V. Hadrian's Beard
1 See Hahn 1989, with extensive bibliography; J. Christes, Bildung und Gesellschaft: Die Einschätzung der Bildung und ihrer Vermittler in der griechischrömischen Antike (Darmstadt, 1975); Bardon 1971, 95-106; P. Courcelle, ''La figure du philosophe d'après les écrivains latin de l'antiquité," JSav, 1980, 85-101; A. B. Breebaart, "The Freedom of the Intellectual in the Roman World," Talanta 7 (1975) 55-75; P. Desideri, "Intellettuali e potere," in Civiltà dei romani, vol. 2, Il potere e l'esercito, ed. S. Settis (Milan, 1991) 235-40; S. Laursen, ''Greek Intellectuals in Rome—Some Examples," Acta Hyperborea 5 (1993) 191-211. [BACK]
2 On the portrait of Cicero see, most recently, H. R. Goette, RM 92 (1985) 291ff., who questions the identification; in favor: Giuliani 1986, 324f. For the portrait of Seneca see C. Blümel, Katalog der Sammlung antiker Skulpturen, vol. 6, Römische Bildnisse (Berlin, 1933) R 106, pl. 71; M. Bergmann, in Römisches Porträt 1982, 144. [BACK]
3 Hahn 1989, 172ff. [BACK]
4 There are, however, a number of literary references to portraits of Roman writers: see Neudecker 1988, 71. [BACK]
5 On this subject, and on what follows, see Neudecker 1988, 65ff.; M. Fuchs, Untersuchungen zur Ausstattung römischer Theater in Italien und in den westlichen Provinzen des Imperium Romanum (Mainz, 1987). [BACK]
6 E. Gruen, Studies in Greek Culture and Roman Policy (Leiden, 1990); E. Rawson, The Intellectual Life of the Late Republic (London, 1985). [BACK]
7 See my comments in Zanker 1988, 28-29. [BACK]
8 Neudecker 1988, 14f.; Cic. Att. 4.16.3: deus ille noster Plato . [BACK]
9 L. Beschi, I bronzetti romani di Montorio, Istituto veneto memorie 33.2 (Venice, 1962) 13ff.; Hist. Aug., Aurel. 3.5; Hist. Aug., Lampr. Alex. 29.2. Cf. Neudecker 1988, 32, 72. [BACK]
10 On busts of Hippocrates as tomb offerings see G. Becatti, RendPontAcc 21 (1945-46) 123-41. The authenticity of the interesting notices of the two lararia of the emperor Severus Alexander in the Historia Augusta (29.2; 31.4) has been questioned. See Neudecker 1988, 72, 32. [BACK]
11 For surviving examples of such rings see Richter I-II, passim, and the catalogues of individual museums. [BACK]
12 V. M. Strocka has recently found evidence for such a private "home library" with the fittings for a large built-in bookcase. The room measures about twelve square meters and is located between a smaller dining room and a cubiculum and, like the latter, opens onto a terrace with a view. Well-preserved frescoes of the Second Style on two of the walls show two contemporary Romans (identifiable as such because they are beardless), one of them shown as a poet, the other, as Strocka suggests, as a scholar with his pointer. Both wear the Greek himation. These frescoes were probably meant to celebrate the literary abilities of the house's owner or those of his friends. It is also quite possible that both figures represent the same individual. See Strocka 1993. [BACK]
13 Neudecker 1988, 12. [BACK]
14 On Roman copies of Greek portraits in the form of herms, see A. Stähli, "Ornamentum Academiae," Acta Hyperborea 4 (1992) 147-72. This material has never been collected and studied. Cf. Richter I-II and the index to K. Schefold. Die Wände Pompejis (Berlin, 1957); Theophilidou 1984, 243-348. [BACK]
15 For Bias see Richter I, 87, fig. 354. For Socrates, Richter, 113, no. 12, fig. 503. For a seated statue of Euripides with a catalogue of his work see Richter, 137, figs. 760-61. On the encyclopedic galleries see Neudecker 1988, 64ff. [BACK]
