3— The Peoples of Empire
1. Hölscher (1988, 523-31) essays a historical typology but does not distinguish between images put up by cities of themselves and ethnic personifications put up by Roman leaders, for example, and omits series like the Aphrodisias reliefs and the consular monuments of Augustan Rome (see p. 75 below). Hesberg (1988, 349f.) lumps landscape, polis, and nation personifications under the rubric "landscape" as merely topographic signs. [BACK]
2. Toynbee 1934, 11-12. [BACK]
3. L'inventaire du monde (1988). Thoroughly reviewed by Millar in JRA 1 (1988): 137-41. This work appeared too late for me to assimilate it completely; where Millar notes particular points, they receive notice here also. Nicolet (25ff.) looked over key aspects of the monumental record. [BACK]
4. Brit. Mus. 2191. Pinkwart 1965, 55f., pls. 28-35, esp. pl. 31; Havelock 1970, 200-201, cat./fig. 170; Onians 1979, 105; Vermeule 1968, 47-48, fig. 16. [BACK]
5. Hölscher (1988, 527) says only the figure with the elephant skin has a distinguishing attribute! [BACK]
6. St. Bertrand de Comminges. Bedon et al. 1988, 1: 195-96; Picard 1957, 270f., pls. 9-11, fig. on p. 273; Espérandieu 1928, 147-48, cat. 7488-89, 7503; Espérandieu 1938, 5-11, cat. 7653-56, 7658; Wesenberg 1984, 178. Gaul and Spain wear sleeveless tunics fastened at the shoulder, undone to bare one breast; like the Primaporta pair they vary but slightly (Gallia, torque; Hispania, long, rough hair). Three bases in the Forum: center—Victories flank a trophy set on a prow, on which a Tritoness raises a globe bearing an eagle (cf. the Vienna gem; fig. 19); flanking groups—trophy, naked bound kneeling captive, personification. [BACK]
7. Black and white mosaic: dolphins, heads of provinces and trade winds. Toynbee (1934, 103) cites Claud. Cons. Stil. 11.228f.; bibl.: Henig 1983, 122 and n. 52. [BACK]
8. See n. 6 above. The Hispania head from Munigua in Baetica (Seville, Mus. Arq.), identified by long hair and earlocks, probably comes from a similar forum tableau. The excavator dates it Hadrianic or later; it is probably early imperial, connected with Augustan activity attested here—drill work in hair or eyes is lacking, and its mode of stylized classicism compares well with early imperial statues from Gaul. EAA 253, s.v. "Munigua," fig. 348; Grünhagen 1961, 53f., figs. 2-4, 9. [BACK]
9. Toynbee 1934, 103. [BACK]
10. Pollini 1978, chap. 1. See p. 255 n. 102 below. [BACK]
11. Elephant-mask headdress: Sauer 1964; Boeselager 1983, 109-12, pl. xxv, fig. 68, on a mosaic of Africa from Catania (now Castello Ursino), comparing the Ostia mosaic (p. 243 n. 7 above) as a private use of province iconography to celebrate the patron's (presumably economic) activities in the region represented. Crawford ( RRC 459) thus interprets a pavement showing a boar at Pompeii commissioned by an L. Coelius Caldus as representing the patron's involvement with Gaul. [BACK]
12. So Zwierlein-Diehl 1973, no. 1089, pl. 83, with comparanda . It was by now typically Roman to set an object under the foot of the figure portrayed to express that figure's mastery over the entity symbolized by the object underfoot. Depictions of Roma, the Genius of the Roman People, Caesar/Augustus with foot on a globe: Hölscher 1967, 43 (starts on coins of the mid-70s B.C.); Weinstock 1971, 41-43; see p. 19 n. 91 above. The type literally translates a poetic image: cf. Bömer, s.v. Ovid Fast . 4.857. [BACK]
13. Egypt iconography: Toynbee 1934, 29f. BR emblema dish: MonPiot 5 (1899): pl. 1; Baratte 1986, 77-81 (Africa). Cf. n. 14 on later imperial Africa examples with the elephant headdress, often holding a tusk; cf. the Africa who watches Dido, Aeneas, and Ascanius on the Via Cassia sarcophagus, Terme 168186, MNR I.1 (1979) 318-24, cat. 190. [BACK]
14. Barr Sharrar 1987, 73, cat. C 159 (Brit. Mus. inv. GR 1772.3-2.152); like the BR emblema it nestles attributes, a lion and elephant tusk—so, Africa. Barr Sharrar's disputed C 146 (Naples inv. 118192), early first century A.D., seems a beaten personification (disheveled hair, chin on hand). [BACK]
15. An East-West metaphor for the oikoumene ruled by Rome is one of the "points" made by this grouping. The other is the special prominence in the context of these cups of the foremost figure, Gaul. Compare the apposition of Western and Eastern children on the Ara Pacis; cf. chap. 4, pp. 100-105. This East-West theme in Augustan arts is a fertile topic; the only specific address is Fittschen 1976, 205ff., and now Rose 1990, 461. See the Index. For other metaphors of the concept, see pp. 89-91 (globe, the personification Oikoumene, the metaphor terra marique, etc.). [BACK]
16. Cf. Fleischer 1983, 539-41, fig. 1, on one of the Trajanic Ephesos ivories. These ivories await full publication by M. Dawid; for description, bibliography, and an overview of the assemblage see Jobst 1977, 77, fig. 137. I thank B. Rose for this reference. The ivories (from a chest?) seem, like the BR cups, to copy an official monument; they intersperse documentary panels (e.g., Trajan meeting with a barbarian leader) with figures of Victories and of provinces or peoples. One hopes that Dawid's final publication of the restoration (cited by Jobst) will not take ten more years. [BACK]
17. Other major Greek cult sites exhibited similar monuments; their remarkable concentration at Delphi must reflect Delphi's special status as diplomatic center. At Olympia, Panainos' base for the Zeus, arguably the most famous cult statue in the Greco-Roman world, showed Hellas with Salamis, who held an akrostolion in reference to the battle that saved Greece from the Persians (Paus. 5.11.5); here also, Philip V of Macedon put up a group where Hellas crowned him and Antigonos Doson, while Elis crowned Demetrius Poliorketes and Ptolemy I (6.16.3). The Spartan sanctuary of Amyklai had a fifth-century (?) Sparta with a lyre by Aristander of Paros (3.18.8). At Messene, the local Hellenistic sculptor Damophon included Thebes in a group honoring Epaminondas (3.18.8). [BACK]
18. Similarly quoting Hellenistic regal modes, the tomb paintings of the second century B.C. at Ashkelon for Apollophanes (who led a Sidonian colony at Marissa/Maresha) included a (destroyed) ''Ethiopia." Hadas 1959, 227-29, 126 n. 8 (bibl.); Vermeule 1981a, 32 n. 7. [BACK]
19. See chap. 1, n. 42. LIMC II (1984), s.v. "Asia," I.4 (Balty); Fittschen 1975, 94-95, 99-100, pl. 71; Kais. Aug. 1988, 281 (Andreae); Anderson 1987-88, fig. 33. Left, Macedonia sits on a crag (Anderson, 26, says "standing"), holding a lance and balancing a gold shield that bears the Macedonian royal star burst, wearing a kausia (Macedonian military headgear) bound with a royal diadem, a long-sleeved chiton, and a mantle. She is twisted around to glare at Asia/Persia, seated at right much lower down, slumped with chin in hand (a sign of dejected submission). Like Macedonia, Asia has generic female dress (mantle, sleeveless chiton) and is "identified" by her headgear (a Persian tiara). [BACK]
