8— Tiberius and Drusus in Augustan Propaganda and the Prototype for the Boscoreale Cups
1. Plutarch closes his Life of Antony (87) with a long note to show how the descendants of Antony ended up, after all, winning a place in the Julio-Claudian dynasty. His opening account, of the loyal Octavia's efforts on behalf of Antony's children by other women, stresses how high a place she won for Iullus Antonius in Augustus' favor, by ranking him third after the Claudii Nerones in the sequence just given. Plutarch's "Antonian" source is all the more to be trusted, as the first two places are given to others; this source describes specifically the period before ( a ) the exile of Tiberius and ( b ) the conspiracy and suicide of Iullus in 2 B.C., in connection with which Tiberius' wife Julia was disgraced. [BACK]
2. Louvre 1845. Megow 1987, 180, A 50, pl. 10.11. Busts of the youthful Tiberius, in tunic and laurel, and Drusus, unadorned, gaze slightly up. [BACK]
3. Kais. Aug. 1988, 565-66, s.v. cat. 391 (from Speyer) (Künzl); ZwierleinDiehl 1973, vol. 2, to cat. 1036-37. Catalogued now by Boschung 1987b; and see Grose 1989, 359 and n. 9. [BACK]
4. Kais. Aug. 1988, 559-60, cat. 385 (Künzl); Zanker 1988, 220, fig. 172, as in Bildnisse des Augustus 1972, 22. [BACK]
5. Compare Kiss 1975, nos. 302-3. Bonn inv. 4320, silvered bronze sheath plaque, owner's inscription VALIIRI. Both princes wear cuirasses with gorgoneia, sword belts, and mantles bunched on the left shoulder; contra Menzel their coiffures differ slightly, but the difference in head size is not significant at this scale and level of workmanship. Kiss 1975, 62, no. 157 (Gaius and Lucius); for physical details: Menzel 1986, 83-84, cat. 205, pl. 97, outlining the case for Tiberius and Drusus; Gonzenbach 1966, 183, 202, fig. 8.1-2. [BACK]
6. Julia is honored once only as Venus Genetrix, at Eresos on Lesbos, and without her children; Ehrenberg and Jones 1976, no. 63 = CIL III.7156-57; IG XII, 2, 537. [BACK]
7. CIL 11.2038 = Ehrenberg and Jones 1976, 123, from Anticaria: Iuliae Aug. Drusi [fil.] div[i Aug.] matri Ti. Caesaris Aug. principis et conservatoris et Drusi Germanici [g]en[etric]is orbis M. Cornelius Proculus pontufex Caesarum . Proculus put up a statue group of Livia as Venux Genetrix with both sons. It is very unusual for such honors voted in the provinces to include someone dead as long as Drusus—Gaius, for example, does not receive portraits after the immediate commemoration of his death; Proculus must have been strongly influenced by some other statue group of this type put up under Augustus when Drusus was still alive. Compare Ehrenberg and Jones 1976, no. 124: a bronze coin also from Baetica (Colonia Romula) couples a Divus Augustus obverse with a reverse inscribed IULIA AUGUSTA GENETRIX ORBIS, showing Livia's bust with a crescent on a globe. Purcell (1986, 92) is a bit extreme (Livia as Venus Genetrix is "common in dedications"). [BACK]
8. Livia's coiffure is not "late" (as asserted in Polacco 1955, 67, for example); the long curls on her neck simply assimilate her hairdo to that of Ceres/Venus. Winkes (1982) ("Augustus") can be refuted by his own comparative tables in figs. 13, 9. [BACK]
