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IV. In the Shadow of the Ancients

1 For the seated statue in Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, see Lippold 1912, 68ff.; Schefold 1943, 138 (identified as Pindar); Buschor 1971, 30, no. 111; V. Poulsen 1954, 77f., no. 53; Richter I, 67ff., figs. 231ff. (Archilochus); Richter-Smith 1984, 176ff.; Giuliani 1986, 159 n. 229; E. Voutiras, in Villa Albani II, 193f., no. 211 (dated late third century); von den Hoff 1994, 108. [BACK]

2 Anth. Lyr. 2 I, frag. 86; Lobel-Page frag. 50 B 18. Cf. F. Preisshofen, Untersuchugen zur Darstellung des Greisenalters in der frühgriechischen Dichtung (Wiesbaden, 1977) 65f. [BACK]

3 For the statue of Pindar from Memphis see Lauer-Picard 1955, 48ff., pls. 4ff.; Richter I, 143, fig. 783. Cf. below in n. 27. [BACK]

4 On the "Pseudo-Seneca" see Schefold 1943, 134; E. Buschor, Bildnisstufen (Munich, 1947) 183; Richter I, 58, figs. 131-230; Buschor 1971, no. 115, fig. 30; Richter-Smith 1984, 191; E. Simon, Pergamon und Hesiod (Mainz, 1975) 59 (who suggests the presence of a Stoic viewpoint); Giuliani 1980, 70 n. 34; Fittschen 1988, pls. 138f. Most archaeologists are currently inclined to the identification as Hesiod. [BACK]

5 See Laubscher 1982, 12 and passim; Bayer 1983, 17ff. On Rubens's "Dying Seneca" see M. Morford, Stoics and Neostoics: Rubens and the Circle of Lipsius (Princeton, 1991). [BACK]

6 See Richter-Smith 1984, 170f. On the copies see M. G. Picozzi, StMisc 22 (1974) 191ff., and, most recently, von den Hoff 1994, 157 (who dates the original to the mid-second century). [BACK]

7 The description of this as a "literarisches Idealporträt" is owed to A. Hekler, ÖJh 18 (1915) 61-65. Cf. Hafner 1954, 64 A 9, pl. 27; Stewart 1979, 29, pl. 5, with further details. [BACK]

8 See Richter I, 151ff., figs. 860ff.; Richter-Smith 1984, 136ff.; A. Krug, Heilkunst und Heilkult: Medizin in der Antike (Munich, 1985) 41f., fig. 10; von den Hoff 1994, 157, with a summary of earlier literature and a dating about the middle of the second century. On the identification see, most recently, A. Hillert, Antike Ärztedarstellungen (Frankfurt, 1990) 30. [BACK]

9 ABr 581-84; J. Frel, Greek Portraits in the J. Paul Getty Museum (Malibu, 1981) 96. For the recent association with the Terme relief (Richter I, figs. 299-300; Richter-Smith 1984, 86) see von den Hoff 1994, 155ff. [BACK]

10 Cf., for example, the funerary reliefs from Smyrna in Pfuhl-Möbius I-II; Zanker 1993. [BACK]

11 On what follows see especially R. Pfeiffer, Geschichte der klassischen Philologie: Von den Anfängen bis zum Ende des Hellenismus (Hamburg, 1970) 125ff.; Fraser 1972, 305f. [BACK]

12 See Satiro, Vita di Euripide, ed. G. Arrighetti, in Studi classici e orientali 13 (1964); RE 2, 2d ser. (1921) 228ff., s.v. Satyros (Kind); U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorf, Sappho und Simonides (Berlin, 1913) 157. More generally, see A. Momigliano, The Development of Greek Biography (Cambridge, 1971). [BACK]

13 M. Gabathuber, "Hellenistische Epigramme auf Dichter" (Diss., Basel, 1937). On the distancing of the "ancient" poets from the present day see P. Bing, "Theokritos' Epigrams on the Statues of Ancient Poets," Antike and Abendland 34 (1982) 117-22. [BACK]

14 The relief is fully documented and well described by D. Pinkwart, in Antike Plastik (Berlin, 1965) 4 : 55ff., pls. 28ff. Cf. H. von Hesberg, JdI 103 (1988) 333-36; E. Voutiras, Egnatia 1 (1989) 131-70, who sees in the relief a specifically Stoic interpretation of Homer and associates it with the school of Krates of Mallos at Pergamon. He identifies the poet represented in the statue on the Muses' hill as Homer himself. But this is unlikely in light of the seated figure of Homer elsewhere on the relief and is also contradicted by all the numismatic evidence. On the portrait features of Chronos and Oikoumene on the Archelaos Relief see, most recently, E. la Rocca, in Alessandria e il mondo ellenistico-romano: Studi in onore di A. Adriani (Rome, 1984) 3 : 638, with n. 45.

