1. Cf. E. Hoffmann, Königserhebung und Thronfolgeordnung in Dänemark bis zum Ausgang des Mittelalters (Berlin, 1976), 1 ff.; 22 ff.; E. Hoffmann, "Knut der Heilige und die Wende der Dänischen Geschichte im 11. Jahrhundert," Historische Zeitschrift 218 (1974): 529 ff.

2. In Norway, Magnus Erlingsson (1162-1184), in Denmark, Niels (1104-1134), and in Sweden, Knut Eriksson ( c. 1167- c. 1195) began to use the Dei gratia in his royal style.

3. On the general background for Norwegian history in this period see Vårt Folks Historie , ed. Th. Dahl et al., vols. 2-4 (Oslo, 1976-1977): K. Helle, Norge blir en Stat 1130-1319 (Oslo, 1964); K. Helle, Konge og gode menn (Bergen, 1971); G. Authén Blom, Kongemakt og Privilegier i Norge inntil 1387 (Oslo, Bergen, Tronso[Tronsø] 1967), all with bibliography.

4. On these matters, cf. my more detailed study Die heiligen Könige bei den Angelsachsen und den skandinavischen Völkern: Königsheiliger und Königshaus (Neumünster, 1975), 156 ff. with bibliography in n. 71, p. 156; also cf. Hoffmann, Königserhebung 99, f., with bibliography in n. 99.

5. Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla III , ed. B. Adalbjarnarson (Reykjavik, Izlensk Fornrit 28, 1951), pt. 3, chaps. 21-22, pp. 395-398.

6. Latinske Dokument til Norsk Historie , ed. E. Vandvik (Oslo, 1959) no. 10, p. 62; on the analysis of the text cf. W. Holtzmann, "Krone und Kirche in Norwegen im 12. Jahrhundert," Deutsches Archiv 2 (1938): 341 ff.; the text is printed, ibid., 376 f.

7. On the mission of Nicholas Breakspeare and the agreements made with him, see Latinske Dokument no. 7 (Canones Nidrosienses A.D. 1152); Holtzmann, "Krone," 376 f.; in summary also: W. Seegrün, Das Papsttum und Skandinavien bis zur Vollendung der nordischen Kirchenorganisation (Neumünster, 1967), 146 ff. (with bibliography).

8. In contrast to Holtzmann ("Krone," 352 f.) I see in these very much the concern to protect the legal claims of the church of Trondheim.

9. Holtzmann, "Krone," 351 f.

10. Ibid., 352 with n. 1; on the professio, see E. Eichmann, "Die 'formula professionis' Friedrichs I.," Historisches Jahrbuch 52 (1932): 137 ff. and P. E. Schramm, Kaiser, Könige und Päpste [henceforth: K. K. P.] (Stuttgart, 1969) 3: 65 f.

11. Latinske Dokument , no. 9, p. 58.

12. E. Gunnes, Kongens Aere: Kongemakt og kirke i "En tale mot biskopene" (Oslo, 1971).

13. On the negotiations before the coronation and the festivities, see Sverris Saga , ed. G. Indrebo[Indrebø] (Kristiana, 1920), chaps. 122-123, pp. 130-131.

14. Hokonar[Høkonar] Saga Hákonarsonar , ed. M. Mundt (Norsk Historisk Kjeldeskrift-Institutt, Norrone Tekster 2, Kristiana, 1847, 1977), chap. 247, p. 138.

15. Diplomatarium Norvegicum [henceforth: DN] I, Oslo, no. 69.

16. On Haakon's coronation, see Hákonar Saga , chap. 253-257, pp. 141-145; cf. Blom, Kongemakt , 136 f.

17. P. E. Schramm, Herrschaftszeichen und Staatssymbolik (Stuttgart, 1955) 2:392; P. E. Schramm, History of the English Coronation (Oxford, 1937).

