1. For possible evidence in the Augustan period, there is an odd relief in the Vatican (Mus. Greg. Prof. inv. 2071) that comes from a grave monument in Luna marble from Rome, one of the class of bisellium panels (fig. 23) investigated by Schäfer 1989, s.v. pl. 30 and cat. 10. Here a figure stood, or more likely sat, in the center, just right of the present break; to him knelt a large male with arms outstretched, behind him a matron, then a woman with a Julio-Claudian low chignon, her hand on the head of a tallish togate child, behind her a woman with her hand on the head of a smaller child, behind her again a togatus standing. Plainly, the procession of men and women with their hands on children's heads is adapted from the Ara Pacis procession friezes; what is curious is that on first sight the drapery of the kneeling man seems to indicate the outline of a tunic (consider esp. the line of the back thigh), though Schäfer thinks he is togate. Could this be a garbling of the BR composition, where a tunicate Gaul kneels in just the same way before Augustus? Other Augustan bisellium reliefs show similar influence from monumental prototypes, e.g., the Palazzo Colonna relief (fig. 23a) (chap. 2, n. 4). The subject is so far unique in the repertoire of these grave monuments, which will have pushed the artist to such adaptation; Schäfer thinks it represents a defendant in a criminal proceeding before the deceased as praetor. [BACK]

2. Basic is Hassel 1966, with if., 9, pl. 1.1-2 on the passage reliefs; good plates: Rotili 1972; Strong 1988, 153, figs. 89-93. See Gauer 1974, 308-35; Fittschen 1972, 742-88; Hölscher 1980, 312 n. 172; Simon 1981; Lorenz 1973. [BACK]

3. Hassel 1966, 1f. [BACK]

4. Gauer 1974, 312-13. [BACK]

5. Not a nuncupatio: all participants are laureled, the emperor is togate, the Capitolium lacks. Not a sacrifice in Rome, which narrows the possibility of connection to Trajan's decennalia: the Genius of the Roman Senate is present (fitting, as the arch was voted by the Senate) but not the by-now familiar figure of the Genius of the Roman People, and (cf. Hassel 1966, 9) the lictors have axes in their fasces . [BACK]

6. The BR victim group does often occur in connection with vows and/or campaigns, though one cannot build a case on this point. Gauer (1974, 312) suggests the dedication of the Via Traiana in A.D. 109; cf. Hassel 1966, 9, contra Fittschen 1972, 747-48, denying any specific historical referent; followed by Rotili 1972, 97. Hölscher (1980, 312 n. 172) also takes issue with Fittschen. Simon (1981, 4.1) says only that it is a sacrifice to Jupiter. Lorenz (1973, 26) proposes A.D. 113, the inauguration of Trajan's Parthian campaign, connected somehow with the fact that this was (he says) the occasion of Trajan's first visit to the Via Traiana. [BACK]

7. Good plates: Rotili 1972, pls. 53, 55. Hassel 1966, pl. 1.2; Fittschen 1972, figs. 1-2; Simon 1981, pl. 4; Lorenz 1973, pl. 7. [BACK]

8. Hassel 1966, 23-30. [BACK]

9. Hassel 1966, pl. 1.1; Strong 1988, fig. 93. [BACK]

10. Simon 1981, 4.1. [BACK]

11. Obviously, the prominently depicted little girl and her brother are put forward as the puer alimentarius et puella alimentaria pair of alimenta propaganda, familiar in the visual, as in the epigraphic, record. See most recently Eck 1980, 266-70, on the Terracina base and the coinage and at p. 269 for the epigraphic and literary evidence; the statue group represented on the Anaglypha Traiani (figs. 37, 39), see chap. 2. [BACK]

12. Hassel 1966, 30-35, connecting esp. the Anaglypha Traiani and the Arch of Titus. [BACK]

13. Wickhoff 1912, 59. Pfanner (1983, 58f.) finds the Wickhoffian notion of a "Flavische barock" useless as a dating criterion, since "barock" and its antithesis "Klassizismus" do not succeed each other but rather coexist in Roman art. A succinct formulation of Pfanner's position (which I support) and its implications is Laubscher's contrary review (1985, 643-44). [BACK]