The interpretation of the draped statue before a tripod occurs already in Goethe's analytic description: Sophien-Ausgabe (Weimar) ser. 1, vol. 49 2 , 25. Cf. E. Grumach, Goethe und die Antike (Berlin, 1949) 2 : 572ff. [BACK]

15 On the heroon of Bias in Priene see F. Hiller von Gaertringen, Inschriften von Priene (Berlin, 1906) 97ff., no. 111; 106ff., no. 113. On the Bias coins from Priene see K. Regling, Die Münzen von Priene (Berlin, 1927) 34, no. 30, pl. 3; Richter I, fig. 357; Schefold 1943, 173. fig. 8. [BACK]

16 On the Archilocheion see N. M. Kontoleon, Fondation Hardt, Entretiens sur l'antiquité classique 10 (1963); RE Suppl. 11 (1968) 136ff., s.v. Archilochos (M. Treu). [BACK]

17 Lefkowitz 1981. 25ff., esp. 31. [BACK]

18 See Schefold 1943, 173, fig. 6, with commentary by H. Cahn, p. 219. [BACK]

19 See Schefold 1943, 172f. with 218ff., for a collection of coins with retrospective portraits of intellectuals, and cf. the relevant sections of Richter I-II. [BACK]

20 K. A. Esdaile, JHS 32 (1912) 318-25; C. Heyman, "Homer on Coins from Smyrna." in Studia Paulo Naster oblata, vol. 1, Numismatica Antiqua, ed. S. Scheers (Leuven, 1982) 162-73; and, most recently, D. O. A. Klose, Die Münzprägung von Smyrna in der römischen Kaiserzeit (Berlin, 1987) 34ff. [BACK]

21 On the Hellenistic blind Homer see Boehringer-Boehringer 1939, which has the best documentation of all the copies; Schefold 1943, 142, 213; Richter 1, 45ff., figs. 58-106; Richter-Smith 1984, 147ff.; Laubscher 1982, 20; Fittschen 1988, 26. For the dating, in the late third century B.C. , see, most recently, N. Himmelmann, AntK 34 (1991) 110f. [BACK]

22 Boehringer-Boehringer 1939, pls. 92-95; M. Comstock and C. C. Vermeule, Sculpture in Stone (Boston, 1976) 75, no. 119. There are excellent illustrations of the head in ÖJh 18 (1915), 64f., figs. 33-34. [BACK]

23 Boehringer-Boehringer 1939, pls. 66-68; Richter I, figs. 70-72. [BACK]

24 J. W. Goethe, on a "Buste, die in Gyps Abguss vor mir steht," in J. C. Lavater, Physiognomische Fragmente zur Beforderung der Menschenkenntnis und der Menschenliebe (Leipzig and Winterthur, 1775) 245. Cf. the comments of Jakob Burkhardt, in Der Cicerone 10 (Leipzig, 1910) 1 : 161: "I confess that nothing gives me a better impression of the greatness of Greek sculpture than its ability to perceive and to render these traits. A blind singer and poet: that is all they had to go on. And yet the artist endowed the brow and cheeks of the old man with this divine mental struggle, this mighty, conscious effort, yet at the same time, the perfect expression of the inner peace that only the blind enjoy. In the bust in Naples, every stroke of the chisel breathes a spirit and the wonder of life." [BACK]

25 A thorough study of all the copies is still lacking. The analysis of Bayer (1983, 62ff. 204ff.) is based on the plastic forms of the face, which are difficult to apprehend, and comes to the erroneous conclusion that the bronze head in Florence is the best copy of the type. A more promising approach would be to start with the details of the coiffure, especially the thick corkscrew curls at the temples and the roll of hair at the nape, which are most clearly rendered in the Boston head. To this basic type, which is also characterized by the "active" quality of the physiognomy, I would assign the heads in the British Museum (Boehringer-Boehringer 1939, pl. 81), in a private collection (pls. 99ff., though I am not certain it is ancient), in the Capitoline (pls. 59f.), and in Schwerin (pls. 88-91), as well as the now-lost bust that appears in Rembrandt's painting of Aristotle in New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art (pls. 53-55). [BACK]