18. Snorri, Heimskringla (Reykjavik Islenzk Fornrit 26, 1941) 1:186-189 (chaps. 30-31).

19. B. Thordeman, "Kungakroning och Kungakrona i Medeltidens Sverige," Arkeologiska Forskningar och Fynd: Studier utg. med. Anlyedning av H. M. Gustaf VI. Adolfs Sjuttioårsdag, 11. 11. 1952 . (Stockholm, 1952), 307 (with tab. 4, p. 314); B. Thordeman, "Erik den Heliges Kungakrona," Erik den Helige: Historia, Kult, Reliker , ed. B. Thordeman (Stockholm, 1954), 277 f. with tab. 221, pl. LII.

20. Schramm, K. K. P. (1968) 2:287 ff.

21. Widukindi res gestae Saxoniae , II, 1. MGH SS rer. G. 60: II, 1, 65.

22. Diplomatarium Suecanum 4, no. 3484.

23. O. Källström on the scepter in Scandinavia, in Schramm, Herrschaftszeichen (1956) 3:70 f. Accepting his interpretation, I imply that thus Norway would be the only country, besides France, which retained the baculus or virga as well as the scepter and did not introduce an orb; cf. P. E. Schramm, Der König von Frankreich , 2d ed. (Darmstadt, 1960) 1:211.

24. Hákonar Saga , chap. 310, p. 186 f.

25. See above, n. 15.

26. "Protifeor et promitto coram deo et sanctis eius a modo pacem et iusticiam ecclesie dei populoque mihi subiecto obseruare pontificibus et clero prout teneor condignum honorem exhibere secundum discretionem mihi a deo datam atque ea que a regibus ecclesiis collata ac reddita sunt sicut compositum est inter ecclesiam et regnum inuiolabiliter conseruare malasque leges et consuetudines peruersas precipue contra ecclesiasticam libertatem facientes abolere et bonas condere prout de consilio fidelium nostrorum melius inuenire poterimus .'' The nonitalicized passages of this oath formula are borrowed verbatim or in content from the parallal passages of the professio; cf. also G. Carlsson, "Gustav Vasas Kröningsed," Svensk Historisk Tidskrift [henceforth: HT Svensk ], (1946), 324 f. Carlsson detects in the last sentence about the abolition of bad laws and customs a parallel to the English coronation oath of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries; cf. J. Hatschek, Englishche Verfassungsgeschichte bis zum Regierungsantritt der Königin Viktoria (Munich and Berlin, 1913; Below-Meinecke, Handb. d. Mittleren und Neueren Gesch . III/1), 69.

27. Norske gamla Love (Kristiana, 1849) 3:45-55.

28. Helle, Norge , 187.

29. Ch. Joys "Magnu Eriksson, Norges og Sveriges Konge" in: Vårt Folks Hist . 3:264.

30. "Chronologia Svecica 815-1412 ex cod. min. Wisbyensium," SS rer. Svecicarum 1 (Uppsala, 1818), 43.

31. Die Chroniken der niedersächsischen Städte, Lübeck , vol. 1 (Stuttgart, 1884; Chron. dt. st. 19), 476-477:. . . do war dar komen de vrome biscop Ghiselbert van Darbathe [Dorpat] . . .; den ereden dar de biscop van Upsale unde andere biscope des rikes, dat he sang de mysse unde wyede unde kronede den koning unde de koninhinnen.

32. See Hoffmann, Königserhebung , 150-155.

33. Best overview: A. E. Christensen, Kalmarunionen og nordisk politik 1319-1439 (Copenhagen, 1980), with bibliography.

34. Because from the death of Olaf to 1814 the King of Denmark was also king of Norway.

35. DN 1, no. 783; A. Huitfeldt, Danmarkis Riges Kronike[Krønike (Copenhagen, 1650-1652), 830.

36. "Chronologia vetusta," SS rer. Svecicarum 1:97; "Diarium Wazstenense," SS rer. Svecicarum 1:166; Chronika Erici Olai, SS rer. Svecicarum , 2:158; Olai Petri Krönika , ed. G. E. Klemming (Stockholm, 1860), 214 f.