9. Megow 1987, 256-57, B 19 = the BMFA turquoise, pl. 10.5; 279. Some other Augustan Tiberius depictions moved late are A 41, A 42, A 38 = pl. 6.9, 6.11-12, 6.13; A 40 = pl. 7.1; A 43 = pl. 10.3. Drusus cameos moved with them: C 11, C 10 = pl. 10.8, 10.12; Leningrad Herm. 73 (Drusus or Tiberius with Augustus); Vienna, K. h. Mus. 11 (inv. IX. a. 33) (Drusus naked with shoulder mantle and laurel). On the other hand, C 7 (pl. 1.15), C 8 (pl. 1.14), and C 9 (no ill.) of Drusus are allowed to stay at 9 B.C. in correlation with posited statue types. [BACK]
10. Megow 1987, 168. [BACK]
11. Flory 1984, 311. [BACK]
12. Gabelmann 1984, 131. [BACK]
13. Fullerton 1985, 476-77. [BACK]
14. Pollini 1987. This fine study of Gaius portraits is presented as a definitive study of political propaganda; see esp. opening pages. [BACK]
15. Sutherland 1987; see secs. 9, "The mint of Lugdunum under Augustus and Tiberius," 10, "Augustus' dynastic plans," and pp. 25-27, an outline of everyone connected with Augustus. [BACK]
16. Simon 1986, 67-73. [BACK]
17. Zanker 1988, 226-29. [BACK]
18. Ibid., 229-32. [BACK]
19. On Drusus, with bibl.: Kienast 1982, 100-114, 299-301, 345-46; Bellen 1984, 385f.; Frenz 1985a, 394f.; RÖsger and Will 1985, 37f. Tiberius, Drusus, and dynastic policy: add to Kienast, SchrÖmbges 1986, 24ff. A welcome corrective is Garzetti's account, esp. in the revised and translated (1974) edition at pp. 7-8 and 11-12 on the attention given Tiberius from childhood on. [BACK]
20. Drusus' omission struck Kienast (1989, 179) in his fine discussion of the Res gestae . [BACK]
21. Passage 5.6.3 expands on the brothers as paradigms of fraternal love comparable only to the Dioscuri: Drusus on his sickbed gives detailed orders for Tiberius' reception, to give him dignity equal to his own and have him too saluted as imperator . See below on Tiberius' efforts to give Drusus triumphal dignities like his own. Passage 4.3.3 speaks of Drusus "pariter ac fratri Augustis duobus rei publicae divinis oculis mirifice respondentem." These passages and 5.6.4, like Velleius' panegyric to Drusus (2.97.2-3), were written in Tiberius' reign; meant to attract imperial favor, they testify to Tiberius' continuing interest in his brother's memory decades after Drusus' death. [BACK]
22. Courtney 1980, citing Mart. 8.52.3. [BACK]
23. The epigraphic record for Drusus' own activities is weak, but then he died young, before he could spend much manubiae . That from his Alpine wars was spent on road building, an activity to which Augustus had tried hard to divert the building instincts of his victorious fellow aristocrats; this Via Claudia was restored by his son Claudius as emperor. See Ehrenberg and Jones 1976, no. 363a = ILS 208, from near Venetia: viam Claudiam Augustam quam Drusus pater Alpibus bello patefactis derexerat . [BACK]
24. Glen Bowersock pointed out to me the implications of the inscription from Nysa of 1 B.C. about this cult, SIG 3 , 781, on which see his 1965 book at p. 118 and n. 4. [BACK]
25. McCabe 1987, 219, a still unpublished base. On posthumous, generally Claudian portraits for Drusus see Rose 1987, s.v.; and Fuchs et al. 1989, cat. 4 and 6, s.v. the two portraits at Caere. [BACK]
26. Most recently, Fullerton 1985; Zanker 1988, s.v. figs. 167, 173. [BACK]
27. Zanker 1988, s.v. fig. 171. Though Gaius executed his part in the Troy games staged here before the troops, this marks him clearly as still one of the noble boys for whom these exhibitions were reserved. They had been staged often since Sulla's day, several times in Augustus' own reign before Gaius and Lucius were old enough to take part. On other iconographic motives for this coin type see p. 268 n. 63. [BACK]