16 It is only in this light that we can make sense of a dramatic anecdote like that of Herodes, the father of the famous orator, who ordered his slaves to stone the herms of the orators of the past, on the grounds that they had taught his son the wrong kind of oratory (Philostr. VS 521). [BACK]
17 A. Héron de Villefosse, "Le trésor de Boscoreale," MonPiot 5 (1899); Schefold 1943, 166f.; F. Baratte, Le trésor d'orfèvrerie romaine de Boscoreale (Paris, 1986) 65-67; K. M. D. Dunbabin, "Sic erimus cuncti . . . The Skeleton in Graeco-Roman Art," JdI 101 (1986) 185-255, esp. 224ff. [BACK]
18 G. Calza, "Die Taverne der Sieben Weisen in Ostia," Die Antike 15 (1939) 99-115; A. von Salis, "Imagines illustrium," in Eumusia, Festgabe für E. Howald (Zurich, 1947) 11-29. Cf. R. Neudecker, Die Pracht der Latrine (Munich, 1994) 35ff., which offers a new interpretation. [BACK]
19 Fittschen 1992a. [BACK]
20 Such figures represented with Greek dress and manners were evidently common. Cf. the statue of a young man in long mantle from the Villa dei Papiri: Zanker 1988, 30, fig. 24; and the two intellectuals in Greek mantle in the library of House VI 17, 41 at Pompeii, recently discussed by Strocka 1993. [BACK]
21 The need on the part of Roman politicians and generals to have their deeds celebrated in literary panegyric goes back to the Middle Republic. If Ennius was able to cultivate close relationships with the heads of several noble families and could not only be buried in the tomb of the Scipiones but even have a statue of himself placed before the facade of the monument, between two famous members of the family (a story, however, that may be doubted), this can mean only that there was already considerable prestige attached to being acquainted with a well-known poet. On the literary sources see W. Suerbaum, Untersuchungen zur Selbstdarstellung älterer römischer Dichter, Spudasmata 14 (Hildesheim, 1968) 208ff. Giuliani's (1986, 163ff., 172ff.) identification of this statue with a portrait in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek in Copenhagen remains entirely hypothetical. Cf. K. Fittschen, AA, 1991, 253-70, esp. 255ff. [BACK]
22 Friedländer II, 191 and esp. 214f.; Bardon 1971, 101ff. Cf. now M. Bergmann, "Zu Nero," TrWPr, 1994. [BACK]
23 For collections of sources see M. Nowicka, Le portrait dans la peinture antique (Warsaw, 1993) 130ff.; G. Cavallo, "Libro e cultura scritta," in Storia di Roma (Turin, 1989) 4: 693-734, with extensive illustrations; id., "Testo, libro, lettura," in Lo spazio letterario di Roma antica, ed. G. Cavallo et al. (Rome, 1990) 307-41. K. Stemmer, Casa dell'Ara Massima VI 16, 15-17 (Munich, 1992) figs. 154ff., gives a good idea of how the tondi were placed on the wall. E. G. Turner, Greek Papyri (Oxford, 1968) interprets the "Hermione grammatike" of a well-known mummy portrait at Girton College, Cambridge, as a ''literary lady . . . of the Graeco-Roman middle class'' (p. 77). [BACK]
24 For the statue in Buffalo see K. Lehmann-Hartleben, "Some Ancient Portraits," AJA 46 (1942) 204-16; R. Wünsche, "Eine Bildnisherme in der Münchner Glyptothek," MüJb 31 (1980) 25ff. For the statue in the Terme see Wünsche, 26f. and figs. 22-23. [BACK]
25 Helbig 4 II, no. 1734; IGR I, 116ff., nos. 350-52; Marrou 1938, 130, no. 151, 205f.; and, most recently, Blanck 1992, 72ff., fig. 45. [BACK]
26 On the typology of the portraits of Trajan and Hadrian see Fittschen-Zanker I, 44ff., nos. 46ff. [BACK]
27 M. Bergmann, "Zeittypen im Kaiserporträt," in Römisches Porträt 1982, 144f.; S. Walker, "Bearded Men," Journal of the History of Collections 3.2 (1991) 265-77; P. Cain, Männerbildnisse neronisch-flavischer Zeit (Munich, 1993) 100-104, with earlier references on the problem of beards in Roman portraiture.