14. Gabelmann 1984, 128: "Mit der Wiedergabe der Barbaren in Proskynese vor dem Kaiser steht das Becher am Beginn einer langen Serie von sich zu neuen Bildtypen formierenden Unterwerfungsszenen der römischen Staatskunst"; Gabelmann 1986, 285. [BACK]

15. Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glypt. inv. 553-54. See chap. 3, n. 106. [BACK]

16. Grosseto, Mus. Civ. Goette 1988a, n. 36; Stemmer 1978, 28, cat. IIa 3, pl. 14.3; Vermeule 1980b, 16 (a "masterpiece," "Neronian"). Left of the trophy, which stands over an eagle carrying a palm; at right cowers a captive with hands tied behind his back. [BACK]

17. Rome, Pal. Colonna. Restored as Fabricio Colonna. Victories construct a trophy, at its foot the captives. Vermeule 1980b, 93, fig. 53; Vermeule 1959, cat. 141; Stemmer 1978, 393. [BACK]

18. Jucker 1976, passim. Women (no children) are included in the trophy group being constituted in the exergue of the Augustan Gemma Augustea (fig. 16). [BACK]

19. Ryberg 1967, 64 n. 11; Cafiero in Rilievi storici Capitolini (1986), 14-15, fig. 4, and at pp. 12f. on provenance (arch in Via di Pietra). Hadrianic or Aurelian. One barbarian kneels in the foreground, a boy standing behind him, and two stooped barbarians stand in the background ( contra Cafiero: "4 kneeling barbarians"). The emperor's head ("Lucius Verus") does not belong. [BACK]

20. Cafiero takes the central figure as the Genius Senatus, which would probably set the scene at Rome. [BACK]

21. Gabelmann 1984, 186, cat. 88, pl. 30.2; the restoration: Petermann 1975, 218ff., pls. 81ff. (best plates); M. E. Micheli in MNR I.6 (1986), 24-27, cat. II.5. She queries the attribution to the Ludovisi sarcophagus—unnecessary, and for us irrelevant as the lid certainly belongs to some battle sarcophagus. [BACK]

22. A standing youth and seated figure on each side of the trophy, in grieving postures; seated are, left, a woman; right, a mature man. Compare the standing boy of the Torlonia relief (fig. 89); see n. 19. [BACK]

23. This somewhat recalls the Julio-Claudian frieze fragment (fig. 84) from Rome ( ex Coll. Farnese), Naples, MN 6722 (7516); Koeppel 1983a, 71, cat. 11, fig. 12. In this triumphal procession stand two Celtic captives, a man (with bracae ) and a woman, both resting a hand on the shoulder of a child in Celtic dress. See chap. 4, n. 15. The erect posture of this captive family does not vitiate my point about the posture of the Celts and their Romanized children on the Mainz fragment, for in the Julio-Claudian fragment, all the participants in the procession stand very upright even when straining forward (e.g., the ferculum bearers), so that this posture seems a mannerism of the entire frieze. Also, the artist of this minor piece evidently looked to the processions of the Ara Pacis to see how to incorporate a group of two adults with a child into a procession. [BACK]

24. This would indicate that the artist, looking for a model to depict children being honored/benefited, had used the puer (alimentarius) et puella (alimentaria) pairing established by second-century alimenta propaganda (pp. 49-50). [BACK]

25. Ryberg 1967, pl. 51, fig. 49, and p. 73 n. 3, on the other two extant reliefs of a congiarium scene that she calls Liberalitas: a damaged relief in the Villa Albani and the Constantinian panel on the Arch of Constantine. The Aurelian and Constantinian reliefs bracket the sarcophagus in date; both include figures of young children swathed in drapery standing upright before the imperial dais. [BACK]