37. A. Huitfeldt, Danmarkis Riges Kronike[Krønike]: Kong Hans' Historie (Copenhagen, 1599; reprinted Copenhagen, 1977), 36 (coronation in Norway); A. Huitfeldt, Kong Christian II.'s Historie (Copenhagen, 1596; reprinted Copenhagen, 1976), 25 (coronation in Norway).

38. On the significance of the Olaf-cult, as a "national" saint: St. Olav: Seine Zeit und sein Kult , Acta Visbyensia VI: Visbysimposiet för historiska vetenskaper 1979, ed. G. Svahnström (Visby, 1981); cf. also, Hoffmann, Königserhebung , 58 ff.

39. C.J. Schive, Norges Mynter i Middelalderen (Kristiana, 1865); Chr. Brinkmann, Norske Konge-Sigiller og andre Fyrste-Sigiller (Kristiana, 1924); Thordemann, "Kungakröning," 306 f., Thordeman, "Erik," 277 ff., Hoffmann, Königserhebung 109 f., P. E. Schramm, "Die Grabkrone Erichs von Schweden,'' Herrschaftszeichen 3:769 ff., esp. 773 f.

40. See notes 16 and 24, above.

41. For an overview of Danish history used here, see Gyldendals Danmarks historie vols. 1-2, ed. A. E. Christensen et al. (Copenhagen, 1977-1979); N. Skyum Nielsen, Kvinde og Slave: Danmarkshistorie uden retouche , vol. 3 (Copenhagen, 1971); Th. Riis, Les institutions politiques centrales du Danemark 1100-1332 (Odense, 1977).

42. Saxonis Gesta Danorum , ed. J. Olrik and H. Raeder (Copenhagen, 1931) vol. 1, XIV, XL; 1, p. 477.

43. "Annales Lundenses," Annales Danici medii aevi [henceforth: Ann. Dan. ], ed. E. Jorgensen[Jørgensen] (Copenhagen, 1920), 85; however, mistakenly dated for 1171.

44. Hoffmann, Königserhebung , 106-108.

45. The right to coronation was confirmed by Pope John XXII; see Diplomatarium Danicum 2. R., 8, no. 182.

46. In 1252, Christopher I was crowned by the Bishop of Schleswig in Lund, because the archbishop had recently died; see Hoffmann, Königserhebung , 131 (with a discussion of sources in n. 26); in 1259 the Bishop of Ripen crowned Christopher's son, Erik Glipping, because the archbishop, opposed to the crown, refused to do so; see Acta processus litium inter regem Danorum et archiepiscopum Lundensem , ed. A. Krarup and W. Norwin (Copenhagen, 1932), 56. In 1524 Frederick I was crowned, due to the vacancy of the archsee, by the archbishop of Uppsala; see A. Huitfeldt, Danmarkis Riges Kronike[Krønike]: Friedrich I.'s Historie (Copenhagen, 1597, reprinted Copenhagen, 1977), 74.

47. Arnold of Lübeck, Chronica Slavorum , MG SS rer. G. 14:238.

48. "Chronica Jutensis [henceforth: "Chron. Jut."]," Scriptores minores historiae Danicae medii aevi [henceforth: SS min. Dan. ], ed. M. Cl. Gertz (Copenhagen, 1917-1918) 1:448.

49. For Erik, see the annals in Ann. Dan. , 108 f.; for Abel: Annales Stadenses auctore Alberto , MGH SS 16:273.

50. "Annales Waldemariani ad a. 1218," Ann. Dan. , 104 f.

51. See above, n. 46.

52. "Chron. Jut.," 451; "Chronica archiepiscoporum Lundensium XII," SS min. Dan. 2:115.

53. J. A. Cypreaus, "Annales Epsicoporum Slesvicensium" (1634), in Monumenta inedita rerum Germanicarum , ed. E. J. von Westphalen (s.l., Leipzig 1793) 3:310-311 (the notarial record); A. Huitfeldt, Danmarkis Riges Kronike[Krønike: Chronologia (reprinted Copenhagen, 1977) 3:656 f. (coronation report and Carmen ).

