1. Quoted in David Lowenthal, "Geography, Experience, and Imagination: Towards a Geographical Epistemology," Annals of the Association of American Geographers 51 (1961): 241.

2. I refer to the "southwestern Plains" as an area comprising the eastern third of Colorado and of New Mexico, the northern extension of Texas, the Oklahoma panhandle, western Kansas, and southwestern Nebraska. The "Southwest" embraces present-day New Mexico, Arizona, southern Utah, southern Colorado, and the southern tip of Nevada—perhaps half of the Mexican Cessation of 1848.

3. Walter Prescott Webb, The Great Plains (New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1931), 488.

4. Frederick Jackson Turner, "The Significance of the Frontier in American History." In The Frontier in American History (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1920), 1-38.

5. Mircea Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane: The Nature of Religion: The Significance of Religious Myth, Symbolism, and Ritual within Life and Culture, trans. Willard R. Trask (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1959), 53.

6. David Lowenthal, "Past Time, Present Place: Landscape and Memory," The Geographical Review 65 (1975): I2.

7. Karen Blixen, Out of Africa (London: Putnam, 1937). Quoted in Lowenthal, "Past Time," 9.

8. Ibid., 54-55.

9. Lawrence Wright, Saints and Sinners (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1993), xii.

10. See, for example, Rhys Isaac, The Transformation of Virginia 1740-1790 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982).

11. The term American is fraught with difficulty in a work like this book. Where I term a group or person who resided in the United States something other than American, it is only for the purpose of pointing out some affiliation with another group that is pertinent to the book. In some cases I have employed hyphens to achieve this kind of differentiation, as with Euro-Americans and Anglo-Americans. In a number of instances, I have fallen back on the term Anglo to designate persons from the eastern United States, especially those who arrived in the vicinity of Bent's Old Fort just prior to and after its demise, when in fact a group so designated may have included African-Americans, Native Americans from eastern groups, Hispanics, and members of other groups.

      As to other group nomenclature, in general the collective nouns I use here to designate the human groups that appear in this book are those I think to be ones most frequently employed to refer to those groups. I depart from these common terms only where I think that to not do so would be misleading or when I know their use to be objectionable to the groups involved. I use the terms Native American and Indian interchangeably because both are typically employed in the literature from which I drew for this work. I have used Cheyenne instead of Tsis tsis' tas because the former is not objectionable, so far as I know, to the group in question, and again because a large body of literature is attached to the term Cheyenne.

      In the first draft of this book I took care to employ the plural form when referring to more than one member of any Native American group (for example, "a party of Cheyennes" instead of "a party of Cheyenne,") in order to be consistent with the usage of plural forms for other ethnic groups (Germans, Americans, etc.). This proved to be so distracting to those who looked over the early manuscript that I changed all such references to the singular forms ("a patty of Cheyenne") that are used by most anthropologists for Native American groups.

      I speak of the Spanish as the citizens of the country immediately to the south of the United States prior to 1821; after that date I refer to them as Mexicans. Spanish-speaking persons residing in the United States I term Hispanics, and in some cases this term is also used to refer to Spanish-speaking people who might have lived at least part of the time south of the border.

      I ask the pardon of any I may have offended in my efforts not to be pedantic and so to move the book along. I invite your reactions to my use of the terms I have described above, and any others.

12. Anthony McGinnis, Counting Coup and Cutting Horses (Evergreen, Colo.: Cordillera Press, Inc., 199o), 4.

13. Frank Gilbert Roe, The Indian and the Horse (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1955).

14. Quoted in Marc Simmons, Coronado's Land: Essays on Daily Life in Colonial New Mexico (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1991), 127-161.

15. David J. Weber, The Taos Trappers: The Fur Trade in the Far Southwest, 1540-1846 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1986), 35.

16. Ibid., 28.

17. Thomas F. Schilz, "Ponies, Pelts and Pemmican: The Arapahos and Early Western Trade," Red River Valley Historical Review 7, no. 9 (1982): 28-38.

18. Howard R. Lamar, "Foreword," in Susan Shelby Magoffin, Down the Santa Fe Trail and into New Mexico, ed. Stella Drum (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982), ix-xxxv.