28. Levick exemplifies this fashion, most recently in her 1976 biography of Tiberius; Kienast (1982, 107f.) gives an overview. The later adoption policy of the latter half of Augustus' reign: Kienast, 114ff. Tiberius A.D. 4-14: Schrömbges 1986, 29-37, 38-42 (the adoption day), 42-54 (Tiberius' significant building projects, the aedes of the Dioscuri and Concord and the Ara Numinis Augusti), 54f. (Tiberius' triumph of A.D. 12, arranged to be celebrated on the same day Augustus won at Philippi in 42 B.C.), and 57f. (Tiberius' status as coruler). [BACK]
29. Cf. Blamberg 1976, n. 21: ''Nor did they honor Tiberius and Drusus when these brothers became temporary heirs after the death of Agrippa in 12 BC to assure smooth succession in case Augustus died before Agrippa's sons, Gaius and Lucius, were of age." But Marcellus (d. 23 B.C.) had not been honored on Roman coinage either, although he was Augustus' nephew and married to Augustus' daughter. [BACK]
30. Fixation with "the blood of Augustus," as the best or sole guarantor of legitimacy, postdates Augustus' own reign, as one would expect. The earliest indicator is the famous quarrel of Agrippina the Younger (Augustus' granddaughter through Julia) with Tiberius, Augustus' adopted son (Tac. Ann. 4.51-52). [BACK]
31. Compare the deeply sad grave inscription of Sextus Appuleius at Luna, the family burial site (Ehrenberg and Jones 1976, no. 206 = ILS 932): [ Sex .] Appuleio Sex. f. Gal. Sex. n. Sex. pron. Fabia Numantina nato, ultimo gentis suae . [BACK]
32. As when Agrippa was made Augustus' socer, and Tiberius (the next "in line") made into Agrippa's socer; then when Agrippa died, Tiberius was made to divorce Agrippa's daughter in order to take his place as Augustus' socer . Drusus was given the next best sort of marriage alliance, paired off to one of Augustus' nieces through his sister Octavia. The redoubtable reputation of Drusus' wife Antonia is borne out by a significant historical fact: note that although she was very young when widowed, and quite fertile, she was unique among the eligible females of Augustus' household in remaining unmarried. She must have had great strength of character to pull this off. [BACK]
33. As noted by Garzetti (1974, 13). So, who carried the mantle of the gens Claudia after the adoptions of Tiberius, Drusus II, and Germanicus? Drusus' son Claudius, of course, who must have been deliberately left unadopted to carry on the family name, as the emperors' careful marriage plans for him show. Physically unfit to be an active soldier, he was delegated this essentially religious, as well as genetic, task; Augustus and Tiberius were like traditional Republican heads of clan making dignified arrangements for their handicapped members. This mechanism was not appreciated by Wiseman (1982/1987, 91f.). [BACK]
34. Thallus ii (Gow and Page = Anth. Pal. 6.235): "Great joy to furthest west and east, Caesar, /descendant of Romulus' unconquered sons, /your heavenly birth we sing, and round the/altars we pour glad libations to the immortals. /Do you tread firm in your grandfather's steps,/and be the subject of our prayers for many a year".