54. For Christian I: "Chronica Archiepiscoporum Lundensium," SS min. Dan. 2:123; for Hans: A. Huitfeldt, Danmarkis Riges Kronike[Krønike]. Kong Hans' Historie (Copenhagen, 1599; reprinted Copenhagen, 1977), 31; for Christian II: Huitfeldt, Christian II.'s Historie (Copenhagen, 1596, reprinted Copenhagen, 1976), 23; for Frederick I, see n. 47 above.

55. See n. 33, above.

56. For Waldemar (III), see Hoffmann, Königserhebung , 142; for Waldemar IV, ibid., 144 f.

57. Ibid., 152 (but correct the typographical error; Olaf died in 1387!).

58. Ibid., 126 ff.

59. For Mechtild and Abel, see n. 50; for Margarethe and Christopher I, n. 46; and for Christina and Hans, n. 55, above.

60. Obviously, Canute the Great, King of England, must have had a crown (Schramm, Herrschafstzeichen 2:633; Hoffmann, Königserhebung , 108 f.). The rulers who came to be vassals of the emperor received crowns at their enfeoffment, so dux Knut Lavard as rex Obodritorum (Helmold of Bosau, Chronica Slavorum , chap. XLIX; MGH SS rer. G. 32:97); King Magnus Nielsson (see W. Bernhardi, Jahrbücher der deutschen Geschichte: Lothar von Supplinburg , Leipzig, 1879, 404 f.) and King Sven Grathe ( Ottonis et Rahewini Gesta Frederici I. imperatoris II: 5, MGH SS rer. G. 46: 105 f.) from Lothair III and Frederick I, respectively. Whether the votive crown displayed by Bishop Sven in the cathedral of Roskilde was indeed that of St. Canute (1080-1086), as Saxo (XI, XII:6) maintains, cannot be stringently proven. However, Helmold ( Chronica , 98) explicitly reports about a royal court held in Slesvig c. 1129/1130 that King Niels sedisset in trono indutus cultu regio . Danish royal seals display the king with crown and other insignia since the reign of St. Canute, coins since that of Canute the Great, the latter sometimes with helmet. Earlier images have closed and arched crowns, later ones (from the mid-twelfth century onward) open crowns surmounted by lilies or leaves. Additional insignia are usually scepter, orb, and sword, the same ones that are listed in the earliest reports on coronations (1143, 1537). However, it is true for Denmark as well that such images are highly dependent on foreign models and have little value for historical reconstruction; cf. above n. 39; Hoffmann, Königserhebung , 108 ff. Further: Th. Riis, Les institutions politiques centrales du Danemark 1100-1332 (Odense, 1977), 151 ff.; H. Petersen and A. Thiset, Danske Kongelige Sigiller 1085-1559 (Copenhagen, 1917); P. Hauberg, Myntforhold og Udmyntninger i Danmark indtil 1146 (Det Kgl. Danske Videnskabernes Skrifter, R. 6, Hist.-fil. Afd. 5, 1906), 51 ff., 106 ff.; Schramm, Herrschaftszeichen 1:18 ff.; K. K. P. 1:24.

61. See above, n. 53.

62. See ibid.

63. Hoffmann, Königserhebung , 161, with n. 53 (lit.); Hoffman, "Die Krönung Christians III. von Dänemark am 12. August 1537: Die erste protestantische Königkrönung in Europa," Herrscherweihe und Königskrönung im frühneuzeitlichen Europa , ed. H. Duchhardt (Schriften der Mainzer Philosophischen Fakultätsgesellschaft 8, Mainz, 1983), esp. 59; N. Skyum. Nielsen, "Aerkekonge og Aekebiskop: Nye Traek i dansk Kirkenhistorie 1376-1536," Scandia 3 (1955-1957): 1 ff.; J. E. Olesen, Rigsrad, Kongemagt, Union: Studier over det danske rigsrad og den nordiske kongemagts politik 1434-1449 (Aarhus, 1980), 95-376.