19. Mark Simmons, personal communication, 1992.

20. The United States termed New Mexico a territory and appointed a governor, Charles Bent, before the area was ceded by Mexico in 1848.

21. David Lavender, Bents Fort (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1954), 281.

22. John S. D. Eisenhower, So Far From God: The U.S. War With Mexico 1846-1848 (New York, Doubleday, 1989), 68.

23. Similar cultural changes had occurred in California, but the circumstances of these are beyond the scope of this book. The social mechanism that effected these changes were quite surely the same, however.

24. Karl von Clausewitz, On War (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1962).

25. David M. Pletcher, The Diplomacy of Annexation: Texas, Oregon, and the Mexican War (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1973), 50.

26. Simmons, personal communication, 1992.

27. Quoted in Roger Lewin, Complexity: Life at the Edge of Chaos (New York: Macmillan, 1992), 15.

28. This is discussed as it relates to the fur trade in Eric R. Wolf's Europe and the People Without History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982), 158-194, and treated as it deals with Bent's Old Fort in chapter 4 of this book.

29. Richard White, The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and the Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650-1815 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), ix-xvi.

30. Mary Douglas, Natural Symbols (New York: Vantage Books, 1970), 125-139.

31. That these terms are highly problematic is a major theme of this book, and there will be much discussion of how these terms have been used, what they have meant in various contexts, and how they have been misleading. In general usage pertinent to the topics discussed in what follows, traditional refers to belief, practice, or statement transmitted from generation to generation, and often implied is that the transmission was oral, carries the force of convention, has persisted from time immemorial, and is largely uncritical; modern is used to refer to that which departs from or repudiates tradition, especially in its use of science and especially critical thought, and the practice of market capitalism, as well as the ideologies associated with science and capitalism. It is in the assumption of the fundamental departure of the modem from the traditional that the central problem lies.

32. Weston La Barre, Shadow of Childhood (Norman: University, of Oklahoma Press, 1991), II-51. Also, as La Barre suggests, Stephen Jay Gould, Ontogeny and Phylogeny (Cambridge, Mass.: Belnap Press, 1977); and Ashley Montagu, "Time, Morphology, and Neoteny in the Evolution of Man," in Culture and the Evolution of Man, ed. Ashley Montagu (New York: Oxford University Press, 1962), 324-342. Yi-Fu Tuan not infrequently alludes to neotenic influences, as in his Space and Place (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1977), 19-33.

33. Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane, 39-45.

34. Simon Schama, Landscape and Memory (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1995), 218.

35. Richard Sennett, Flesh and Stone: The Body and the City in Western Civilization (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1994), 102.

36. Ibid., 108. Sennett quotes Joseph Rykwert, The Idea of a Town (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1988), 59; and Polybius, Histories, VI.31, trans. E Hultsch and E. S. Shuckburgh (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1962), 484; quoted in Spiro Kostof, The City Shaped: Urban Patterns and Meanings Through History (London: Thames and Hudson, 1991), 108.

37. Lavender, Bents Fort, 136.

38. Daniel Miller, Material Culture and Mass Consumption (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1987), 71.

39. See, for example, Claude Lévi-Strauss, The Elementary Structures of Kinship (New York: Basic Books, 1969); and Marshall Sahlins, Islands of History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985). Exchange was also carefully treated by Karl Marx, of course; see his Capital: A Critique of Political Economy (New York: International, 1967).

40. Mary Douglas, "Foreword," In Marcel Mauss, The Gift: The Form and Reason for Exchange in Ancient Societies, trans. W. D. Halls (London: Routledge, 1990), xiv.

41. Yi-Fu Tuan, Segmented Worlds and Self: Group Life and Individual Consciousness (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1982), 7-8.

1. A letter signed George Bent to George Bird Grinnell, dated September 24, 1912. George Bird Grinnell Collection, folder 56 (letters of George Bent), Southwest Museum, Los Angeles.

2. Mircea Eliade, The Myth of the Eternal Return: Or, Cosmos and History (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1954.), 1-34.