For the statue in Cyrene see E. Rosenbaum, A Catalogue of Cyrenaican Portrait Sculpture (London, 1960) no. 34, pl. 26; H. G. Niemeyer, Studien zu den statuarischen Darstellungen der römischen Kaiser (Berlin, 1968) 90, no. 31, pl. 9, 1. [BACK]
28 See P. Graindor, "Les cosmètes du Musée d'Athènes," BCH 39 (1915) 241-401; E. Lattanzi, I ritratti des cosmeti (Rome, 1968); Bergmann 1977, 80ff.; H. Meyer 1991, 225ff.; von den Hoff 1994, 8f. [BACK]
29 Bowie 1970, 3-41; J. Day, An Economic History of Athens under the Roman Domination (New York, 1942) 183ff.; S. Follet, Athènes au II e et au III e siécle (Paris, 1976); D. J. Geagan, "Roman Athens: Some Aspects of Life and Culture I," in ANRW 2.7.1 (1979) 389ff.; D. Willers, Hadrians panhellenisches Program: Archäologische Beiträge zur Neugestaltung Athens durch Hadrian, AntK-BH 16 (Basel, 1990). [BACK]
30 For the kosmetes who resembles Plato see Lattanzi (supra n. 28) 62, pl. 30 (the date is late Hadrianic; Bergmann's [1977, 88] dating is too late); the Socrates look-alike: Munich, Residenz EA 964; E. Weski and H. Frosien-Leinz, Das Antiquarium der Münchner Residenz (Munich, 1987) 245, no. 129, pl. 169; the Theophrastus look-alike: Lattanzi 55, pl. 22; Bergmann 1977, 83f.; the Demosthenes look-alike: ArchDelt 9 (1924-25), Parart. 26, fig. 22; Bergmann 1977, 89. For Arrian as "Neos Xenophon" see J. H. Oliver, AJA 76 (1972) 327f. [BACK]
31 I do not mean to suggest that the resemblance is so close that we may postulate a typological connection. Hadrian's hairstyle is completely different, closer to the luxurious style of a Flavian coiffure (cf. Mart. 7.95.11). [BACK]
32 Zanker 1982, 307-12. [BACK]
33 For the fourth portrait type of Marcus Aurelius see Fittschen-Zanker I, 76, no. 69, pl. 81; Bergmann 1978, 30ff. On p. 26 Bergmann refers to two versions of this type with furrowed brow, but she interprets them as signs of age and worry. My interpretation, for at least some of the late portraits of Type IV, is not vitiated by the fact that the dramatic locks over the brow and the eyes in other copies, and perhaps in the original as well, may carry quite different associations. The message conveyed by such ruler portraits was often composed of a variety of formulas incorporating different qualities. For Pertinax see Bergmann, 33 n. 72. [BACK]
34 There is a text and Italian translation in Classici greci, Opere di Sinesio di Cirene, Epistole operette inni, ed. I. Lana and A. Garyza (Turin, 1989) 620f. [BACK]
35 For the portraits illustrated here see the following sources: fig. 121a: Rome, Palazzo dei Conservatori 2411; 121b: Vatican Museum, Chiaramonti 1750; 121c: Munich, Glyptothek 429; 121d: Rome, Villa Albani ( Villa Albani I, no. 154, pl. 272; and cf. the other examples at pls. 266-67); 121e: Florence, Museo Bardini (cf. K. Fittschen, in Eikones: Festschrift H. Jucker, AntK-BH 12 [Bern, 1980] 108-14, pl. 38, 3); 121f. Toulouse, Musée Saint Raymond (cf. Fittschen, pl. 38, 4). Fig. 122a: Rome, Capitoline Museum 513 (Hekler 1912, pl. 274a; Fittschen, in the still unpublished text to the catalogue in Fittschen-Zanker II, lists numerous additional examples of this type with bald head); 122b: Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 85.AA.112; 122c: Rome, Capitoline Museum 710 (Stuart Jones, Cap., 318, no. 11, pl. 79; the interpretation as an athlete is given by Fittschen in the unpublished text cited above); 122d: New York, Collection of Shelby White and Leon Levy (D. von Bothmer, ed., Glories of the Past [New York, 1990] 221, no. 161); 122e: Ostia Museum 1386 (Helbig 4 IV, no. 3135); 122f: Ostia Museum 68 (Helbig 4 IV, no. 3136; H: 34 cm). One can find many more examples in the various museum catalogues. [BACK]