64. There are several records of the Protestant ordo as well as of the actual ceremonies of the coronation. The two main sources, both in German, are a sketchy overview of the coronation, probably compiled for the information of the royal couple and a detailed report about the events of the coronation day. They are printed as: (a) Aktstykker vedkommende kong Christian den Tredies og Dronning Dorotheas Kroning in Vor Frue Kirke, Kobenhavn, den 12te August 1537 af Dr. Johannes Bogenhagen , ed. F. Münter [henceforth: Münter], with an intro. by E. C. Werlauff [henceforth: Werlauff] (1831); Werlauff is also available in German, in Baltische Studien 5,2 (1838): 1 ff. and (b) Die Krönung König Christians III. von Dänemark und seiner Gemahlin Dorothea durch Johannes Bugenhagen , ed. G. Mohnike [henceforth: Mohnike] (Stralsund, 1832). Additional sources in A. G. Hassø, ed. "Kong Kristian III.'s og Dronning Dorotheas Kroning den 12. August 1537," Kirkehistoriske Samlinger 6, 2 (1936-38):287 ff.

65. Cf. the carmen , as referred to in n. 53.

66. Hassø, "Kong Kristian," 317.

67. For 1443, see n. 53; for 1537, Hassø, "Kong Kristian," 317.

68. Münter, 24 f., Mohnike, 68 f.

69. On the Imperial Council, see Hoffmann, Königserhebung , 140 f., 149 f., 151 f., 156 ff., 165 f., and 178 f., Riis, Institutions , 252 ff. (cf. also ibid., 236 ff., 256 ff.).

70. Cypräus, "Annales," 311.

71. Coronatio Aquisgranensis (24 Oct. 1273), MGH LL 2:386.

72. Schramm, K. K. P. 2:64 f., 95 ff.

73. The text of the professio is in Eichmann, "Friedrich I," 140; cf. Cypräus, "Annales," 311.

74. Münter, 4, 13 f., Mohnike, 36, 51 f.

75. This would point to a relationship to the German ordo.

76. Münter, 5, 16 f.; Mohnike, 37, 55 f.; the oil is described as kresem (chrism) or balsam . On the coronation and anointing of Queen Elisabeth (Isabella), see Werlauff, xii (or Werlauff, Baltische Studien , 14).

77. Schramm, English Coronation , 120; K. K. P. 3:153 ff.; E. Eichmann, Die Kaiserkrönung im Abendland (Würzburg, 1942), 135, 174, 182 ff. In the light of my present argument, I should like to revise my formulation of 1983 (in "Krönung Christians III.," 64 and 65) about German practice of anointing as to mean "anointing practice following the Imperial usage" and ''as far as the anointing is concerned, from the ordo of the imperial coronation," respectively.

78. See n. 54.

79. See ibid.

80. Münter, 6, 21; Mohnike, 38, 64.

81. Hoffmann, "Krönung Christians III," 64; cf. the coronation ceremonies of Christian IV (1588-1648), Kjøbenhavns Diplomatarium , ed. O. Nielsen 4 (Copenhagen, 1879), 741 ff., no. 851, esp. 746.

82. MGH LL 2:390.

83. Eichmann, "Friedrich I," 137 ff; the oath formula (140) compares with that of the Danish one very well. In the following text changes from the imperial to the Danish are marked in italics, (om.-omitted in the Danish): Profiteor et promitto coram Deo et angelis eius amodo et (om.) deinceps legem et iusticiam pacemque Dei sanctae ecclesiae populoque michi subjecto pro posse et nosse facere et ( ac ) conservare ( servare ) salvo condigno misericordiae respectu sicut cum consilio fidelium nostrorum ( meorum ) melius invenire poterimus ( potero invenire ). Pontificibus quoque ecclesiarum Dei condignum et canonicum honorem exhibere atque ea, quae ab imperatoribus et regibus eclesiis sibi commissis (om.) collata et reddita sunt, inviolabiliter conservare ( observare ), abbatibus etiam (om.), comitibus et vassis dominicis ( vassallis ) nostris ( meis ) congruum honorem secundum consilium fidelium nostrorum praestare; cf. Hoffman, Königserhebung , 168-169, n. 78.