3. Ann Shadlow, personal communication, 1992.

4. Eliade, Myth, 34.

5. Ibid.

6. Claude Lévi-Strauss, The Savage Mind (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1966), 16-33.

7. Quoted in Anthony Giddens, The Consequences of Modernity (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1990), 49-50. Giddens has doubts about "post-modernity," and thinks that the term is "best kept to refer to styles or movements within literature, painting, the plastic arts and architecture. It concerns aspects of aesthetic reflection upon the nature of modernity" (see p. 45). He does not think that modernity has been overcome, only that is it beginning to understand itself (p. 48).

8. Paul Tillich, The Courage To Be (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1952), 182-190.

9. Lawrence Wright, Saints and Sinners (New York: Knopf), 109.

10. Ibid., 109-110.

11. Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckman, The Social Construction of Reality (New York: Anchor Books, 1967).

12. Yi-Fu Tuan, Segmented Worlds and Self (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1982), 139.

13. Ibid., 146.

14. Ibid., 175.

I5. Giddens, Consequences of Modernity, 146.

16. Clifford Geertz, Local Knowledge (New York: Basic Books, 1983), 167.

17. Clifford Geertz, "Deep Play: Notes on a Balinese Cockfight," in The Interpretation of Cultures (New York: Basic Books, 1973), 432-442.

18. Ibid., 421.

19. As Durkheim described sentiment in Sociology and Philosophy:

      When individual minds are not isolated, but enter into close relation with, and act upon each other, from their synthesis arises a new kind of psychic life. It is clearly distinct from that led by the solitary individual because of its unusual intensity. Sentiments created and developed in the group have a greater energy than purely individual sentiments. A man who experiences such sentiments feels that he is dominated by forces which he does not recognize as his own, and which he is not the master of, but is led by; and everything in this situation in which he is submerged seems to be shot through with forces of the same kind. He feels himself in a world quite distinct from that of his own private existences. This is a world not only more intense in character, but also qualitatively different. Following the collectivity, the individual forgets himself for the common end and his conduct is directed by reference to a standard outside himself. . .. For all these reasons this activity is qualitatively different to the evervday life of the individual, as is the superior to the inferior, and the ideal to the real.

      It is, in fact, at such moments of collective ferment that are born the great ideals upon which civilizations rest. These periods of creation or renewal occur when men for various reasons are led into a closer relationship with each other, when gatherings and assemblies are more frequent, relationships closer and the exchange of ideas more active. . .. At such times the ideal tends to become with the real, and for this reason men have the impression that the time is close when the ideal will in fact be realized and the Kingdom of God established on earth. This illusion can never last. . .. Nevertheless these ideals could not survive if they were not periodically revived. The revival is the function of religious or secular feasts and ceremonies, public addresses in churches or schools, plays and exhibition—in a word, whatever draws men together in intellectual and moral communion.

      Quoted in Anthony Giddens, ed. and trans., Emile Durkheim: Selected Writings (London: Cambridge University Press, 1972), 228-229.

20. Mircea Eliade, Rites and Symbols of Initiation (New York; Harper and Row, 1958), ix-x.

21. Ibid., 132-136.

22. Mark C. Carnes, Secret Ritual and Manhood in Victorian America (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989), 1-2.

23. Mircea Elide, The Sacred and the Profane: The Nature of Religion: The Significance of Religious Myth, Symbolism, and Ritual Within Life and Culture, trans. Willard R. Trask (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1959), 204-205.

24. See William Cronon, Changes in the Land: Indians, Colonists, and the Ecology of New England (New York: Hill and Wang, 1983), for a description of this process as it occurred in New England, at the outset of colonialism.

25. Giddens, Consequences of Modernity, 143-144.

26. Basil Bernstein, "Elaborated and Restricted Modes of Communication."

27. Giddens, Consequences of Modernity, 139.

28. Derek Robbins, The Work of Pierre Bourdieu (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1991), 33.

29. Quoted in ibid., 23.

30. François Lyotard, The Postmodern Condition: A Report on Knowledge (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1988), xxiv.

31. Michel Foucault, The Archaeology of Knowledge (New York: Pantheon Books, 1972), 7.

32. Ibid., 138-139.

33. Hildegard Binder Johnson, Order Upon the Land: The U.S. Rectangular Land Survey and the Upper Mississippi Country (New York: Oxford University Press, 1976), 30.

34. Ibid.

35. Ibid., 28.

36. Ibid., 29.

37. Adrian Snodgrass, The Symbolism of the Stupa (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell Southeast Asia Program, 1985).