20. Rome, Pal. Chigi. Hardie 1985, 29-30, fig. 2 (drawing); Moreno 1981, 187, fig. 32 (detail: shield); LIMC II (1984), s.v. "Asia," I.2 (Balty). The personifications stand flanking a round altar, on which are carved the Muses. In their near hands are paterae; they hold up the shield with their far hands. In the space over the altar is a kind of epigram in which Alexander claims world rule and states his divine genealogy, though without reference to the battle on the shield. Moreno relates the battle composition to the figure types of Lysippos' Granikos group (taken to Rome in 148 B.C.; see p. 275 n. 15 below). In the frame are labels of the personifications, and of the battle on the shield (two lines: the Battle of Arbela). [BACK]
21. Contra Hardie 1985, 31 and n. 123, this traditional date is correct. The symmetrical composition, of facing (female) figures in archaizing dress and pose (i.e., on tiptoe), is late Republican and Augustan. Compare the San Omobono base reliefs, on which archaistic Victories hold up a shield emblazoned with victory symbols: Strong 1988, fig. 16; Hölscher 1984a, 17-18, fig. 21; and Hölscher in Kais. Aug. 1988, 384-86, cat. 214; the archaizing Victories on the frieze of Augustus' aedes divi Julii: Hölscher 1984a, 20, fig. 28; Kais. Aug. 1988, cat. 206; and the compositions of the archaizing Campana reliefs from Augustus' Palatine Temple of Apollo: Kais. Aug. 1988, cat. 120-24. [BACK]
22. LIMC II (1984), 857-58, s.v. "Asia" (Balty). The pairing of Europe and Asia personified goes back to Aes. Pers. 176ff., the vision of Atossa; Broadhead 1960, 78. Cf. the South Italian Darius vase, which adapts some great Hellenistic painting or paintings—Hellas and Persis appear at Darius' court; Gabelmann 1984, 79, cat. 29; Moreno 1981, 187, fig. 6; LIMC II (1984), s.v. "Asia," I.1. [BACK]
23. Cf. Europa's nightmare in Moschus Eur. 8-9: Asia (in foreign dress) and "she who lies opposite," namely, the continent of Europe (in Greek dress), hold Europa between them as they quarrel over her. Text: Bühler 1960; Hesberg 1988, 352. [BACK]
24. Kat. Albani 1988, 192-97, cat. 60, pl. 110 (Cain). 24.5 X 25 cm. Under the thiasos, a sacrifice scene. [BACK]
25. Meyer (1989, 191-94) remarks how these have such vague visual markers that only inscriptions identify them; relationship is shown by dexiosis (handshake), later by simple juxtaposition. Pl. 7.1, cat. A 17: "Messene" with polos; cat. A 46: Aphytäe ("the citizens of Aphytis") with phiale; pl. 16.2, cat. A 51: "Corcyra," peplophoros unveiling; pl. 11.2, cat. A 38: Sicilia with torch; pl. 5.2, cat. A 15: "the Neapolitans at Thasos'' (fig. lost); cat. A 77 and pl. 46. 1, cat. A 157?: Salamis. [BACK]
26. On the pompe's contemporary political symbolism, see Badian 1967, 51, nn. 57-58. [BACK]
27. Ael. VH (ed. Dilts 1974) 13.22: Ptolemaios ho Philopator kataskeuasas Homeroi neon, auton men kalos ekathise, kukloi de tas poleis periestese toi agalmati, hosai antipoiountai tou Homerou; RE 23 (1959) 1691, s.v. "Ptolemy IV Philopator" (K. Ziegler). Onians 1979, 105; Hesberg 1988, 355. [BACK]
28. Schober 1933, 76; Lippold 1950, 375; Havelock 1970, cat./fig. 110; Onians 1979, 101, fig. 1031 (detail with Roma); Hesberg 1988, 359. Comparable is Sardis's imperial cult temple, Julio-Claudian or early Flavian; its tympanon had a series of inscribed personifications of the cities of the Communis Asiae that worshipped here. Ratté et al. 1986, 54-55, 64, 67, pl. 33 (frag., "Adramyteon"). See p. 249 n. 52 below. [BACK]
29. Lagina, the sanctuary of Stratonikeia, was the cult base of the association of poleis depicted on the temple frieze. Pro-Roman in the second century and loyal in the Mithridatic Wars, Stratonikeia was rewarded by Sulla. His benefaction, the senatus consultum confirming it, and the city's acts of gratitude were recorded on the walls of the sanctuary. Sherk 1969, cat. 18 at pp. 105-11. [BACK]
30. Strabo (4.3.1) describes the inscription and refers to statues that may portray the cities listed. Turcan 1982, 608-10 (sources), 616f. (coin images), 636 (reconstruction); coins: Kais. Aug. 1988, 524-25, cat. 369; Ratté et al. 1986, 67; Fishwick 1989, 111-12. The enclosure frieze was patently carved by artists from the capital; see Simon 1986, fig. 286; Espérandieu 1910, III.1 18-19, cat. 1758; this oak garland with sacrificial axes links Augustus' cult to that of Jupiter. On the political context of altar and cult, see chap. 4. Maurin 1986 lists its priests; add Ehrenberg and Jones 1976, no. 120 = ILS 7041, a statue dedication for an early priest by his civitas Divona Cadurcorum. [BACK]
31. CIL V.7231. 9-8 B.C. Prieur 1982, 451f; Ward-Perkins 1981, 171-72, fig. 101. [BACK]
32. See chap. 2, n. 37. Monument of P. Aelius Lamia: Eck 1984a, 146, 148, comparing Rufus' monument of the same period, on which see further pp. 208-9. Pekáry (1985, 90) thinks Aelius' monument consisted of nine statues of him in a row. [BACK]
33. Luna marble. Vat. Mus. Greg. Prof. inv. 9942. Fuchs et al. 1989, 54-57, figs. 24-26, cat. 1; Fuchs 1987, 80, cat. C I3; Liverani 1989; Hölsher 1988, 523f.; Simon in Helbig 4 I, cat. 1054; Giuliano 1957, 34, pl. 23. The dynastic portraits: Rose 1987, cat. Caere 01; Fuchs 1987, 77-84; and see now Fuchs et al. 1989, cat. 1ff. [BACK]
34. Fuchs et al. 1989, 89-91, s.v. the Manlius altar (on which see pp. 40-41 below). [BACK]
35. Fuchs in Fuchs et al. 1989, 21, contra the altar hypothesis of Liverani in the same volume, is right. [BACK]
36. I do not find convincing Fuchs's suggestion (Fuchs et al. 1989, 56) that the frieze decorated the top of the main stage-set door, the porta regia . These little figures would barely have been legible to the audience in such a position—who would ever clamber up on stage to read their little inscriptions? Even the statues put in niches in such theaters were often made larger than life-size for visibility. Fuchs's only parallel is a Severan pulpitum frieze of the late second century A.D. at Sabratha, on a much larger scale—the great front of the stage platform proper—where the emperor is shown with the Tyche of Hierapolis and some personified agones (the contests proper). There are no parallels in Roman theater construction (on which Fuchs is an expert) for a frieze of political import and of this scale incorporated into the scaena backdrop. [BACK]
37. I think they are definitely base reliefs. They may have ornamented something that had an unconventional profile, that is, something bracket-shaped in plan, as in Fuchs's reconstruction; but I wonder very much if this could not be the elaborate base for an aediculated construction housing a statue, perhaps a less-than-life-size figure in precious metal. [BACK]