As Cameron (1980, 47f. ) shows, Thallus hopes on Claudius' birthday that he will not die young (like his father) but live long like his "grandfather" ( sic ), namely Augustus; Cameron observes: "It is difficult to doubt that poets and panegyrists blurred the distinction between grandson and step-grandson" (50). The poem must have been written while Claudius was still relatively young, probably while Augustus was still alive; note that the poet does not claim Julian blood for him outright ("descendant of Romulus' unconquered sons"). Cameron nominates Thallus Antonius to Antonia's salon, which included also Crinagoras. [BACK]
35. The evidence collected by Wiseman 1982/1987, 87-91, is all to this effect, notwithstanding the author's exasperation with such notions—Seneca's mockery only documents the phenomenon. If Claudius was felt to be of the house of the Caesars, obviously his father Drusus was too. See Joseph. AJ 19.164 and Dio 60.1.3 on Claudius' accession ("seize the throne of your ancestors"); also Thallus ii (Gow and Page = Anth. Pal. 6.235; see n. 34). [BACK]
36. Only Hallett (1985, 87-88) really analyzed step-relationships as serious bonds, referring not least to Tiberius and Drusus. [BACK]
37. In 33 B.C., at the age of nine, Tiberius enters public life to pronounce the laudatio and preside over funeral games for his dead father; he is then betrothed to Agrippa's daughter; in 29 B.C. he rides Augustus' chariot horses along with Marcellus in the great triple triumph and holds a seat of honor at the games for the occasion; in 27 he assumes the toga virilis with much fanfare at the age of fifteen; in 26/25 at sixteen he is tribunus militum against the Cantabri in Spain; in 24 he is excused five years from the normal qualification for magistracy and gives three defensive speeches and a diplomatic speech to the Senate, all building his own client base; in 23 at the age of nineteen he is quaestor Ostiensis, coping with a dangerous grain shortage; in 20 he receives back the Parthian standards after pacifying Armenia; in 19 he is ornamentis praetoriis ornatus; in 16 he goes to Gaul with Augustus and remains as his governor; in 15 he begins his own conquests (Rhaeti, Vindelici) and is received into the college of priests; in 13 at twenty-nine he is consul, with Varus; in 12 he governs Illyria and beats the Pannonians and is first voted a triumph by the Senate; in 11 he is first saluted as imperator; in 9 he finally gets to celebrate an ovatio; in 8 he is consul designate for the second time, saluted again as imperator; he celebrates a triumph in 7 B.C. as consul and in 6 B.C. receives a five-year grant of tribunicia potestas, at the age of thirty-six—an extraordinary career. [BACK]
38. Although it can never be proved, and cannot bolster any other argument, I feel that Augustus did believe (with others in antiquity) that Drusus was his own son, conceived by Livia before she was divorced to marry him; sources: Flory 1988, 345-46. I also think Tiberius believed this, or at least believed Augustus' feeling. In re that notorious divorce, where a husband passed a pregnant wife to a friend, no one seems to note the precedent of the younger Cato and his friend Hortensius; see Plut. Cat. min. 25.4-5. [BACK]
39. Sources on Drusus' death: Frenz 1985a, 394-95; Bellen 1984, 385f.; Kienast 1982, 105. Seldom used is Valerius Maximus' set piece 5.6.3; see p. 292 n. 21. [BACK]
40. Dio 55.2.1-3; Suet. Claud. 1.3-4; Cons. ad L. 169-78 (death and journey of corpse to Rome), 199-220 (his funeral rites in Rome). Tac. Ann. 3.5-6 contrasts Drusus' funeral with the quieter observances for the death of Germanicus, mentioning Augustus' public restraint over the deaths of Gaius and Lucius. Tacitus' list of observances has to be fleshed out by other accounts, as he omits the agents of particular observances. [BACK]