36 For the so-called Plotinus (fig. 122f) see R. Calza, BdA 38 (1953) 203ff., figs. 1-8; Helbig 4 I, no. 412 (H. von Heintze); H. P. L'Orange, Likeness and Icon (Odense, 1973) 32ff., figs. 1ff. Since all the preserved copies come from Ostia, one of them over-life-size, and one found in a public bathing establishment, the subject must have been an important public figure in the city. He is therefore unlikely to have been a professional philosopher. A very similar head, likewise from Ostia (fig. 122e; now Ostia Museum inv. 1386), displays certain typological differences and thus probably represents yet another public personality of the type with bald head. [BACK]
37 A glance through the catalogues of the major collections of portraits will confirm this impression. Despite the generally problematic state of our evidence, it would nevertheless be worthwhile to compile more precise statistics on the various types of bust, in order to judge more accurately which were held in high regard in each individual period. [BACK]
38 Thessaloniki, Archaeological Museum inv. no. 1058: G. Bakalakis, AA, 1973, 682, fig. 9; J.-C. Balty, BMusBrux 55 (1984) 57. Budapest, National Museum 176: A. Hekler, Die Sammlungen antiker Skulpturen (Budapest, 1929) no. 176; id., Die Antike 16 (1940) 133, figs. 19-20; Stemmer 1988, 192, no. M 10. Cf. also a head in Beirut: Berytus 4 (1937) 111ff. [BACK]
39 Hahn 1989, 161. [BACK]
40 The "philosophers" from Dion are as yet unpublished, though illustrated in calendars and elsewhere. I wish to thank the excavator, D. Pandermalis, for information and photos. Cf. Ergon, 1987, 64f., figs. 64-65; BCH 112 (1988) 646, fig. 71; ArchRep 35 (1988-89) 66, fig. 92. M. Bergmann points out to me that the heads with facial features assimilated to those of Caracalla are significantly smaller, thus perhaps reworked. We are dealing, then, with two different bodies of material. [BACK]
41 We may also compare a group of five philosopher statues of eclectic types found in Athens, two of them in the pose of Epicurus. See Dontas 1971, 16-33, pls. 1-8. [BACK]
42 For the so-called Aelius Aristides see Richter III, 287, figs. 2051-53; Helbig 4 I, no. 463; A. Giuliano, DialArch 1 (1967) 72ff., who, however, takes the inscription as ancient, though I would rather think it is modern. [BACK]
43 Richter III, 285, fig. 2033 (tentatively dated to the Severan period); La colonna Traiana, ed. S. Settis (Turin, 1988) 65. [BACK]
44 For the sarcophagus New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art 48.76.1, see A. M. McCann, Roman Sarcophagi in the Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York, 1978) no. 24; A. Hillert, Antike Ärztedarstellungen (Frankfurt, 1990) 155ff., no. 29, fig. 32; Amedick 1991, 116, 135, no. 81, pl. 114f. [BACK]
45 Cf. the examples collected by Hillert (supra n. 44). [BACK]
46 On Apuleius see RE 2.1 (1896) 246ff., s.v. Apuleius 9 (Schwabe). [BACK]
47 G. Brugnoli, "Le statue di Apuleio," AnnCagl 29 (1961-65) 11-25. The portrait of Apuleius on contorniates is beardless and has long hair; thus the prototype cannot belong to his own lifetime. The type was probably created in the fourth century A.D. , as suggested also by a comparison with the "Sophist" from Aphrodisias; see Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1982, pl. 2, 5. [BACK]