38. A conversation with Paul Grout, Region 2 Survey Coordinator for the Colorado State Highway Department, two years later confirmed the association of the alignment of highway 71 with the survey system. In the late nineteenth century, easements of thirty feet on either side of section lines were granted to Colorado counties, and roads were to be constructed within these easements. Jogs in road alignments occurred for a number of reasons. Mr. Grout thought that the pronounced jog south of Punkin Corner might have been to take advantage of a particularly good location at which to cross drainages. A desirable location would be one with relatively shallow grades; steep grades were impossible for wagons drawn by horses.

39. The reader should note that Foucault is simply incorrect in his statements about the methods and aims of archaeology as it is practiced today—he says, for example, that it is unconcerned with the material it deals with as "a sign of something else." In fact, many archaeologists interpret artifacts and structures as if they were texts. This fact, however, has little to do with Foucault's argument or, for that matter, with the potential of the approach that Foucault endorses.

40. Foucault's broad definition of discourse is essential to much of the most influential scholarship at present, of course. Edward W. Said, to mention only one, has used this as a point of departure in his Culture and Imperialism (New York: Vintage Books, 1993), in which he presents a"nation" as a kind of discourse, or narration: "The power to narrate, or to block other narratives from forming and emerging, is very important to culture and imperialism, and constitutes one of the main connections between them" (p. xiii).

41. Quoted in David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity (Cambridge, Mass.: Blackwell Publishers, 1989), 46.

42. Quoted in Peter Gay, Freud: A Life for Our Time (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1988), 171.

43. Sigmund Freud, Civilization and Its Discontents (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1961), 17.

44. Stephen Jay Gould, Ontogeny and Phylogeny (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press, 1977), 9.

1. Mircea Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane: The Nature of Religion: The Significance of Religious Myth, Symbolism, and Ritual Within Life and Culture, trans. Willard R. Trask (New York: Harcort Brace Jovanovich, 1959), 39-45.

2. David Lowenthal provides some examples that are interesting because they involve "modem" groups, as in "Geography, Experience, and Imaginations: Towards a Geographical Epistemology," Annals of the Association of American Geographers 51 (1961): 241-260, 241. Eliade mentions ubiquitous nostalgia in his writings; see, for example, The Sacred and the Profane; 91-93, and Myths, Dreams, and Mysteries (New York: Harper, 1960), 95-98.

3. Leslie Spier, The Sun Dance of the Plains Indians: Its Development and Diffusion , Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History, vol. 16, pt. 7 (New York: Museum of Natural History, 1921) 453.

4. Karl H. Schlesier, "Rethinking the Midewiwin and the Plains Ceremonial Called the Sun Dance," in Plains Anthropologist, 35, 127 (1990), 1-27.

5. Ibid., 1.

6. Ibid., 2.

7. Dennis Stanford, "The Jones-Miller Site: An Example of Hell Gap Bison Procurement Strategy," Plains Anthropologist, Memoir #14 (1978): 97.

8. Joseph G. Jorgensen, The Sun Dance Religion: Power for the Powerless (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1972), 7.

9. Schlesier, "Rethinking the Midewiwin," 9.

10. George Dorsey, The Cheyenne, Anthropological Series, vol. 9, nos. I and 2 (Chicago: Field Columbian Museum, 1905); George Bird Grinnell, The Cheyenne Indians: Their History and Way of Life, 2 vols. (New York: Cooper Square Publishers, 1962); E. Adamson Hoebel, The Cheyennes (New York: Holt, Rinehart, Winston, 1960); James Mooney, "The Indian Ghost Dance," Collections of the Nebraska Stage Historical Society 19 (1911): 168-182, and "The Ghost Dance Religion and the Sioux Outbreak of 1890 ," in Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1892-1893, pt. 2 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1896); abridged edition, ed. Anthony E C. Wallace (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1965); John H. Moore, The Cheyenne Nation: A Social and Demographic History (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1987); Peter Powell, Sweet Medicine: The Continuing Role of the Sacred Arrows, the Sun Dance, and the Sacred Buffalo Hat in Northern Cheyenne History: Volumes I and H (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1969); Karl H. Schlesier, The Wolves of Heaven: Cheyenne Shamanism, Ceremonies, and Prehistoric Origins (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1987).