41. Authentic: Purcell 1986, 78 and n. 3 (I thank N. Horsfall for this reference); Kienast 1982, 105 n. 150, without argument. The opposing view that the Consolatio is Tiberian or later: E. Bickel, RhM 93 (1950): 193-227, citing stylistic correspondences between phrases in the Consolatio and the phrasing of Ovid and Propertius, followed by J. Richmond, ANRW 31.4 (1981): 2768-83 (his historical logic ably corrected by Purcell). The author of the Consolatio was no genius, but I see no reason why he and greater poets like Ovid could not have been situated in the same literary culture, drawing on the same literary models; it is an acknowledged commonplace in music and the visual arts that contemporaries of widely differing abilities share formal characteristics. Against a date after Tiberius' exile but before his return: no reference to Gaius and Lucius. Against a late Augustan, Caligulan, or Claudian date: no reference to the German campaigns of Drusus' son Germanicus. Against a Tiberian date: the absence of any "prophecy" as to Tiberius' "future" accession. [BACK]
42. Ehrenberg and Jones 1976, no. 80; Vassileiou 1983 passim. [BACK]
43. Kleiner (1989, 245) points out that this was the first arch Augustus had allowed to anyone else in Rome and that it becomes the prototype for a series of arches for imperial princes. [BACK]
44. See p. 275 n. 14; Rostra Drusus: Cons. ad L. 269 (omitted by Lahusen). [BACK]
45. The cenotaph tradition definitely has Republican roots. We know (Plut. Cat. min. 11.2) that Cato the Younger put up a mnema at Aenos in Thrace to mark where his beloved brother Caepio died; this cenotaph must have been on the scale of Drusus' and Gaius', as it was made of eight talents' worth of Thasian marble. A cenotaph may also have been erected for Mark Antony's brother Caius in Macedon, where he fell fighting Brutus; Plutarch cites a mnema for him there. Cic. Fam. 4.12 tells us that S. Sulpicius in 45 B.C. set up a monument in Athens at the Academy for M. Marcellus. See pp. 298-99 nn. 64, 65, 70 below. [BACK]
46. The extraordinary funeral observances for Drusus and their parallels in later imperial funerals (Germanicus, Gaius, and Drusus the Younger): P. Herz in Ganzert 1984, 178-92; cf. chap. 4, n. 83. Frenz and Bellen's articles on observances for Drusus also discuss other imperial funerals; Frenz 1985a, 395f., Bellen 1984, 392-96. Both Gaius (cf. p. 299 n. 65) and Germanicus ( CIL VI.1, no. 911 = VI.4, fasc. 2, no. 31199; cf. González 1984, 58f.), who also died among foreigners, received a cenotaph; on their decoration, see p. 195 below. [BACK]
47. Stylow 1977, passim; at p. 490: Ti. Claudius Ti. f. Nero pont. cos. II [ imp. I ] I trib. potest. V/Nero Claudius Ti. f. Drusus Germ [ anicus ] augur cos. imp. II/murum portas turris p.s.p.f.c. (1250 m of wall, twenty-seven towers, four gates!). Syme 1979a, 1203; at p. 1206 he notes another inscription of Tiberius (A.D. 4) here, in the Forum. [BACK]
48. Distribution of copies of fine court cameos of Drusus in Tiberius' reign: Zwierlein-Diehl 1973, 2: 107-8, cat. 1036. [BACK]
49. Brit. Mus. inv. Bronze 967; CIL XIII.6796. Walker and Burnett 1981, cat. 4, pp. 49-53, pls. 4.1-2, 5.2-3 (with bibliography on the scabbard and detail of the legionary sacellum in the middle); Zanker 1988, 234, figs. 183a-b; Kais. Aug. 1988, 558-59, cat. 383a-b (Künzl); Hölscher 1967, 112f., pl. 15.1; Gabelmann 1984, 145-50, cat. 39; Klumbach 1970, 123-32; best plate: Levick 1976, fig. 11. Klumbach (128-30) describes the material, from a 1970 assay by B. F. Cook in the BM Research Lab: Roman brass, "silvered" with tin and silver lead, with decorative brass leaf appliqué; the owner's inscription AURELI = Aurelius, of the Leg. XIIII Gemana XVI, which was in Mainz until A.D. 43; he is an officer, as he uses only the gentilician name and does not add his centuria number, as is usual with ownership marks on armament (Klumbach, 132). On the piece as mass-produced from a matrix, Klumbach, 132; Gabelmann 1984, 124-25, assigning it to the sphere of largitio art (art for official gift giving); Gabelmann thinks the scheme was originally created for a cameo. Walker in Walker and Burnett 1981, like Gabelmann, adduces the IMP. X coinage (figs. 115-16). [BACK]