84. Schramm, K. K. P. 3:65 f.; Eichmann, as above.

85. We know of a "coronation oath" of the succesor of Christopher III, the first Oldenburg on the Danish throne, Christian I, which does not follow the professio but rather the "royal oath" of Christian. Royal oaths were usually sworn by late medieval Danish kings at the elevation acts in the three major landthinger in Viborg, Ringsted, and Lund. Thus Christian I also swore such an oath in 1448 in Viborg, which is supposed to be almost identical with the alleged "coronation oath." Most likely, tradition mixed up the two different occasions in this case, see Hoffmann, Königserhebung , 159-160, 163-164. The royal oath of Christopher III, identical with that of Christian I is printed in Samling af Danske Kongers Haandfaestninger og andre lignende Acter (Aarsberetniger fra det kong. Geheimearchiv 2, 1856-1860), 40 ff., no. 12; cf. Christian's royal oath in A. Huitfeld, Danmarckis Rigis Krønicke, ed. fol. (Copenhagen, 1652), 844-845; Christian's coronation oath is in Samling . . . Acter 45 ff., no. 14.

86. Cf. the royal coronation of Emperor Frederick III in 1442, at which the king was led after coronation and professio to the throne, whereupon Te Deum was sung and the Gospel read; Deutsche Reichstagsakten 16:181 f. (no. 102).

87. Rex Euangelium legit, unctus postea . . .

88. See Hoffmann, "Krönung Christians"; P. Janzon, "Erik XIV.'s Kröningsritual," Kyrkohistorisk Årsskrift 50 (1959): 175 ff., with the ordines on 213 ff. This sequence was also characteristic for late medieval German coronations (cf. Deutsche Reichstagsakten , as above). Even if not mentioned in the notarial record, only in the festive poem for 1443, it is most likely that this event took place, for all early modern coronation report the reading of the Gospel is listed, albeit at the place where it features in the 1537 ordo. There is reason to believe that this act was not part of medieval Danish royal inaugurations, but had been introduced by Christopher III.

89. Cf. H. Heimpel, "Königlicher Weihnachtsgottesdienst auf den Konzilien von Konstanz und Basel," Tradition als historische Kraft: Interdisziplinäre Forschungen zur Geschichte des früheren Mittelalters , ed. N. Kamp, J. Wollasch, et al. (Münster, 1982), 388 f.; H. Heimpel, "Weihnachtsdienst im späteren Mittelalter," Deutsches Archiv 39 (1983): 131 ff.

90. Hoffmann, "Krönung Christians," 58 f.,

91. Olesen, Rigsrad .

92. Hoffmann, "Krönung Christians," 59 f.

93. H. Heimpel, "Königliche Evangelienlesung bei königlicher Krönung," Aus Kirche und Reich: Studien zur Theologie, Politik und Recht im Mittelalter. Festschrift f. F. Kempf , ed. H. Mordek (Sigmaringen, 1983), 447 ff.

94. Bugenhagen noted in his instructions that in the Catholic coronation ordo the king and queen, as other rulers of the West, took communion at the end of the ceremony; Münter, 3; Mohnike, 34.

95. On the insignia and their order of investment, see Schramm, Der König von Frankreich 1:59 f., 205 ff.; Schramm, K. K. P. 2:140 ff., 169 f., 3:59 ff.

96. However, in the fifteenth century we hear of a royal treasure which Eric of Pomerania, at his deposition was charged with having alienated: "Item heft he ut de rykes trezel to Callingeborch wechbringen laten des rykes schat unde clenode, de to velen jaren van konige unde koninhynnen ghesammelt weren to nutte des rykes. . . ." Aktstykker vedrorende Erik af Pommerns Afsaettelse som Konge af Danmark , ed. A. Hude (Copenhagen, 1897; reprinted Copenhagen, 1971), no. 4, p. 14. About Christopher III it is said that he lost the treasure in a shipwreck; Werlauff, "Inledning," xxi; Werlauff, Baltische Studien , 14, 26.