26 Lefkowitz 1981, 16. [BACK]

27 Lauer-Picard 1955; cf. the review by F. Matz ( Gnomon 29 [1957] 84-93), who noted the significance of the two fragmentary heads with fillets (Lauer-Picard, 85, figs. 41-42; 259, figs. 142-43). On the basis of stylistic criteria and historical considerations he suggested a date in the early second century, which has also been supported by C. Reinsberg, Studien zur hellenistischen Toreutik (Hildesheim, 1980) 118, 184. See now B. S. Ridgway, Hellenistic Sculpture (Madison, 1990) 1 : 131ff. A new study of the group, which has been quite inadequately published, is being prepared by M. Bergmann and R. Wünsche. [BACK]

28 On the Hellenistic Socrates see Richter I, 110f.; L. Giuliani, in Villa Albani I, 466ff., no. 153, pls. 270-71, with earlier bibliography; Sokrates 1989, 52, which refers to a painting of the seated Socrates in one of the so-called Hanghäuser in Ephesus. On Socrates' importance for Hellenistic philosophy see A. A. Long, "Socrates in Hellenistic Philosophy," CQ 38 (1988) 150-71. [BACK]

29 Cf. Richter I, figs. 563-563a; Sokrates 1989, 53. The head type that appears on the side of the Louvre sarcophagus might actually be the same as the Albani type. A terra-cotta statuette of Socrates may derive from a creation of the Middle Hellenistic period and give us at least some idea of the appropriate body type: see R. Özgan, Selçuk Üniversiti: Edebiyat Fakültesi Dergisi 1 (1981). [BACK]

30 See Andreae (1980) and, most recently, von den Hoff (1994, 140ff.), who traces the history of the copies and provides a stylistic analysis, also arriving at a date in the early second century B.C. He also suggests iconographical parallels with contemporary images of centaurs, satyrs, and giants. I cannot accept the idea that the classicizing beard contains a direct reference to Socrates, for how would the ancient viewer have recognized this? N. Himmelmann, in Phyromachos-Probleme, ed. B. Andreae (Mainz, 1990) 13ff., adheres to the earlier dating of the portrait, in the lifetime of Antisthenes. [BACK]

31 An inscription in Ostia (Helbig 4 IV, no. 3388) suggests that the Antisthenes portrait could be a work of one Phyromachos, who worked at the Pergamene court in the first half of the second century B.C. In that case, we might suppose a link to the Stoic circle centered around the philosopher and grammarian Krates of Mallos at Pergamon, for the Stoics considered Antisthenes, beside Socrates, their greatest forebear. Unfortunately several uncertainties detract from this hypothesis, including the fact that there were several Phyromachoi. Cf. Andreae (supra n. 30) 13ff. [BACK]

32 See Schefold 1943, 146, 213; Richter II, 182ff., figs. 1057-65; Bayer 1983, 38ff.; L. Giuliani, in Villa Albani I, 180ff., no. 55, pls. 100-102, with earlier bibliography; von den Hoff 1994, 129ff. The statuette in the Villa Albani, along with the ancient fragments incorporated into a modern statuette in New York, gives the best idea of what the body looked like, while the head is best represented by the copy in Aix-en-Provence.

Because of the problems of the transmission of the type, I do not believe it is possible to arrive at a dating any more specific than late third or second century B.C. On Diogenes and the Cynics see H. Niehues-Pröbsting, Der Kynismus des Diogenes und der Begriff des Zynismus 2 (Frankfurt, 1988); G. Bodei Giglioni, "Alessandro e i Cinici," in Studi ellenistici, ed. B. Virgilio (Pisa, 1984) 1 :51-73. [BACK]

33 There is a particular problem in the transmission of the statue. Since all five copies thus far known are on the same scale (ca. fifty-five centimeters in height), we must assume that the prototype was also of this size. It is quite possible, however, that this was a kind of "intermediary" original, that is, a reduced version of a life-size original created for a domestic context. The existence of large-scale statues of Diogenes is securely attested (D. L. 6.78; cf. Richter II, 182, no. 1; Neudecker 1988, 231, no. 66, pl. 16, 5).