38. Compare the "statue" conceit of the Vicus Sandaliarius altar and other Augustan altars (on which see p. 242 n. 126), and also of the Augustan ornamental base (for a tripod), Louvre MA 358, on which a statue of a wreathed quindecemvir sacrifices in a laurel grove at a portable altar on a garlanded base. Ill.: Zanker 1988, fig. 99a. Liverani (1989, 150f.) discusses representations of statues in Roman relief, noting early imperial candelabra and Campana relief production as well as political monuments. For garlands at the top of a frame as an Augustan motif, compare the friezes from Merida; see p. 280 nn. 47 and 48. [BACK]
39. See chap. 2, p. 41. As on the Puteoli base (fig. 62), figures that once stood around a portrait are transferred to a basis supporting it. Cf. the transfer to the temple podium in the Tiberian forum adiectum at Arles of the Jupiter- clipei that surrounded the temple in the Forum Augustum here quoted. Gros 1987, 357-64, fig. 20. [BACK]
40. On the particular images see Liverani 1989, figs. 144-52, analyzing the city sequence and the historical evidence for Augustan interest in Etruria, as well as the iconography of individual figures (of which three survive). Though Liverani cites as comparanda the Augustan great altars in the north (at Lugdunum, and the Ara Ubiorum) he did not know the personification groups on the BR cup, the Ara Pacis altar, or the senatorial monuments of Rufus and Aelius Lamia. [BACK]
41. Bibl.: chap. 5, n. 62. [BACK]
42. On cura, Halfmann 1986, 17 and n. 18. Eck (1984a, 203) discusses the legal standing of such honors awarded to Roman senators by foreigners; extremely useful are his tables (212-17) of inscriptions (Rome, Italy, provinces). [BACK]
43. Hölscher 1988, 530-31, fig. 5. Louvre Mus.; three figures extant, wearing laurel; the central one holds a sprig. [BACK]
44. Though Hölscher's broad redating is correct, his specifically Claudian date is shaky. His criterion is that the figures exhibit a submersion of individual differences in general neoclassicism, compared with the monuments described above. This is, however, because they are not separate Greek city-states or foreign gentes, but municipia with a common institutional and "Roman" character; the Trajanic relief (fig. 92) is an illuminating parallel. [BACK]
45. Most recently on the trend to autobiography on late Republican coin types, Classen 1986, 267ff., adducing the naissance of autobiography as a literary genre in the same period (early first century B.C.). His exemplar (pl. 127.2) is Pompey's triumphal aureus of 71 B.C. ( RRC 402/1b) whose obverse—Africa bust, with augural symbols—explains its triumph reverse (Pompey in quadriga). I omit it here as a purely triumphal province depiction. Perhaps, though, the augural symbols mean that Africa herself is supposed to have granted the triumph, something like the female apparitions described on p. 77. [BACK]
46. Cf. the mosaics discussed on p. 243 n. 7. Hence also personifications at home as career mementos. Cf. the inscribed stand in Assisi for an inserted bust of Hispania from a house courtyard at Vettona (Grünhagen 1961, 57); CIL XI. 5172: Hispania hanc/Proculus/proconsule/optinuit. A splendid fourth-century example is the "Great Hunt" corridor mosaic of the Piazza Armerina villa: the patron (center) supervises importation of animals for the arena from Africa and Asia/India, personified at the ends; Wilson 1983, 24-25, fig. 12 (drawing), 13 (detail: India). Cf. the annona sarcophagus from the Via Latina, Terme 40799: Africa and Sicilia with a praefectus annonae who imported grain from them; MNR 1.8 (1985), 46-50, cat. II.1. [BACK]
47. BMCRR Rome no. 2839; rev., A. Post. A. f. S. n. Albin . The pendant is RRC 372/1, pl. 48: Diana on the obverse; on the reverse she receives sacrifice at a terrace sanctuary (?) from Albinus. [BACK]
48. Note Aquillius' Hellenistic linen-and-metal cuirass. Hannestad (1986, 23, fig. 10) is wrong about pacification iconography here; Kais. Aug. 1988, 517, cat. 346 (Trillmich). [BACK]
49. Obv. of Augustus CAESAR AUGUSTUS replaces VIRTUS. BMCRR III, pl. 47.4; II, 67, 71; I, 416; omitted in BMCRE, which assigns (p. ci) this moneyer to 18 B.C. Lucius also restored Manius' road from Ephesos to Sardis with Manius' name on the milestones; Degrassi 1962, 202. [BACK]
50. The mythological (?) figure group also turns up on contemporary Arretine ware. Ashmolean fragment: Pucci 1981, 115, fig. 21; the wounded figure's gender is unclear. [BACK]
51. Compare the late Julio-Claudian slabs from the Aphrodisias Sebasteion, which, as Smith observes, couple Claudius with Britannia (1987, pl. 14, cat. 6 at p. 117; see also Zanker 1988, fig. 234), in a garbled version of this stock warrior-and-wounded-comrade figure group, and Nero with Armenia (Smith, pl. 16, cat. 7 at pp. 118-19), in a more carefully rendered conflation of the Pasquino type with an Achilles-Penthesilea type. In the light of my discussion, the Aphrodisias sculptors may perhaps be recognized as quoting Hellenistic figure motifs in a version already assimilated to Roman iconography for imperatores and their provinces, rather than as inventing these compositions themselves by direct inspiration from Hellenistic sources. [BACK]
52. Roman "reissue" of Hellenistic compositions adapted to imperial iconography: Smith 1988a, 65 n. 65. For official Roman propaganda reflected at Aphrodisias, see pp. 81-82. Sardis may provide a parallel, being connected, like Aphrodisias, to imperial cult. Its fragmentary Sebasteion pediment (cf. p. 246 n. 28) had at the corners enthroned figures facing and framing the center; for this typical Italian pediment composition (e.g., the pediment of the Temple of Mars Ultor), Classical and Hellenistic Greek parallels seem lacking. [BACK]
53. Vermeule (1981a, 95) says this aes composition copies a rare aureus of 14-13 B.C. of Cossus Lentulus; Sutherland (1987, 8, 10; no ill.) seizes avidly on the legend of "the now very rare aureus." It is in fact unique. Fullerton (1985, 478 n. 39, pl. 56.17-18) rightly urges caution. Much as I would like it to be authentic, I feel doubts. On the reverse a togate figure reaches a hand to a partly clad female personification kneeling on a ground line; in the exergue RESPUB(lica) must be a label, like AUGUST(us) behind the togate figure. These identifying names are oddly located above and below the ground line, the drapery of "Respublica" is unconventionally arranged, the portrait style of the Augustus bust on the obverse is very odd, and the moneyer's title is usurped after COSSUS LENTULUS by the "Augustus" label. The composition seems too felicitous as a unique illustration of the now-problematic Augustan tag "Respublica restituta. [BACK]
54. I avoid here the problematic clay frieze plaques from the "Tomb of Nero" on the Via Cassia, where an imperator often identified as Caesar (see esp. Weinstock 1971) is about to raise up or is being greeted by a kneeling Roma. Tortorella 1981, p. 69 n. 49; Kais. Aug. 1988, 435-36, cat. 233 (T. Schäfer). The date is disputed because the style is so primitive and idiosyncratic; the plaques have been held, for instance, to refer to the building of the Aurelian Walls. Until a comparable piece is found, I reserve my opinion on their date. [BACK]