97. Hoffmann, Königserhebung , 167-168; cf. the writings of Schramm quoted in n. 95 above.

98. Hoffmann, Königserhebung , 166.

99. For the history of Sweden in the period under review, see Sveriges Historia till vara Dagar , ed. E. Hildebrand, 5 vols. (Stockholm, 1919-1920); Den Svenska Historien , ed. St. Carlsson, J. Rosén, and G. Grenholm, 3 vols. (Stockholm, 1966); Svenska Kyrkens Historia , ed. H. Holmquist, H. Pleijel, vols. 1-2 (Stockholm, 1941, 1933/1934); Erik den Helige , ed. B. Thordeman; S. Carlsson, J. Rosén, Svensk Historia , 3d ed., vol. 1 (Stockholm, 1969), all of which contain references to sources and literature.

100. Cf. Erik den Helige ; Hoffmann, Die heiligen , 197 ff., Schramm, Herrschaftszeichen 3:769 ff.

101. Thordeman, "Kungakröning," 309; Thordeman, "Kungakrona," 277. Although in the earliest record of this coronation, in Pope Innocent III's letter of 4 April 1216 only anointing is mentioned ( Sveriges Traktater med frümmade Magter , ed. O. S. Rydberg, vol. 1, no. 64 [Stockholm, 1877], anointing without coronation is not likely to have been performed after the tenth century (cf. Schramm, Herrschaftszeichen 3:775, n. 1).

102. Thordeman, "Kungakröning," 308; Thordeman, "Kungakrona," 277f. King Anund Jakob (early eleventh century) is depicted with a golden helmet; later coins and seals display crown, scepter, and orb. Earlier pictures show closed and arched crowns, those from the thirteenth century and later open crowns surmounted with lilies or leaves; however, the source value of these pictures is questionable (see above, n. 60). For the seals see H. Fleetwood, ed., Svenska medeltidinga Kungasigill , 2 vols. (Stockholm, 1936-1942); for the coins: B. Thordeman, ''Sveriges medeltidsmynt," Nordisk Kultur XXIX (1936). The existence of a burial crown for St. Erik suggests, however, that he wore one in life; see Thordeman, "Kungakrona," as above; Schramm, as above.

103. K. H. K. Olivecrona, "Das Werden eines Königs nach Altschwedischem Recht. Der Königsritus als magischer Akt," Lunds Universitetets Arsskrift NF 1, 44 (1948); Thordeman, "Kungakröning," 308 f.; Thordeman, "Kungakrona," 278 f.; cf. the review of the latter by K. Olivecrona in Deutsche Literaturzeitung 65 (1944): 74-78. See also Hoffmann, Königskrönung , 3 f., 12 f., 181 f.

104. R. Schmidt, "Königsumritt und Huldigung in ottonisch-salischer Zeit," Vorträge und Forschungen 6 (1961): 97-233.

105. The sources for mid-fourteenth-century Scandinavia are very scant in general, which may be the consequence of repeated waves of the Black Death; hence the silence of the sources cannot be taken as evidence against the possibility of coronations in this period.

106. As the archbishop of Uppsala was the only metropolitan in Sweden, the coronation was his privilege without contest.

107. See above, n. 102.

108. "Chronologia vetusta," SS rer. Svecicarum 1 (Uppsala, 1818): 96; "Diarium Wasstenense 1344-1545," ibid., 157 f.

109. Olai Petri Svenska Krönika , ed. G. E. Klemming (Stockholm, 1860), 327.

110. See the sources quoted in notes 30-31, above.

111. "Chronologia vetusta," 97.

112. "Annales Holmienses 1457-1468, SS rer. Svecicarum 3:27. S. Kraft (in Sveriges Historia til vara Dagar 3:2) assumes a brief quarrel between the king and the prelate.