48 See Hahn 1989, 51, 59; A. D. Nock, "Conversion and Adolescence," in Pisculi: Studien zur Religion und Kultur des Altertums, Festschrift F. J. Dölger, Antike und Christentum Ergänzungsband 1 (Münster, 1939) 165-77; reprinted in A. D. Nock, Essays on Religion in the Ancient World (Oxford, 1972) 469-80. On Peregrinus see Jones 1986, 117ff. [BACK]
49 Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum I 113; R. von Schneider, Album auserlesener Gegenstände der Antikensammlung des allerhöchster Kaiserhauses (Vienna, 1895) 7; E. Buschor, Das Porträt (Munich, 1960) 135, fig. 93; Stemmer 1988, 192, no. M 11. [BACK]
50 Athens, National Museum 340, from the Athenian Asklepieion according to Kavvadias; ABr 438-39; H. Meyer 1991, 227, pl. 138, 3-4. [BACK]
51 For the old man in the Capitoline see Stuart Jones, Cap., 239, no. 50, pl. 54; Hekler 1912, 43, pl. 278a. The head will be treated by K. Fittschen in Fittschen-Zanker II. [BACK]
52 Athens, Acropolis Museum; ABr 440; H. Meyer 1991, 227, pl. 138, 2, with additional examples. [BACK]
53 I give here only a few of the many examples that will indicate the direction of my argument: Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek; V. Poulsen II, 85ff., no. 62, pls. 99, 100 (from Athens); no. 63, pl. 101; no. 65, PIS. 104-5; 153, no. 152, pl. 245; Berlin, Pergamonmuseum SK 318; Stemmer 1988, 42f., no. D9; cf. K. Fittschen, in Mousikos Aner, Festschrift Max Wegner (Bonn, 1992) 115ff., with a different interpretation. K. Fittschen, Katalog der antiken Skulpturen in Schloss Erbach (Berlin, 1977) 90, no. 33, pl. 39 (for the contrast of hair and beard); Rome, Museo Torlonia; R. Calza, Scavi di Ostia, vol. 9 (Rome, 1978), I ritratti, 34, no. 38, pl. 30; Florence, Uffizi inv. 1114.n.371; G. Mansuelli, Galleria degli Uffizi: Le sculture (Rome, 1961) 2: 96, no. 110. [BACK]
54 Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek 706; V. Poulsen II, 105f., no. 92, pls. 154-55. M. Bergmann dates the portrait "nicht zu spät in hadrianische Zeit" ( Gnomon 53 [1981] 183). [BACK]
55 B. M. Felletti-Maj, Museo Nazionale Romano: I ritratti (Rome, 1953) 113f., no. 222 (identified as Lucius Verus); cf. no. 201: K. Fittschen, JdI 86 (1971) 214-52. [BACK]
56 For the bust of Theon see Hekler 1940, 124f., fig. 3; Schefold 1943, 180, 3; K. Fittschen, in Inan-Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1979, 162ff., no. 115, pls. 95, 105. On Theon himself see RE 5.A2 (1934) 2067, s.v. Theon 14 (K. von Fritz). [BACK]
57 P. Hadot, Philosophie als Lebensform: Geistige Übungen in der Antike (Berlin, 1991); M. Foucault, The Care of the Self, vol. 3 of History of Sexuality, trans. R. Hurley (New York, 1986) esp. 53ff. [BACK]
58 On Herodes Atticus see Richter III, 286, figs. 2044ff.; Schefold 1943, 180f. [BACK]
59 Inan-Rosenbaum 1966, 127, no. 150, pls. 83, 3 and 87, 3-4. [BACK]
60 Inan-Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1979, 186, pl. 139, with commentary on the inscription by J. Reynolds. [BACK]
61 For the two busts said to come from Smyrna, now Brussels, Musée du Cinquentenaire inv. A1078/79, see Inan-Alféldi-Rosenbaum 1979, 164ff., nos. 116-17, pls. 96-97. [BACK]
62 Athens, National Museum 427; ABr 639-40; Hekler 1940, 125, figs. 6-7; Schefold 1943, 180f.; Richter III, 235, figs. 2034-37; Willers (supra n. 29) 44, pl. 4, 1-3 (dated Late Hadrianic/Early Antonine). On Polemon see RE 21.2 (1952) 1320ff., s.v. Polemon 10 (W. Stegemann), esp. 1353 on the speech in Athens. [BACK]