Whereas the small-scale version broadens the narrative aspect of the composition, a life-size original could, like the Cynic in the Capitoline, have confronted the viewer more directly. Several details would seem to support this notion, such as the detailed working of the back, with its insistently realistic rendering of the aging body, the extended right hand, and the compact form of the head. The flatness of the figure in a side view is best seen in the copies in the Villa Albani and in Afyon. The frontal view of the Albani statuette clearly shows that this small-scale version was intended to be seen at an oblique angle, as the plinth also suggests: Giuliani (supra n. 32) pl. 100. Small-scale statuettes of this kind were popular already in the Hellenistic period and were used in the decoration of ostentatious living areas. The Hellenistic houses of Delos have niches for the exhibition of such statuettes: see M. Kreeb, Untersuchungen zur figürlichen Ausstattung delischer Privathäuser (Chicago, 1988). On miniature copies see now E. Bartman, Ancient Sculptural Copies in Miniature (Leiden, 1992). [BACK]

34 K. Herding, ''Diogenes als Bürgerheld," in id., Zeichen der Aufklärung: Studien zur Moderne (Frankfurt, 1989) 163-83. On the Roman funerary altar see H. Wrede, JdI 102 (1987) 384ff., figs. 3-5, whose interpretation I find too narrow. [BACK]

35 J. Delorme, Gymnasion (Paris, 1960); E. Ziebart, Aus dem griechischen Schulwesen 2 (Leipzig and Berlin, 1914); M. P. Nilsson, Die griechische Schule (Munich, 1955); H. Maehler, "Die griechische Schule im ptolemäischen Ägypten," in Egypt and the Hellenistic World, Proceedings of the International Colloquium, Leuven, 1982 (Leuven, 1983) 191-203; Blanck 1992, esp. 149ff. [BACK]

36 See U. Sinn, Die homerischen Becher (Berlin, 1979), with full references; U. Hausmann, Hellenistische Reliefbecher aus attischen und böotischen Werkstätten (Stuttgart, 1959); on silver vessels and carved rings see especially the illustrations in Richter I-II. [BACK]

37 Richter I. 5, figs. 114-16; cf. U. Pannuti, "L'apotheosi d'Omero," MemLinc ser. misc. 3. 2 (1984) 43-61. [BACK]

38 The most recent study of the portrait of Carneades, with a thorough discussion of the copies, is that of A. Stähli, AA, 1991, 219-52. His argument that the portrait was created posthumously cannot be substantiated with epigraphical evidence, as Christian Habicht kindly assures me. Aside from the prosopographical arguments, Habicht points out that, according to S. V. Tracy, Attic Letter Cutters, 229 to 86 B.C., Hesperia Suppl. 15 (Princeton, 1975) 138-41, the Carneades inscription is attributed to the "cutter of IG II 2 3479," who was active during the philosopher's lifetime. Likewise, Stähli's stylistic comparisons do not, in my view, support a dating in the last quarter of the second century. The two dedicators, Attalus and Ariarathes, are not foreign princes, as previously believed, but Athenians with royal names, as shown by the new victor list of the Panathenaic Games of 170: cf. Tracy and Habicht, Hesperia 60 (1991) 188f. [BACK]

39 Habicht 1988. [BACK]

40 For the portrait of "Panaitios" see ABr 999-1000; Hafner 1954, 11 R 2; G. Lippold, Vat. Kat. III, 2, 480, no. 50, pl. 213; 493, no. 68; von den Hoff 1994, 113. [BACK]

41 Schefold 1943, 150; Hafner 1954, 10 R 1; Richter III, 282, fig. 2020; Richter-Smith 1984, 189f. Cf. the statue of a man from Rhodes, a Greek original with a similar head: Hafner, 22 R 17, pl. 7. [BACK]

42 For the grave monument of Hieronymos see Pfuhl-Möbius II, 500f., pl. 300; P. M. Fraser, Rhodian Funerary Monuments (Oxford, 1977) 34ff., 129f., fig. 97. The style suggests a date in the second half of the second century (also according to Pfuhl-Möbius), so that he cannot be identified with the Peripatetic philosopher of the same name. [BACK]

43 Berlin, Staatliche Museen inv. SK 1462; for a good illustration see H. Froning, Marmor-und Schmuckreliefs mit griechischen Mythen (Mainz, 1981) 80, pl. 66, with earlier bibliography; cf. H. von Hesberg, JdI 103 (1988) 348. Of relevance to the interpretation may be Isidorus' explanation of the symbolic meanings of letters: Orig. 1, 3, 7-9. He reports, for example, that the Y represents the Pythagorean exemplum vitae humanae, because the two strokes symbolize the steep ascent to the vita beata, as well as the easy descent into ruin. [BACK]