50. Klumbach, Walker, and others see Augustus receiving Tiberius. But any good photograph permits clear identification of the features of Tiberius and Germanicus, as we would expect, given that the emperor holds a shield inscribed Felicitas Tiberii, felicitas being the quality of the holder of successful highest auspices . [BACK]
51. Compare the location of the inscription for Tiberius on the Nijmegen pillar (fig. 119). [BACK]
52. This has always been called Vindelicia, by comparison with a line of Horace ( Carm. 4.4.20) apostrophizing the Vindelicii as axe-bearing Amazons; yet the Vindelicii belong to Drusus' youthful campaigns, while the Sheath's main scene refers to activities of Tiberius in Germany many decades later. A similar double axe turns up on the Augustan arch at Carpentras (A.D. 1-10) next to an Oriental prisoner; Espérandieu 1907, fig. on p. 180; Bedon et al. 1988, 1: 178; another one figures in a set of weapons reliefs (Villa Albani) from the later first century A.D., which refer to many European gentes; Kat. Albani 1988, inv. 1006, cat. 126, pl. 226. The historical context of the Sheath and signum, both Tiberian products from the Rhine frontier, determines the meaning of the axe for those images. [BACK]
53. An armed Tiberius stands on a weapon pile over a bound German savage; from the weapon pile protrude several axes, with flared half-moon blades and curved hafts. Künzl in Kais. Aug. 1988, 564-65, cat. 390 (Tiberius); Künzl 1983, 385-86, pl. 73.1. The signum has not entered the handbook canon, as have the Sheath and the Avenches Marcus Aurelius miniature bust, for example. The portrait is much disputed; Tiberius can be identified by comparing his bangs to recognized portraits in, among other locations, Toulouse from Beziérs, in the Uffizi from Leptis, and in Copenhagen from Nemi—note the predominantly Western provenance; Polacco 1955, pls. 21-22, 25, 27. Shape and proportions of the features agree. [BACK]
54. Kais. Aug. 1988, 523, cat. 365; Gabelmann 1984, 118-21, cat. 36-37; Zanker 1988, 226-28, fig. 179a and pp. 230-31, adducing not the BR I submission but the allegory; Schäfer 1989, 82. [BACK]
55. Compare the statuary described for the Pisa arch to Gaius and Lucius (chap. 3, nn. 90 and 92). Though it celebrated the deeds of the two young princes, they were made to flank a central and dominant Augustus. Cf. the well-known Corinth group of Gaius, Lucius, and Augustus, where the princes are nude warrior heroes who flank a togate Augustus; Simon 1986, fig./cat. 84. For doubts cast on the original disposition of the togate and nude statues upon a single base, see most recently Goette 1988b, 254-55, dating the princes to A.D. 4. the Augutus simply "late Augustan" (257-58). [BACK]
56. Schumacher 1985, 191-222, at pp. 209ff.; Eck 1984a, 131. [BACK]
57. Banti and Simonetti ( CNR IV [1977], 112) point out that Augustus put his own imperatorial acclamation number on coinage for the first time with the IMP. X types, which were also the first coins that associated someone else directly with his own glory; he did the same on the IMP. XII series, of 11 B.C., for Drusus' and Tiberius' first ovations. [BACK]
58. The next turning point is 9 B.C., when Drusus and Tiberius were permitted the formal acclamation of imperator, numbered as Augustus' thirteenth/fourteenth. See Schumacher 1985, 221-22 (table of acclamations). On Tiberius', see Dio 55.6.4. On Drusus', see the passage in Dio (unclear) and his elogium from the Forum of Augustus—his portrait stood among the other viri triumphales, inscribed imperator appelatus est in Germania; cf. Vassileiou 1983. This indicates clearly to me that this acclamation had just been, or was just about to be, awarded to Drusus at the time of his death in 9 B.C. and that it was part of the formal titulature including triumphator with which he was saluted by the Senate at his death when he was named Germanicus. [BACK]