55. Cf the situation in Republican Spain; Knapp 1977, 106-7 and 43. Knapp notes that "it was only under duress that Rome used equal treaties as a diplomatic means. Treaties of any kind between sovereign Iberian states and Rome were eschewed after the 2nd Punic War, and the only acceptable basis for a relation between Roman and native was a recognition of Roman superiority" (43). [BACK]
56. See now Künzl 1988 passim; Versnel 1970, 95ff. A good sample in English of Roman sources for the late Republic is Pollitt 1966, 63f. [BACK]
57. The mural-crowned personification kneeling to present a shield (or a wreath?) to the imperator foreshadows the Augustan or Tiberian Arcus Novus relief (fig. 12), where two such goddesses offer something to Venus. [BACK]
58. RRC 470/1c, pl. lv; reverse: here both cities stand, again "male" left and "female" right (compare the Arcus Novus gentes, fig. 12), on either side of the general; the figure left holds a caduceus, sign of alliance, and offers a branch to the general, while the right figure crowns him. The general, unusually, stands facing, looking out from the coin. [BACK]
59. Weinstock 1971, 37; Bedon et al. 1988, I:174; its basement—37.6 m long on one face—seems to have been identified at the pass of Panissars near Perthus. Earlier dedications in temples of res gestae are implied by the anecdote that Cato the Censor's votive in the Temple of Salus stood out because it did not list military commands or triumphs, only the glories of his censorship (Plut. Cat. mai. 19.3). [BACK]
60. Domitius at Vindalium, the confluence of the Sorgue and Rhône; Fabius at the confluence of the Isère and Rhône. Marius' trophy of 102 B.C. at Aix is not known to have been permanent. Bedon et al. 1988, I:173-74; Rolland 1977, 39. Before Pompey stole his command against Mithridates, Lucullus set trophies of unspecified form in Armenia at the Parthian border, as well as at Tigranocerta and Nisibis (Plut. Luc. 36.7). For Florus/Livy, the consuls of 121 innovated in leaving permanent triumphal monuments in the territory of peoples conquered: "utriusque victoriae quod quantum gaudium fuerit, vel hinc aestimari potest, quod et Domitius Ahenobarbus et Fabius Maximus ipsis quibus dimicaverant locis saxeas erexere turres, et desuper exornata armis hostilibus tropaea fixerunt, cum hic mos inusitatus fuerit nostris. Nunquam enim populus Romanus hostibus domitis victoriam exprobavit" (ha!) (Florus 1.37.6). [BACK]
61. Pliny and Dio described different dedications: Prieur 1982, 442-75. La Turbie: Ward-Perkins 1981, 171, 476 n. 20; Bedon et al. 1988, I:174-78. [BACK]
62. On geographic listing in Augustus' Res gestae, a hypertrophied development of this tradition (fifty-five geographic or ethnic labels!), see Nicolet 1988, 25f. [BACK]
63. Pliny HN 36.41 ex Varro; Suet. Ner. 46. These were fourteen nationes (Pliny) in the form of simulacra gentium (Suet.) at the Theater of Pompey, made by the Roman(ized) sculptor Coponius (for his name as Roman: Cic. Cael. 10.24, Balb. 253)—that is, separate ethnic personifications in some kind of symbolic grouping, possibly in Neo-Attic style. Fuchs 1987, 8-9, amending recent work by Coarelli; Gabelmann 1986, 294. [BACK]
64. Servius ad Aen. 8.721: "For Augustus made a portico in which he assembled images of all peoples [ simulacra omnium gentium conlocoverat ], on which account it is called the Porticus ad Nationes." Here also was put at some early imperial date, possibly by Augustus, a "Carthaginian Hercules" (Pliny HN 36.39)—a Melkart? Pollitt 1966, 58; Gabelmann 1986, 294-96. Compare the supporting terrace figures of Ephesos' Flavianeum (various Oriental deities); Waelkens 1985, 650. [BACK]
65. Dio 75.4.5: walking between the choristers and guild representatives, ta ethne panta ta hypekoa en eikosi chalkais, epichorios sphisin estalmena . Price (1987, 59, 65, 83-84) omits the Augustan parallel. [BACK]
66. Knapp 1977, 175, on the Iberian contingent; 163, 175-76, on the establishing of clientelae by conquerors and governors in Republican Spain, for example. [BACK]
67. Bibl.: p. 239 n. 104. Cf. Gaius' arch at Pisa; see p. 254 n. 90 below. [BACK]
68. Titulus for atrium portraits and commemorative statues: cf. Juv. 1.129; 5.110; 8.69, 242; 10.143; 11.86; Courtney 1980, 110, 242. [BACK]
69. Some slabs (one of the three extant) had a graffito to assist assemblage to their bases. Slabs sans graffito are difficult to match to surviving base inscriptions, as their Greek dress and attributes are allusive rather than ethnically explicit. See Smith 1987, 95-96; Smith 1988a, passim. Erim 1986, figs. at pp. 120-21 (slabs and two bases); Erim 1982, 166, fig. 10 (figure with little bull, Doric peplos ). The inscribed ethnoi: Crete, Cyprus, Sicily, the Dacians, Bessi, Rhaeti, Trumpelini, the Balkan tribes of the Iapodes, Dardani, Andizeti, Pirystae; a people referred to as --- bon and identified as Suebi or Perrhaebi (Reynolds 1981) or as Arabians ( Arabon: Reynolds' opinion cited by Bowersock 1983, 49 n. 15, after a suggestion by M. Speidel); Illyrians, Judaeans, and Bosphorans. Reynolds noted in a 1985 lecture that the group Sicily-Crete-Cyprus represents territory regained in the civil wars, making the assemblage a personal record of res gestae by Augustus. [BACK]
70. Against this is the parallel with Pertinax's funeral (see p. 80), which would establish for Augustus' funeral figures like those on the BR cup, instead of more loosely symbolic types as at Aphrodisias, which recall instead Late Classical Attic canons as seen on the treaty reliefs (p. 246 n. 25 above). [BACK]
71. The Forum Augustum was imitated in various aspects elsewhere in the Empire, at Merida in Spain ( clipeus order) and at Assisi in Italy ( elogia of the summi viri ); Hölscher 1984c, 31. Merida (Ammon and Medusa clipei, caryatids, etc.): bibl.: Trillmich 1986, 281. Arles: Gros 1987, 357-64 (on the forum adiectum ). [BACK]
72. Ehrenberg and Jones 1976, no. 63, from Eresos (Lesbos), bilingual dedication to Julia, daughter of Augustus: in Latin Iuliae Caesarius f. Veneri Genetrici, in Greek Ioulia Kaisaros thugatri Aphrodita Geneteira . Another dedication assimilating one of Augustus' womenfolk to Venus Genetrix is Ehrenberg and Jones 1976, no. 123 (Anticaria in Baetica), to Livia as genetrix orbis; for Livia-Venus with her sons, see figs. 114-15 and chap. 8. [BACK]
73. Photograph: Erim 1986, 111. Smith (1987, 95-96) describes the rest of the propylon decoration (portrait statues of Julio-Claudians), tentatively suggesting reference to the Forum Julium; he asserts a set of fixed prototypes from Rome for the Aphrodisias ethnoi . [BACK]
74. I think it probably translates a description with titulus list of the Roman complex into local visual norms, or Forum Augustum figures might deliberately have been depicted in a very Attic mode, to harmonize with the garland bearers and (fig. 68) caryatids there. [BACK]
75. Wilkinson 1969, 169f.; Drew 1924. [BACK]
76. Kais. Aug. 1988, 192-94, cat. 77-78 (Ganzert and Kockel); Zanker 1973, figs. 27-28. [BACK]