63 K. Fittschen, in Greek Renaissance 1989, 108-13. [BACK]
64 See Philsotr. VS 552, 558; W. Ameling, Herodes Atticus (Hildesheim, 1983) 1: 113ff.; 2: cat. nos. 148-82; K. A. Neugebauer, "Herodes Atticus, Ein antiker Kunstmäzen," Die Antike 10 (1943) 99f.; H. Meyer, AM 100 (1985) 393-404. [BACK]
65 Glories of the Past: Ancient Art from the Shelby White and Leon Levy Collection, ed. D. von Bothmer (New York, 1990) 214f., no. 155. We might also place in this context the famous bust of the so-called Rhoimetalkes from the Theatre of Dionysus in Athens: Fittschen (supra n. 63) 109, pl. 38; Bergmann 1977, 80ff. [BACK]
66 See my paper in Greek Renaissance 1989, 102-7. [BACK]
67 See Sympotica: A Symposium on the Symposion, ed. O. Murray (Oxford, 1990), esp. the paper on Athenaeus by A. Lukinovich on pp. 263-71; Dining in a Classical Context, ed. W. J. Slater (Ann Arbor, 1991). [BACK]
68 Bowersock 1969, 43ff.; E. L. Bowie, "The Importance of Sophists," in Later Greek Literature, Yale Classical Studies 17 (New Haven, 1982) 29-59. [BACK]
69 See Koch-Sichtermann 1982. For an example of this method of interpretation see L. Giuliani, JBerlMus N.F. 31 (1989) 25-29. [BACK]
70 Paris, Louvre MA 659; Baratte-Metzger 1985, 29ff.; Amedick 1991, 63ff., 140, no. 114, pls. 52-53; cf. Koch-Sichtermann 1982, 107ff. [BACK]
71 Cf. M. R. Lefkowitz and M. B. Fant, Women's Life in Greece and Rome 2 (London, 1992) 188-89. [BACK]
72 J. Toynbee and J. Ward Perkins, The Shrine of St. Peter and the Vatican Excavations (London, 1956) 82f; H. Mielsch and H. von Hesberg, MemPontAcc 16.2 (in preparation; cf. the preliminary remarks of Mielsch in Stemmer 1988, 186ff.). [BACK]
73 Hahn 1989, 35; RE 6 (1909) 1216, s.v. Euphrates 4 (H. von Arnim). On the characteristics of these "divine men" see Bieler I. [BACK]
74 See RE 16.1 (1933) 893, s.v. Musonius Rufus (K. von Fritz). [BACK]
75 See M. Billerbeck, Der Kyniker Demetrius: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der frühkaiserzeitlichen Popularphilosophie (Leiden, 1979); RE 4 (1900) 2843, s.v. Demetrios 91 (H. von Arnim). [BACK]
76 M. Morford, Stoics and Neostoics: Rubens and the Circle of Lipsius (Princeton, 1991) esp. 155f., figs. 6, 23. [BACK]
77 P. A. Brunt, "Stoicism in the Principate," BSR 43 (1975) 7-35; J. Malitz, "Helvidius Priscus und Vespasian," Hermes 113 (1985) 231-46. Cf. P. Desideri, Dione di Prusa (Messina and Florence, 1978) esp. 187ff. [BACK]
78 Ostia Museum 130 (said to be "da una specie di aula tardo-antica presso il Tempio di Ercole"). The dimensions are 50 × 51 × 12.7 centimeters. G. Calza, Capitolium 14 (1939) 230 ("copisteria antica"); H. Fuhrmann, AA, 1940, 439, fig. 18 ("Versteigerung''); E. G. Turner, Greek Papyri (Oxford, 1968) 189f., pl. 6 (''rhetorician or a teacher"); R. Calza and M. Floreani-Squarciapino, Museo Ostiense (Rome, 1962) 82f., pl. 13 (Christian scene of instructions?); Blanck 1992, 70, fig. 44. I am indebted to H. Blanck for discussing this interesting relief with me. [BACK]
79 See Bieler I. [BACK]
80 On Apollonius see Philostr. VA 1.32. On Dio's long hair see Dio Chrys. 72.2, 12.15; and cf. Hahn 1989, 33ff. See also W. Speyer, "Zum Bild des Apollonios bei Heiden und Christen," JAC 17 (1974) 47ff. [BACK]
81 On the beard styles of the Pythagoreans see also Ath. 4.163f. The one securely identified portrait of Pythagoras himself, on a contorniate of the fourth century A.C. , does not actually show shoulder-length hair, though he does have an extremely long, tapering beard. See Schefold 1943, 172f, no. 19; Richter II, 79, fig. 304. [BACK]