59. Response to Augustus' new triumphal awards: Eck 1984a, 142-44. [BACK]
60. On Horace's odes, see Christ 1977, 170-75. Further in the panegyric tradition see, of course, the Consolatio ad Liviam for the death of Drusus, with its characterizations of Tiberius as well as Drusus (above at p. 185). Compare Vergil Aen. 6.854f. for Marcellus; Ovid Ars am. 1.170-228 (approximately) on Gaius Caesar. In the Greek Anthology (Gow and Page), Crinagoras 26 on Drusus, 28 on Tiberius, 27 for Drusus and Tiberius as the twin oaks of Zeus; Diodoros 1 to Tiberius, 8 to Drusus; Antipater of Thessaloniki 46. There is a tendency to take epigrams to Drusus as epigrams to Germanicus; others who reassign Crinagoras 26 ( Anth.Pal. 9.291) to Drusus are Schneider (1986, 41 n. 189), associating it with the clades Lollianae; Williams (1978, 129-32) interprets it, probably rightly, as an epitaph for Drusus that in sorrow paraphrases the language of Horace's Odes . Crinagoras works in any case largely for Augustus, Drusus, Tiberius, and Antonia. [BACK]
61. A good discussion along these lines is Künzl 1989, 77-78. [BACK]
62. Contra Künzl 1989, 77-78. Koeppel 1985b is the main spokesman for this tradition, which sees painting as the prototype for historical relief; I do not believe that in more than gross outline there is any such dependence, for the pictorial aims of painting and sculpture as they exist from the Greco-Roman world are very different. (Cf., for instance, the genres of painted and carved landscapes.) Roman relief sculpture often aims at effects of spatiality, momentariness, and chiaroscuro, which to us seem extremely painterly; but when we look at Roman action paintings they seem rather to aim at what we would call sculptural effects, especially a hard austerity in drapery. This is not the place to develop this theme; I hope to do so in a book on Republican megalographic painting. [BACK]
63. Also the four panels would imply two passages. There are not imperial double arches, only single, triple, or quadruple ( quadrifrons ) arches. The four BR panels seem so tightly structured in relation to one another that I do not think they excerpt a longer series. [BACK]
64. This monument has yet to be slotted into discussions of Roman relief and Augustan art. Simon (1986, 71, figs. 88-89: view, ruins; architectural ornament frag.) barely acknowledges it; it is omitted altogether by Zanker 1988 and by Ling (annotations to Strong's Roman Art [1988]). [BACK]
65. Most recently, Ganzert 1984, 91f. (geographic orientation), 178-92 (P. Herz on the cult and legal aspects of honors for Gaius and other Julio-Claudian princes), 171f. (reconstruction as a tower tomb on a high podium), 175f. (on date and attribution to Gaius and workshop, a team from Rome close to the Temple of Concord workshop, 7 B.C.-A.D. 10), 114f. and 118f. (P. Herz on the inscriptions), 126-27 (Ganzert on the inscriptions, esp. ART]AVAS[DES; cf. RG 27 and Dio 55.10a.7 on Gaius' crowning of Ariobarzanes the son of Artavasdes of Armenia). Pollini (1986, 134-36) sees the fact that the inscription is in Latin as strengthening the case for attribution to a team sent from Rome. [BACK]
66. Ganzert's catalogue of relief fragments (1984, 134f.) does not replace but only supplements Borchhardt 1974. Remains indicate, besides a garland frieze, at least one sacrifice and one rex datus scene (horses being led; a bull; lictors; laureled heads; a signifer; an Oriental head with long beard and open mouth; a Roman senator's hand with ring; a tree trunk, setting one of the scenes in the open air). Rex datus scenes: chap. 4, n. 61. [BACK]