77. So Nicolet 1988, s.v. the Velleius passage. [BACK]
78. Kais. Aug. 1988, 186 and fig. 78 (Ganzert and Kockel). The extant Jupiter shields would do very well as a repeating series: the (doubtless) gilded horns and torques would have made a nice alternating pattern of arcs, directed up and down. [BACK]
79. In 19 B.C. the Temple of Apollo Sosianus gave a preview of such a symbolic structure, based similarly on iconographic elements significantly located in an architectonic matrix. The interior column capitals have a Delphic tripod around which Egyptian uraeus snakes weave a Hercules knot; the pilaster capitals framing either row took a cuirass framed in date palms. These refer to the conflict of Octavian (Apollo) and Antony (Hercules) and Cleopatra (Egypt), resolved after Actium in a reknotting of civil ties among Romans, framed by reference to the Judaean victories the manubiae from which the triumphator Sosius used to construct the temple in Augustus' honor. Cf. Kais. Aug. 1988, figs. at pp. 140-41, cat. 33, 34a (= La Rocca 1985, figs. 19, 21) and plan fig. 44. [BACK]
80. On this passage, most recently Gabelmann 1986 passim. He holds that the lines do not reflect contemporary submissio ritual and its representation in the arts, as Augustus avoided receiving proskynesis or being shown receiving it. Vergil's scene may be fantasy rather than a paraphrase of an actual event staged on the Palatine for the triple triumph after Actium, as Gabelmann says; but it cannot be proved, any more than the reverse. In any case his key text is not analogous: the distaste many felt at seeing Antony kneel to Caesar at the Lupercal is not proof that Romans would mind seeing a non-Roman kneel to a consul or general. Gabelmann posits Augustan avoidance of proskynesis images in submissio depictions by using the Lugdunum "son-giving" coinage and Rhoemetalkes' rex datus, but these are not actual submissiones; see chap. 4, Pls. 107f, n. 61. [BACK]
81. Bibl.: Schneider 1986, 27 n. 79. See p. 251 nn. 63-64 above. Caryatids: Schneider, 27ff.; Schmidt-Colinet 1977, passim, esp. for figures. [BACK]
82. See Schneider 1986, 115ff., cat. SO 1-22 at p. 200, pl. 25; this series of larger-than-life-size statues in pavonazetto and giallo antico marble, like the bases (Schneider, 117 n. 978), awaits publication by L. Fabbrini, who would not release photographs to Schneider. Hölscher 1984c, 76 n. 19. Zanker (1973, 23 n. 149) and Coarelli (1985, 296) said Fabbrini's study was still in progress. Thus it has been at least eighteen years since these came into the hands of a scholar who has yet to publish them. For symbolism compare Naples, MN 6715; see pp. 253-54 n. 89 below. [BACK]
83. Schneider 1986, 27, 109f. [BACK]
84. Waelkens 1985, 650 and n. 73, on the tradition of ethnic caryatids ( comparanda for the Dacians of Trajan's Forum). [BACK]
85. MNR II.1 (1982), 298, inv. 1174, pl. 168. The crown of the pediment is a fantastic Dionysos with cornucopia and ivy crown; from his lower body curl out acanthus branches terminating in swan heads, on which stand these Orientals, each with a long hasta; below are the Moon and Sun. On the ceiling are Apollo giving audience to Phaethon, and emblematic suns. [BACK]
86. Pfuhl and Möbius 1977, 1: 85, cat. 137, pl. 31; detail: Schneider 1986, pl. 15.3-4. The deceased stands in an elaborate porch between Corinthian columns before slightly open doors; the "podium" has a bucranium and garlands, a sphinx at either corner; in the pediment, a shield. In the frieze between the telamones, rosettes flank an urn. The patron is portrayed with naked torso and mantle round the hips, a hero type borrowed directly from commemorative statuary. one arm resting on a fine herm, between two slaves [BACK]
87. Pentelic marble. Early Julio-Claudian, probably Augustan, head later recut (to Caligula?). Borda 1943, 24-25, cat. 12, pls. 25f.; Vermeule 1959, 237; Stemmer (1978, 107-8, cat. VIIIa3) calls it a Trajanic copy of an Augustan prototype. [BACK]
88. The blurred available plate shows that the nine front pteryges of the statue are decorated with seated, slumping figures, like those on the Primaporta Augustus; like those and the BR Gaul, they are women (long hair in a chignon) in male ethnic dress. Unfortunately, no author describes any attribute of these figures; it may even be that rather than nine different types there are only two, repeated. This statue appears in no discussion of the Primaporta provinces. [BACK]
89. It seems apt here to describe a unique piece, Naples, MN 6715, from Puteoli (or Avellino), cited by Zanker 1988, fig. 142; bibl.: Schmidt-Colinet 1977, 236, cat. W 54, fig. s.v. The facing for a basis or socle projection (.87m), it may have carried a trophy. At its corners peplophoroi caryatids raise their outer arms to hold the crowning molding (modern heads, raised arms, inscriptions). Between sits in profile a provincia capta, slumped chin in hand, one breast bare; "from" her rises an acanthus trunk with curling shoots. The province, a nonspecific, allusive "classical" type, will once have been identified by a lost attribute and/or inscription. Zanker derives the symbolism from Augustan use of fantastic acanthus plants to symbolize the Golden Age, here used to convey the Roman ideal of peace as guaranteed by conquest. Compare now the acanthus bases of the Augustan Basilica Aemilia Persians; see p. 252 n. 82 above. Like much in Naples, the piece has not yet been carefully studied. It has been thought a work of the second century A.D., but drill work in the plant is the only tangible datum cited; Zanker does not explain his own, early imperial, date. I am unwilling to choose between Hadrianic and Augustan classicisms on the basis of photographs. [BACK]
90. Decreed in A.D. 4 ( CIL XI. 1421; ILS 140; Ehrenberg and Jones 1976, no. 69), from the Augusteum in Pisa's Forum. It was to be decorated with spoils of the devictarum ant in fidem receptarum ab eo [sc. Augustus ] gentium, a standing statue of Augustus in triumphal dress, and flanking equestrian statues of Gaius and his brother Lucius. It must echo honors decreed by the Senate in Rome for the dead princes; the Tabula Siarensis (González 1984, 58, 11. 9-11) describes the arch decreed by the Senate under Tiberius for the dead Germanicus cum signis devictarum gentium in [ auratis . . .]. Compare the emblematic Eastern/Western captives on the Augustan exedra tomb in the Campus Martius; see p. 61. [BACK]
91. Cf. Juv. 10.136: "summo tristis captivus in arcu." [BACK]
92. Kienast 1982, n. 195 at 114-15, with bibl. on other honors to Gaius and Lucius; Pollini 1987, 74 and n. 155, 93 and n. 3. The attic statuary: Kleiner 1985a, 162; Kleiner 1989, 245; Gualandi 1979, 99f.; Rose 1987, cat. Pisa 01. The confused Latin of the inscription is generally translated as referring to statues of Gaius and of Lucius on foot flanking a statue of Gaius on horseback. Knowing no parallel for such reduplication in a single commission of a unified group, I envision a statue of Augustus as triumphator flanked by statues of Gaius and Lucius on horse-back; so also Gualandi, 107-8. Cf. the funerary arch at Saintes (A.D. 15-18): on the attic the "brothers" Germanicus and Drusus II flanked Tiberius ( CIL XIII. 1036); Bedon et al. 1988, 1: 196-97, 2: 222. [BACK]
