975) pl. 53. 276a. Cf. A. Greifenhagen, RM 46 (1931) 27ff. On the relationship of Socrates and Silenus see C. Weickert, in Festschrift J. Loeb (Munich. 1930) 103-110; see most recently H. Schulze, "Trophos: Unfreie Erzieher in der antiken Kunst und Gesellschaft" (Diss., Munich, 1994). [BACK]
59 This interpretation is hinted at by Giuliani (1980, 63, no. 19). [BACK]
60 A portrait like this does, however, presuppose viewers able to look critically at Athenian art, with its idealizing style and its tendency to suppress the variety of actual appearance. But there is also evidence starting in the second quarter of the fifth century for more "realistic" portraiture, that is, portraiture more oriented toward characteristic features of actual appearance. These sources suggest that a sculptor like Demetrios of Alopeke, whom Quintilian (12.10.9) describes as similitudinis quam pulchritudinis amantior, was not completely eccentric. If he could portray the Corinthian general Pellichos with protruding belly, bulging veins, and disheveled hair, "just like a living man" (Lucian Philops. 18), then there must have been people in the late fifth century who were prepared to discuss such violations of aesthetic norms in the same way they discussed Kleon and his violation of traditional standards of conduct in the popular assembly (cf. pp. 45ff.). On Demetrios see Laubscher 1982, 63f. [BACK]