113. G. Holmgren, "Gamla Uppsala och Mora äng in Medeltidslagarnas Valförskrifter," Upplands Fornminnesförenings Tidsskrift 45 (1935-1937): 3 ff., esp. 36. Clearly indicated on the sources are only the following coronations in Uppsala: Magnus Ladulas's in 1267 (in "Chronologia. . ." SS rer. Svecicarum 1:25; "Chronologia Anonymi. . . ," ibid., 54; "Chronologia Erici Olai,'' ibid., 2:59); Christopher III's in 1444 (see above, n. 108); Karl Knutsson's in 1448 (see above, n. 111 Diarium Wasstenense SS rer. Svericarum 1:165; chronicon Erici Olai, ibid. 2:155 and n. 112) and Christian I's in 1457 (in: "Chronologia vetusta," SS rer. Svecicarum 1:97). There are definite exceptions from the rule we have assumed: the coronation of Waldemar in 1251 in Linköping (see "Chronologia Anonymi," 1:54, and Chronicon, ibid., 186) and of Birger in 1302 in Sönderköping (see SS rer. Svecicarum 1:27, 42, 64, 87, 92, etc.).

114. See notes 30 and 31 above; further SS rer. Svecicarum 1:28, 94.

115. Olai Petri Svenska Krönika (as n. 109 above), 295.

116. See n. 109, above.

117. See n. 33, above.

118. There is positive evidence for the following coronations only: Margarethe, wife of Birger in 1302 ( SS rer. Svecicarum 1:27, 64, 87, 92; 2:76); Blanche of Flanders, wife of Magnus Eriksson in 1448 (ibid., 1:28, 43, 94; cf. n. 31 above) and of the wife of Karl Knutsson a few days after the king's coronation in 1448 (ibid., 1:97, 165 and 2:155).

119. Diplomatarium Suecanum 3:30-31, no. 1811.

120. Cf. Deutsche Reichstagsakten 16:173, no. 100: ". . . als in dem puch der krönung geschriben steet," 177, no. 101: ". . . ut in libro coronacionis pretacto . . . ," 178, no. 102. Cf. also G. Carlsson "Gustav Vasas Kröningsed," 323 f.

121. See n. 109, above.

122. Cf. my earlier assessment in "Krönung Christians," 62 and the above (n. 120) quoted article of Carlsson. A contemporary report on the coronation is to be found in: Peder Swart, Konung Gustaf I.'s Krönika , ed. N. Edén (Stockholm, 1912), 123.

123. Text in Carlsson, as above, 321: Ego Gotstauus electus rex profiteor et promitto coram Deo et angelis suis, deinceps legem, justiciam et pacem ecclesie Dei populoque michi subiecto pro posse et nosse facere atque seruare, saluo condigno misericordie Dei respectu, sicut in consilio fidelium meorum melius potero inuenire.

124. Janzon, "Erik XIV," 175.

125. Ibid., 206 f.; the two texts are confronted on pp. 213 ff.

126. See above, notes 76 and 77; anointing in the ordo A is in Janzon, as above, p. 218-219.

127. Schramm, Der König von Frankreich 1:157.

128. Janzon, "Erik XIV," 223.

129. Ibid., 224 (ordo A), after the acclamation of Eric XIV as king: "När nu alt thz so skiedt ähr, skall Konungen Mtt. ledas fram till Altaret, och their siunga eller läsa Euangelium de tempore, hollandes swerdet i handene bart och vprett, therförinan holla tua[tuå] Ordinarij Euangelij bocken." In ordo B, the one actually used at the coronation of King Erik, this reading of the Gospel is placed between the investiture with cloak and the enthronization and coronation (ibid., 220-221), the king standing by with the imperial sword in his right hand.

130. An additional piece of evidence for this can be found in the Diarium of the Abbey of Vadstena, already noted by Janzon ("Erik XIV," 207, n. 7), where it is reported that the successor of Christopher in Sweden, Karl Knutsson, read the beginning of the Gospel at the mass held for the veiling of his daughter, Brigitta, as nun of the monastery. At this occasion the king wore alba, tunic, and cape.

131. Schramm, English Coronation , 120.