93. The many Julio-Claudian victory monuments in Gaul and the Gallo-Roman grave monuments that copy "official" iconography: Bedon et al. 1988, 1: 173ff., s.v. Orange, 184-93; Kleiner 1985a, 162f.; Gros 1976b, 1979. Most think that in the capital relief-covered arches developed only later, but Gallic compositions and iconography are based on relief, etc., from Rome. See an early Julio-Claudian marble panel from Rome (Mus. Greg. vestibule) on which a bound Gaul stands flanked by spears and a boar standard: Simon in Helbig 4 I, cat. 603; Lippold 1936, III.1, 55f., pl. 28, no. 605. The Lugdunum Convenarum statue group is certainly Roman work, and cf. the Arretine ware in figs. 65-67. Cf. Gros 1979, 65, s.v. the Cavaillon arch; Johannowsky and Zanker on Gros in Hellenismus in Mittelitalien 1976, 312-14. [BACK]
94. See p. 243 n. 6 above. [BACK]
95. A.D. 10-20, Rolland 1977, pls. 22-23 (east and west faces, male and female captives). But the arch front (fig. 85) has a different message: see pp. 109-10. [BACK]
96. For Tiberius (Carpentras was originally Forum Neronis); Augustan or Tiberian. Bedon et al. 1998, 1: 178-80, 2: 116. On the short sides, an Asian and a Germanic captive flank a trophy; one Asian wears Iranian dress (Parthia/Armenia); the other is a Greco-Oriental king (diadem, chlamys, long hair, plumpness). See p. 86 below. [BACK]
97. Bedon et al. 1988, I:175. See pp. 80, 250 n. 61. [BACK]
98. Triple arch and propylaion; the central arch spandrels have bound male Pisidians, one nude and one draped ("real" captives); compare the similar pair on a governor's chair at Rome; see chap. 2, n. 21. See Vermeule 1968, 78-79; Fittschen 1976, 192-93; D. M. Robinson in AJA 28 (1924): 438f. and fig. 4 (nude Pisidian); Art Bulletin 9 (1926): 5-69. [BACK]
99. Campana reliefs are mold-made terracotta revetments for house walls. One or more patterns would be bought in bulk and lined up in a repeating series to form a molding. They seem to have been made, and almost exclusively utilized, for domestic architecture in central Italy in the near orbit of Rome. Like the Arretine ware described below they document diffusion of a given iconography and message (see pp. 85, 200). Campana reliefs in general, and their relation to models from the capital: Tortorella 1981, 61-80, esp. 70-73 (themes from imperial ideology), 69 (figs. 9-11, Gallic prisoners-and-trophy type); Gabelmann 1981, 453-56 (triumph types). [BACK]
100. Ward-Perkins 1981, 23, fig. 1; Zanker 1988, fig. 55, 339 (bibl.); La Rocca 1985, 94-95, figs. 22, 24; Kais. Aug. 1988, cat. 42-44 (Viscogliosi). [BACK]
101. Kähler 1959, passim; Pollini 1978, chap. 1; Schneider 1986, 91 and passim, for Augustus' Parthian propaganda; Zanker 1988, figs. 148b, 192-96. [BACK]
102. Fittschen (1976, 205-8) misidentified the provinces to set up a typically Augustan East-West pair but could have saved trouble by remembering that the central emblem is already "Eastern." Simon 1986, 237-38, 253 ( contra Fittschen), color pl. 1, figs. 55-56 (Hispania and Gallia); Zanker noted Gallia but waffled on calling her sister either German or (under Fittschen's influence) Oriental.
The long argument about these figures could largely have been resolved by the following sound methodological rule: like the original patron and viewer, interpret a given iconographic occurrence in the light of past and contemporary imagery ( not, like Alföldi, for example, in the light of images more than a century younger). The Primaporta figures have, respectively, a boar standard and carnyx (Gallic boar trumpet (fig. 64d)), and an eagle-headed sword (fig. 64c). Boar standards and carnyxes up to the Augustan period were associated exclusively with Gaul (cf. the many coins of Caesar and others in the late Republic celebrating Gallic victories; Crawford, RRC at 459 and 297). Among the many relevant monuments are the relief from Rome cited in n. 93 on p. 254, Campana reliefs with Gallic prisoners cited in n. 99 on p. 255, and an early imperial relief from the Moselle region in Gaul, a goddess with patera and boar standard (Metz Mus., from Betting les Avold; La civilisation romaine [1983], 142, cat. 72, fig. at p. 44). If one personification is Gaul, her companion is Spain; and compare Horace's coupling of Spanish and Armenian victories; see p. 256 n. 103 below. [BACK]
103. Pollini 1978, 37-38. Simon (1986, 55, 253) thinks that Gaul, Spain, and Syria (i.e., the locus of the central transfer) commemorate Augustus' imperium (given in 27 B. C. , renewed in 17 B. C. ), as frontier provinces under his immediate control; and the sphinxes on the shoulder tabs signify Egypt. Meyer (1983, 136) rejected Pollini in favor of what he saw as Fittschen's hermeneuticism; he ignored Pollini except to taunt him for not citing Fittschen: ''Werden die Publikationen des Berliner Instituts in Berkeley nicht gehalten?" (p. 210 n. 64). Highly apposite in tone (cf. Zanker 1988, 189) is Hor. Epist. 1.12.25-29, which in praise of Augustus links the submission of the Spanish Cantabri by Agrippa, of Armenia by Tiberius, and of Phraates personally to Augustus with the gushing of fruit from Italia's cornucopia. [BACK]
104. Compare an early imperial base from Delminium (Gardun) in Split: right of the central tabula (missing left) is a trophy flanked by Eastern prisoners (Phrygian cap) and Western (Celt in bracae ); Picard 1957, 252 (possibly Augustan), pl. 12. The relation of motif to tabula recalls the frieze of the Augustan Tomb of Caecilia Metella at Rome, which preserves a trophy with Celtic captive left of the inscription (right, lost); Eisner 1986, pl. 9. Picard (220f., pl. 7) discusses the Western and Eastern trophies painted on either side of the gate of the Armamentarium at Pompeii and (345-46) the possibility of a similar pair installed at Pompeii flanking an Isis shrine. On the East-West theme Rose (1990, 461) notes how Vergil ( Aen. 8.652-713) apposes Gauls (defeated in 387) to Orientals (Actium) on Aeneas' shield. [BACK]
105. Vermeule (1980b, 23, cat. 15C) cites H. W. Catling, Brit. Sch. in Athens Archeological Reports for 1976-77, 48-49, fig. 82, where one can see flanking a trophy a bound male in a Thracian helmet and a seated female personification in a tall headdress on a cuirass. Even the blurred plate bears out Vermeule's observation that this is a very fine cuirass statue, its workmanship on a par with that of the Primaporta Augustus (fig. 64). [BACK]