26. Lid type, noted briefly by Koch and Sichtermann 1982, 115, citing with the Mainz lid a "late third c." sarcophagus lid from the Catacomb of Praetexta. It has a central tablet, a scene of public honor to the deceased at left, and at right a portrait bust of the deceased's wife; also cited by Micheli in MNR I.6 (1986), cat. II.5. On the catacomb sarcophagus (reused by Elia Afanasia) the deceased as lupercus presides at the whipping of a woman. A further example is the fragmentary lid of the Louvre sarcophagus of Q. Petronius Melior (A.D. 230, sodalis augustalis Claudialis, CIL XI.3367 = Dessau 1180), another third-century piece from Rome; left, a partly obliterated panel shows the deceased as consular giving an audience (format: [Audien]ce panel: procession: tabula : procession : [?? panel]). Baratte 1985, 28-29, cat. 2, ca. A.D. 250. [BACK]

27. The only typological study is Brandenburg 1980, 280-84, s.v. the Lupercal lid, which he groups with the Mainz lid as a type with "repräsentativen Öffentlichkeitscharakter," placing it in the typology of biographical structures on senatorial and generals' sarcophagi. Himmelmann's study of Late Antique sarcophagi documents a number of the relevant pieces but does not address the placement of "historical" subjects on sarcophagus lids (see nn. 29-30 below). Probably other examples are scattered in museum basements; sarcophagus lids are usually ignored when in a fragmentary state, as in much of the vast literature on the Ludovisi sarcophagus, for instance. [BACK]

28. Heintze proposed in an influential article that this is the sarcophagus of Hostilianus, son of the emperor Decius (d. A.D. 251) (1957, 69ff., pl. 13, repeated in 1974, 369ff., pls. 47-49). Contra: Fittschen (1979, 581ff.) sees it as Gallienic (ca. 260). Mid- to late third century. [BACK]

29. A similar example of intelligent borrowing directly from an official monument to decorate the lid of a magistrate's sarcophagus is a fragmentary late Antonine lid of Parian marble from the Via Ostiense (found in 1933), Rome, Pal. Cons. inv. 2311, 2829; Andreae in Helbig ⁴ I, cat. 1792; Mustilli 1936, 160, no. 6, pl. 101. Preserved are the two ends of the lid front; right and left of the customary central tabula (or possibly portrait) were careful copies of the personifications of the Hadrianeum standing before a curtained backdrop; this arrangement mimics not just the individual personifications but their arrangement in a series in the socle zone of the Hadrianeum cella. (Three are visible at left, one at right.) I cannot find this lid discussed in any work on Roman sarcophagi or in any work on the Hadrianeum provinces. [BACK]

30. Processus consularis: (1) Tunis, sarcophagus of Celsus frag.; B(randenburg and Solin 1980) 282; H(immelmann 1973) 5f., pl. 2. (2) Vatican frag.; B 282; H 5, pl. 5b. (3) Louvre, sarcophagus of P. Melior: B 282; H 5. Pompa circensis: (1) San Lorenzo lid: B 282; H 37ff., pls. 56b, 57. (2) Louvre, sarcophagus of P. Melior: B, 282; H 5, 40, pl. 5a. Cult procession: (1) Aquileia lid: B 282; H pl. 58. Procession, protagonist in wheeled throne: (1) Stockholm lid: H 32, pl. 50. (2) Terme lid; H 32, pl. 52. (3) Lateran lid: H 32, pl. 54a. (4) Turin lid: H 33, pl. 51. (5) Praetexta catacomb: H 34, pl. 55b. (6) Ostia lid: B 284. Tribunal scene: (1) Klein-Glienicke frag.; H 5, pl. 4b. (2) Louvre, sarcophagus of P. Melior (lost frag.): H 5. The iconography of the consular procession is related to that sometimes seen on the body of sarcophagi, e.g., the Naples Brothers' sarcophagus (B 282; H 5f., pl. 3; see p. 290 n. 27). Pompa circensis iconography (H 37f.) had already been developed for honorific relief; cf. the Puteoli frieze (H pl. 60). "Wagenfahrt" scenes (probably of adventus ) are also adapted from architectural relief, as on the Arch of Galerius, for example. [BACK]