44 On a somewhat later relief in Berlin, the element of heroization is now quite explicit. Of interest for us is the fact that the physician accorded heroic honors is rendered in the manner of a philosopher giving instruction, seated on a high-backed, thronelike chair: A. Hilpert, Antike Ärztedarstellungen (Frankfurt, 1990) 14ff., fig. 14. On the position of the "house philosopher" in Rome see E. Rawson, "Roman Rulers and the Philosophic Adviser," in Griffin 1989, 233-57. [BACK]

45 On the comments that follow see Giuliani 1986, 156ff.; Fittschen 1991, 258ff.; P. Zanker, "Individuum und Typus," in Akten des III. internationalen Kolloquiums über das römische Porträt, Prague, 1988 (in press). [BACK]

46 For an overview of the material see Michalowski 1932; Buschor 1971; Hafner 1954; Stewart 1979; P. Zanker, "Zur Rezeption des hellenistischen Individualporträts in Rom und in den campanischen Städten," in Hellenismus in Mittelitalien, vol. 2, ed. P. Zanker, AbhGött 3d ser., no. 97 (1976) 581ff. [BACK]

47 Cf. Giuliani 1986, 156ff. [BACK]

48 In the discussion that follows I rely on the as-yet unpublished dissertation of Fabricius (Munich, 1992); cf. also Zanker 1993. [BACK]

49 For the stele in Winchester see Pfuhl-Möbius, I, 222, no. 855, pl. 125. [BACK]

50 Stele in Leiden: Pfuhl-Möbius I, 217, no. 831, pl. 121. [BACK]

51 See, most recently, the testimonia cited by Fittschen 1991, 264 and pl. 67, in connection with the statue of Menander. [BACK]

52 The stele of Theodotos in Istanbul: N. Firatli, Les steles funéraires de Byzance gréco-romaine (Paris, 1964) 54, no. 33, pl. 8; Pfuhl-Möbius II, pl. 489; no. 2034, pl. 294; Fabricius 1992. [BACK]

53 Pfeiffer (supra n. 11) 34, 132ff. [BACK]

54 See T. Kleberg, Buchhandel und Verlagswesen in der Antike (Darmstadt, 1967) 20; F. G. Kenyon, Books and Readers in Ancient Greece and Rome 2 (Oxford, 1950). [BACK]

55 See the following sources for images of reading philosophers and poets. Homer on a fragment of a Tabula Iliaca: Richter I, 54, fig. 119; A. Sadurska, BCH 86 (1962) 504-9; a statuette of Plato now lost: Richter II, 167f., fig. 960; Diogenes in the barrel on a glass paste: Richter II, figs. 1063, 1068-70; and cf. Zwierlein-Diehl 1986, 180, nos. 443f., pl. 79; 188, no. 488, pl. 85; an anonymous Cynic on a Roman relief, Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek 185: F. Poulsen 1931, 58ff. Cicero ( Verr. 2.87) refers to a statue of Stesichorus reading. This cannot, however, be identified with the figure shown reading on a coin: Schefold 1943, 173, 14. On readers and book rolls on East Greek gravestones see Fabricius 1992, 250ff. [BACK]

56 London, British Museum 2320; ABr 989f.; J. J. Bernoulli, Griechische Ikonographie (Munich, 1901; repr., Hildesheim, 1969) 1 : 135f., pl. 15; H. B. Walters, Catalogue of the Bronzes, Greek, Roman, and Etruscan, in the British Museum (London, 1899) 153, no. 847; id., Select Bronzes, Greek, Roman, and Etruscan, in the Department of Antiquities (London, 1915) pl. 64; Lippold 1912, 52; Pfuhl 1927 = Fittschen 1988, 245; F. Studniczka, Zeitschrift für bildende Kunst 62 (1928-29) 121-34 = Fittschen, 264; Richter I, 131, figs. 708-10; Fittschen, 26, pls. 136f. A dating in the Late Hellenistic period was already argued by Pfuhl and Studniczka. A secure identification of the subject does not seem to me possible. The fillet certainly suggests a poet, and the most likely candidate is Homer. The relief with which this head type has correctly been associated is in Paris, Bibl. Nationale; see Richter II, 131, fig. 713. [BACK]

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