106. Müthmann 1936, 347-52, fig. 1, pl. 49 (best ill.); Poulsen 1973, cat. 31, pl. 46; Vermeule 1959, 233 n. 79, 237 (miscalls the figure with a child "female"). Compare the following: a Hadrian from Hierapytna in Crete (Vermeule, pl. 73, fig. 17) has a bound Oriental (Parthian cap) on one flap. Mansuelli (1958, 99) mentions a fragment of a cuirass statue from Pola, on which (right hip) appears a kneeling barbarian in a torque. Conquest iconography on cuirass statues: Vermeule's article explores the Augustan iconography revived in this genre by Trajan and his successors; see p. 258 n. 117. [BACK]
107. Marble, 40 X 68 cm, broken at right. Hölscher 1984a, 209ff., fig. 12, n. 112 (bibl.). Egypt/Africa has female dress, a long and long-sleeved gown (and mantle?), and an elephant headdress the trunk of which rears up, as on the BR cup. The imperator has cropped hair and wears a Hellenistic-style cuirass (form possible from ca. 70 B. C. - A. D. 70); he steps left in three-quarter view, cradling a lance in his left arm. Behind him at right was another figure, whose right hand is visible gesturing as if in presentation, presumably a divinity "presenting" and sponsoring him. Dates vary. Hölscher points out the connection with Augustus' Actium imagery; I cannot see how in fact the allusions to Egypt/Africa and sea victory could fit anyone else. [BACK]
108. Pucci 1981, 101-19; Wiseman 1987/1963, 6-14, 373. Official imagery disseminated in "private" media, including Arretine ware: Hölscher 1984a, 211-13, s.v. Actium imagery. [BACK]
109. See the Introduction, pp. 3, 214 n. 6. [BACK]
110. Reported by Simon 1957, s.v. the blue-glass cameo fragment (an Oriental in mitra and long-sleeved tunic), fitted as bottom to the Portland vase. This is so far the only fragment of a Republican or early imperial glass vessel that may have politically significant iconography. [BACK]
111. Standing in a kind of frame, she has thick, loose hair, a long, unbelted dress, a spear in her lowered right hand and the hilt of a sheathed sword in her left (the thick object is not a mantle roll, as she has no mantle). Weapons fill the side extensions of the handle plate to frame the label below. Pais 1979, 125; Smith 1988b, 71 n. 50; AA 1889: 166, drawing on p. 167. Compare the deployment in an isolated rectangle and lack of formal specificity with the province at the base of the early Tiberian "Sheath of Tiberius" (fig. 118). [BACK]
112. The loose-haired Germania (cf. pp. 71, 144 n. 8) is identified by the tropaeum details. Berlin inv. 4772: other sherds in Arezzo, Tübingen, Munich, Berlin. Dragendorff 1948, 160-61; Oxé 1933, 98, pl. 52, no. 220a-b. and 308 n. 1; other sherds in Heidelberg. Laubscher 1974, 253; Pollini 1978, 284-85; Simon 1957, 36. [BACK]
113. Dragendorff 1948, no. 506 (= Tübingen 2575), pl. 33; no. 505 is a piece of a trophy from one of these cups. Dragendorff recognized a possible third composition involving Armenia in two Munich fragments with the lower part of an Oriental body (trousered and slippered) and the ends of two spears (?) (i.e., spears attached to a trophy arm). Armenia has a long-sleeved (i.e., Oriental) gown and an elaborate stiff tiara known from coinage to be a specific Armenian crown type; LIMC II (1984), s.v. "Armenia," sec. 9. J. Herrmann in The Gods Delight 1988, 290, fig. 51c, publishes a fragment in a private collection identical to the personification of Tübingen 2575 and attributes it for some reason to an Iliadic scene of the dragging of Hector's body [BACK]
114. Laubscher 1974, 253 (depictions of the lost monument on Actian commemorative coinage); Zanker 1988, s.v. fig. 32 (the 31 B.C. coin type), If. (Republican nude portraits). [BACK]
115. Smith 1987, cat. I, pl. 4 (Augustus, eagle, trophy, Nike); cat. 4, pl. 10 (trophy, captive, Germanicus); cat. 5, pl. 12 (trophy, female captive, prince, Genius). Smith (103, 135) rejects direct inspiration from Roman statuary group types for the Augustus group or any other panel because the imperial males are shown heroically nude. He notes similar compositions (n. 45: Vienna gem, nude imperator with scepter, eagle, trophy, prisoner) and allows single statues of Augustus and others heroically nude but rejects the possibility of "narrative" historical compositions with nude imperator because in such compositions the emperor and others are always at least partly clothed or armored. This avoidance of full heroic nudity may perhaps have been true of commemorative relief in Rome (though Smith cites no specific allegorical reliefs), and indeed a collection of reliefs like those at Aphrodisias would be very startling if excavated in Rome. However, there is no reason to assume such avoidance for multifigure narrative or symbolic statue groups any more than for individual statues; indeed triumphal arch statuary is very likely to have deployed freestanding groups of this type. The Aphrodisias panels throughout plainly draw on freestanding models. [BACK]
116. See p. 243 n. 6. [BACK]
117. Compare an Augustan cuirass statue from Civitavecchia (Vat. Mus.), the type copied in antiquity (Brit. Mus.): Victory with palm and cornucopia floats between two bound barbarians, one Celtic and one Oriental, each by a trophy, with Terra Mater under all. Heintze in Helbig 4 I, cat. 150; Vermeule and Haufmann 1957, 237 ("Flavian"); Stemmer 1978, 61, cat. V9, pl. 37 (Civitavecchia, "Claudian"). Cf. an Augustan cuirass statue from Susa in Torino cited by Mansuelli 1958, 98-99, fig. 53. The Amphipolis cuirass statue (p. 256 n. 105) may juxtapose a Thracian and Armenia (the tall headdress of the female would be a tiara). East-West imagery: see p. 244 n. 15 above and the Index. Apposition of separate, far-flung frontiers is a staple of Augustan panegyric poetry, echoed in other empires (''Dominion over palm and pine"; "From the halls of Montezuma to the shores of Tripoli"). [BACK]
118. On this question see Hölscher 1984C, 24, 26; compare the Arretine fragment discussed in the Introduction (p. 214 n. 6). Pollini (1978, 284-85) abandons these cups as being in "an entirely private sphere." [BACK]
119. A good example of dissemination of personification iconography is a relief of abominable local workmanship from Kula (Lydia): Caligula rides down a female personification labeled "Germania"; Gaio Germaniko autokratori Kaisari kathieroutai pas ho domosios topos ( IGGR 4.1379; Smallwood 1967, no. 34). Pais 1979, 123-25; Kais. Aug. 1988, 544, fig. 223. [BACK]
120. Contra Zanker 1987, 231: "unterworfener und befriedeter Provinzen" (= 1988, 230: "subject and pacified provinces"). Add an early imperial gem from Aquileia depicting a female provincia capta in a landscape; Sena della Chiesa 1966, I: 338, cat. 990 (inv. 50598); vol. 2, pl. 50.990. [BACK]
121. A.D. 2-4. ILS 147 = Ehrenberg and Jones 1976, 79: Ti. Claudius Ti. f Nero pont. cos. II [imp. I] I trib. potest. V] Nero Claudius Ti. f Drusus Germa[ nicus ] augur c[ os.] imp. [ . . . ]/murum portas turris d. [s. p.] f c. Zanker 1988, fig. 258 (view); Schneider 1986, 133-34; bibl. in n. 972; detail of German, pl. 38.4. [BACK]
122. So Nicolet (1988) and his reviewer Millar (1988) are bothered by Augustus' propaganda. Millar observes with regard to Parthia: "Augustan ideology in general, however, shifted uneasily between the notion of an already achieved universal domination and that of a major Eastern enemy whom it was Rome's destiny to confront" (138). [BACK]