82 On the magical associations of long hair see L'Orange 1947, 28ff., with further references; E. R. Leach, "Magical Hair," Man: Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 88 (1958) 147-68. The best-known of the Classical portraits of intellectuals with long hair is the Homer of the so-called Apollonius type, which probably derived from an original of the late fourth or early third century B.C. See Richter I, 48ff., figs. 25ff.; S. Schröder, Katalog der antiken Skulpturen des Museo del Prado in Madrid (Mainz, 1993) 42f., nos. 17-18. It was because of the long hair that the type was originally identified as Apollonius of Tyana. It is not clear whether in this case the long hair was inspired by analogy with Zeus (as early as 350 B.C. a coin struck on the island of Ios shows Homer with the long hair of Zeus; cf. p. 164 above), or whether it is connected with the long hair of the singer; cf. H. Lohmann, Grabmäler auf unteritalischen Vasen (Berlin, 1979) 278, no. L 3, pl. 13, 2; 283, no. L 34. Occasionally we come across anonymous portraits with long hair. On the well-known philosopher mosaic in Cologne, Chilon the wise man sports long hair: Richter I, fig. 359. In general, however, very long hair is alien to the intellectual portraits of the Classical and Hellenistic periods. [BACK]
83 Rosenbaum (supra n. 27) 65, no. 70, pl. 45; K. Fittschen, in Greek Renaissance 1989, 112. Cf. the similar head with band across the brow in Houghton Hall: F. Poulsen, Greek and Roman Portraits in English Country Houses (Oxford, 1923) 47, no. 21. A key piece of evidence in this context is the Hadrianic relief in Eleusis, showing a hierophant, identified by inscription, with very long hair and a priestly fillet: AJA 64 (1960) 268, pl. 73; BCH 84 (1960) pl. 13. [BACK]
84 O. Weinreich, "Alexander der Lügenprophet," NJbb 47 (1921) 129; Jones 1986, 133ff. [BACK]
85 Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek inv. 2464; ABr 349-50; V. Poulsen 1954, no. 58, pl. 44; Johansen 1992, 146, no. 60 (here described as modern). See the additional references in Poulsen (supra n. 83) 47, no. 21; and cf. the text on EA 4209-13. The prototype of the so-called Modena Euripides could also belong in this context, if indeed there was one, as I believe (as also Fittschen 1988, 122, pl. 159, and, most recently, M. L. Morricone, "Il cosidetto Omero della Galleria degli Uffizi," RendLinc 9.3.2 [1992] 163-92). In a case like this, it is of course not possible to draw a clear distinction from the type of the ascetic with unkempt hair. [BACK]
86 Herakleion Museum; Richter I, 80f., figs. 306-7, 310 (here identified as Heraclitus because of the club); Schefold 1943, 160, no. 14 (here called Heraclitus, "based on a not much earlier classicistic prototype"); Hölscher 1982, 214; Fittschen 1988, pl. 51, 1-2. [BACK]
87 On the identification of the Cynics with Herakles see R. Höistad, Cynic Hero and Cynic King (Uppsala, 1948) 50ff.; B. R. Voss, "Die Keule der Kyniker," Hermes 95 (1967) 124-25. [BACK]
88 In the early third century, this portrait type occurs for the bucolic reading figure, the "philosopher" from the tomb of the Aurelii, and later also occasionally for the seated philosophers on relief sarcophagi (see pp. 282ff.). On the tomb of the Aurelii see G. Bendinelli, MemLinc 28 (1922) 440; G. Wilpert, RendPontAcc 3.1.2 (1924) 25, pl. 7; Himmelmann 1975, 19f.; A. Grabar, The Beginnings of Christian Art (London, 1967) fig. 107 (color illustration). [BACK]