67. Compare, though, the relief-decorated "Jupiter Column" at Mainz, whose socle has superb two-figure panels of deities sacrificing; Espérandieu 1907, no. 5887. [BACK]
68. Strong 1988, 197-98, figs. 127-28, bibl. at p. 356 n. 1. [BACK]
69. This column is especially apposite, being a triumphal monument with documentary panels in the same mode of historical narration as BR I:2, for example, paired with allegorical panels. These reliefs were destroyed in the restoration by Sixtus V; they are recorded in engravings by Piranesi, Enea Vico, and others. These make clear that at least one panel was a submissio scene (not in Gabelmann 1984), and two or more showed Victories with garlands. Bianchi Bandinelli 1970, fig. 363 (Piranesi 1762); Becatti 1967, fig. on p. 415 (Vico). Piranesi's plates are Il Campo Marzio dell'antica Roma (1762), "Base del colonna Antonina," and Trofeo . . . (1768), "Colonna Antonina," and "Colonna Antonina in tre momenti"; A. Bettagno, ed., Piranesi (1978), figs. 237, 351-52 (I thank Michael McCarthy for this reference). I hope to discuss the engravings and the basis in a future paper. [BACK]
70. One would like very much to know if there were historical reliefs on Drusus' tower-tomb cenotaph in Germany or on Germanicus' cenotaph in Antioch. For historical relief on tombs at Rome, consider the exedra tomb panel for a late Republican/early Augustan general ca. 35 B.C. in the Campus Martius, where the deceased figured as a kind of universal imperator (p. 61); an isolated triumphal narrative tableau is the focus for a tomb later on the (similarly curved) Monument of Philopappos, Athens. Such tombs may have influenced the design of the Arch of Titus, which doubled as a tomb. For narrative " res gestae " panels on tombs, see Pliny's description ( HN 15.82) of the tomb of one of Augustus' Praetorians, a noted strongman, carved with his personal exploits. [BACK]
71. This tower monument stands on a massive substructure; each side takes a different scene (cavalry, infantry, heroic battle; Caledonian boar hunt), like the Via Appia tomb panel, Hellenistic in style. Strong 1988, 348 n. 13. Such bases may derive ultimately from early Hellenistic royal monuments like the Mausoleum, but I think these panels are different from the Mausoleum friezes in conception and are connected with a Roman fondness for decorating monument bases, on whatever scale, with commemorative images. [BACK]
72. See p. 57. The Praeneste base (p. 260 n. 134): at least three documentary panels in contrasting styles; the San Omobono base reliefs (p. 232 n. 38): emblematic weapon friezes centered on an allegorical tableau. Similar programs structure the later column bases: Column of Trajan, weapon reliefs; funerary Column of Antoninus Pius, allegorical apotheosis panels, alternating with documentary depictions of the funeral decursio in contrasting style; Column of Marcus Aurelius, large submission scene and presumably a pendant historical relief, alternating with Victory and garland panels (fig. 121). [BACK]
73. There are tetrapylon arches in Augustan Gaul, such as Cavaillon (ca. A.D. 1-10; Gros 1979), and the attic of the Tiberian triple arch at Orange does have a battle scene on its broad face. We do not yet, however, have evidence of a certifiably imperial quadrifrons with panels in the attic before the reign of Domitian. [BACK]
74. See chap. 2, n. 55. [BACK]
75. Note how he overshadowed Tiberius in the commemoration of the return of the Parthian standards (compare the Primaporta Augustus), Drusus in the "BR baby" event (separated from the BR child on the Ara Pacis), Gaius in his mission to the East (Vicus Sandaliarius altar; see p. 221 n. 32) and in his funerary honors (Pisa arch; see p. 254 nn. 90, 92; contrast the anonymity of Tiberius, Drusus, and Gaius on the preexile coinage (pp. 179, 187-88). [BACK]