123. So an inscription at Messene ( SEG 23, no. 206) congratulates Gaius, who moved against Parthia, for "fighting against the barbarians for the safety of all men." This inscription motivated Millar's comment quoted in the preceding note. [BACK]
124. Identified and reconstructed by Kähler 1954b, 38-39, fig. 2, and 1954a passim, when the fragments were still in the Terme basements; he has been ignored in most subsequent interpretations of the program of the Ara Pacis as a whole. Exceptions: Simon in Helbig 4 II, 676; Zanker 1988, 129-30. Now catalogued by Angelis Bertolotti 1985, 232-34, Pls. 90-95. She notes that these Amazon-type personifications are serene and expressive of the pax Augusta, thus not the gentes victae of, say, Verg. Aen. 8. 1103f ("incedunt victae longo ordine gentes . . ."), which are so typical of contemporary art. A good account of the fragments: Smith 1988a, 72-73; Smith thinks they represented "new conquests" (doubtful: Gaul itself was not Augustus' conquest!) and states oddly that "this does not constitute a major gentes monument.'' Catalogued by Koeppel 1987, 148-51, figs. 43-54, cat. 13; the other altar frieze, of female virtues or abstractions, 146-48, figs. 38-39, cat. 12. [BACK]
125. One can identify fragments of an Amazon with a bare breast and an axe (compare the "Sheath of Tiberius" figure; see fig. 118), a Celtic female in a fringed gown and cloak with spear and shield, another figure with such armor by her legs, and a Celtic (?) female with soft boot and trousers, and at least one in female dress with chiton and mantle. See Smith 1988a, 73 n. 58; Koeppel 1987, cat. 13; Kähler 1954a, no. 2, fig. 20; no. 7, fig. 25; no. 11, fig. 29. [BACK]
126. Koeppel 1987, fig. 13/10. [BACK]
127. Koeppel 1983a, 120, cat. 26-27, fig. 31; see pp. 225-26 nn. 68-69. [BACK]
128. Halfmann 1986, 20-21, omitting the monuments. For Zanker 1988, 234, the Gemma Augustea is Augustus' "first step" at a view beyond Rome to the Empire: in his Forum (2 B.C.) the Empire is only an object of "ständiger Eroberung"; on the cameo (ca. A.D. 14) Oikoumene and Italia take an active part in honoring Augustus (fig. 16). But the BR provinces do the same, and the Ara Pacis pacati and provinces bring this imagery back into the teens B.C. [BACK]
129. Compare the terminology in Vell. Pat. 2.98.2; L. Piso's bloody crushing of the revolt in Thrace means he "pristinum pacis redegit modum [ sc. eos]." [BACK]
130. The definition of pax in Roman terms has yet to be fully assimilated by modern art historians. In 1983 La Rocca (52) still claimed that the Ara Pacis fragments could not possibly show personified provinces or defeated peoples, because this would contradict the ideology of the altar; compare Torelli's comments (1982) on figures in the enclosure friezes; see chap. 4, n. 26. [BACK]
131. See p. 70 n. 104 above. [BACK]
132. On various literary images of Augustus' world rule see p. 260 nn. 135-37 below. Symbolism of world rule in the Forum Augustum complex: Zanker 1973, 12ff. The globe in general and Augustus' exploitation of that symbol: Hölscher 1967, 6ff., 116ff., and 148-63 passim; Buchner 1976, 347f.; Hardie 1986, 367-68. Republican globe symbolism: Crawford, RRC at nos. 393, 397, 403, 409.2, 426.4. The globe atop the obelisk that formed the gnomon of Angustus' Solarium: Buchner in Kais. Aug. 1988, 240-45, at cat. 110. [BACK]
133. Compare the monument put up at Aphrodisias ca. 30 B.C. by Zoilos, a wealthy freedman of Octavian: greeted by Demos, Zoilos is crowned by Polis; Zoilos is crowned by Time; on individual slabs, Andreia, Aion, Mneme, and Roma seated with a shield. Erim, Aphrodisias (1986), 137-39; Erim and Reynolds in Alfäldi 1979, 35-40; Vermeule 1968, 20-21, 505, no. 4 ("Antonine"). [BACK]
134. On Caesar, Pompey, and the Demetrios painting see Weinstock 1971, 38-39, 41f; Hölscher 1967, 13-17. Compare, for imitation of Hellenistic regal prototypes, the monument at Praeneste that paraphrases the decoration of Alexander's funeral car; Hölscher 1979, 342f., and in Kais. Aug. 1988, 363-64, cat. 198. As regards the transmission by image and by text, consider the case of Protogenes' painting of Ialysos (Rhodes): taken by Demetrios Poliorketes (Plut. Mor. 183), seen by Cicero ( Orat. 2[5]), later installed in Vespasian's Templum Pacis in Rome and so described by Pliny ( HN 35.36). This installation can perhaps be attributed to imitation of the Ara Pacis's linking of personifications with pax . On the Theocritean panegyric for Ptolemy and its exemplary quality, see Ganger 1984, 269f.; Weinstock (1971, 41) omitted this parallel to Caesar's hemitheos inscription. [BACK]
135. See p. 244 n. 12 above on subjection imagery. Zwierlein-Diehl 1973, vol. 2, s.v. cat. 1089. The corresponding poetic image: Bömer ad Ov. Fast. 4.857. [BACK]
136. Terra marique: for the literary evidence and its Greek precedents, see Momigliano 1942, 53ff.; Ganger 1984, 269, 277-82. The images: Fittschen 1976, 189f.; Stemmer 1978, 152-62 (world rule at 157-58). For this and other images of Rome's preeminence, Ganger's gold-mine article is to be read with Bowra 1957, 21-28; Rowland 1983, 749ff. [BACK]
137. The comparanda for Vergil's parcere subiectis ( Aen. 6.853): Fordyce's commentary ad loc. ; Polyb. 18.37.7: polemountas gar dei tous agathous andras bareis einai kai thumikous . . . nikontas ge men metrious kai praeis kai philanthropous; Cic. Off. 1.35: "suscipienda quidem bella sunt ob eam causam ut sine iniuria in pace vivatur, parta autem victoria conservandi ii qui non crudeles sunt in bello, non immanes fuerunt . . . et cum iis quos vi deviceris consulendum est, tum ii qui armis positis ad imperatorum fidem confugient . . . recipiendi," etc.; Aug. RG 26.2: "Alpes a regione ea, quae proxima est Hadriano mari, ad Tuscum pacari feci nulli genti bello per iniuriam inlato"; Livy 30.42.17 (Hasdrubal on Romans): "plus paene parcendo victis quam vincendo imperium auxisse," and 37.45.8f. (ambassadors from Antiochus to Rome, 190 B.C.): "maximo semper animo victis regibus populisque ignovistis; . . . positis iam adversus omnes mortales certaminibus haud secus quam deos consulere et parcere vos generi humano oportet''; Hor. Carm. saec. (on Augustus): "bellante prior iacentem/levis in hostem." Compare the Augustan imagery common on cuirass statues and elsewhere, of Arimaspes (emblematic barbarians) either eaten by griffins ( superbi ) or feeding them ( subiecti ); Stemmer 1978, 152-53. [BACK]
138. Consider here Caesar's policy of clementia toward foreigners as well as toward his Roman political enemies. On this idea of patronage, one of the main themes of BR I:2, see chap. 4. [BACK]
139. P. 242 n. 129 above. This is the tone of most numismatic representations of barbarians; cf. Levi 1952. Subjected barbarians on cuirass statues: Stemmer 1978, 156-57. [BACK]
140. Millar 1988, 137. [BACK]