11. Mickey Pratt, personal communication, 1992.

12. Donald J. Berthrong, The Southern Cheyennes (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1963), 66.

13. Durkheim considered sentiment to be an essential aspect of the "mechanical" solidarity that he said was characteristic of traditional cultures. Modern cultures, according to Durkheim, were bound together by more rational, functional considerations. These had to do with the specializations necessary to an industrial society. In such a society, because of specialization, the members of the society. were mutually dependent upon one another, leading to an ''organic'' solidarity. The terms "mechanical" and "organic" Durkheim borrowed from the biological theory of evolution that was becoming influential at the time of his writings. "Mechanical" referred to those organisms in which one cell was so much like all others that the loss of one or more cells did not interfere with the functioning of the organism. An example would be the sponge. "Organic" life forms were those with specialized organs. Durkheim attributed the deterioration, or degradation, of ritual to the lessened dependency on mechanical solidarity. Michel Foucault made reference to Durkheim's ideas, although Foucault argued (as we shall see in a subsequent section) that surveillance replaced ritual as the principal binding force of society. What Foucault did not recognize is that surveillance is a kind of ritual. This is evident m the case of Bent's Old Fort. See Emile Durkheim, The Division of Labor in Society (New York: The Free Press, 1965), 124-126.

14. In Cheyenne mythology., the holy man called Sweet Medicine had established five of the six military societies. Four of them—the Wolf Soldiers, the Fox Soldiers, the Dog Soldiers, and the Bull Soldiers or Red Shields—he formed by transforming himself into the animals that served as totems for these societies. The sixth society was said to have been created by a warrior named Owl Man after the Cheyenne had made contact with the Europeans. When performing at the Sun Dance and elsewhere, the members of this society danced with guns, to symbolize this association with the white man.

15. Basil Bernstein, "A Sociolinguistic Approach to Socialization, with Some Reference to Educability," in Directions In Sociolinguistics: The Ethnography of Communication, ed. Dell Hymes (New York: Rinehart & Winston, 1977), 465-497.

16. James P. Spradley, The Ethnographic Interview (New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1979).

17. Victor Turner, The Anthropology of Performance (New York: PAJ Publications, 1986), 76.

18. Schlesier, Wolves of Heaven.

19. Mircea Eliade, Rites and Svmbols of Initiation (New York: Harper and Row, 1958), 93-94.

20. Berthrong, The Southern Cheyennes.

21. Fred R. Meyers, "Always Ask: Resource Use and Land Ownership among Pintupi Aborigines of the Australian Western Desert," in Resource Managers: North American and Australian Hunter-Gatherers, ed. Nancy, M. Williams and Eugene S. Hunn (Boulder: Westview Press).

22. Ibid., 180.

23. Schlesier, Wolves of Heaven, 13.

24. James Clifford, The Predicament of Culture: Twentieth Century Ethnography, Literature, and Art (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1988), 1-17.

25. Several ethnographers have noted this dual importance of the horse. See, for example, John C. Ewers, The Horse in Blackfoot Indian Culture, U.S. Bureau of Ethnology, vol. 159 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1955); Joseph Jablow, The Cheyenne Indian in Plains Indian Trade Relations, 1795-1840, Monographs of the American Ethnological Society (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1950); and Oscar Lewis, The Effects of White Contact Upon Blackfoot Culture: With Special Reference to the Role of the Fur Trade, Monographs of the American Ethnological Society, ed. A. Irving Hallowell (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1942).

26. George Bird Grinnell, By Cheyenne Campfires (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1926), 34-37.

27. Clifford Geertz, "Deep Play: Notes on the Balinese Cockfight," in The Interpretation of Cultures (New York, 1973).

28. Ibid., 434.

29. Another reason for decreased opportunity for young warriors was not necessarily related to the Sun Dance or to new forms of wealth. As time went on, the Cheyenne experienced intensified pressure by Anglos to curtail raiding—except on the enemies of the Anglos. When the Cheyenne were placed on reservations, of course, there were no sanctioned opportunities for raiding.

30. Turner, Anthropology of Performance, 21-32.

31. Claire R. Farrer, Living Life's Circle: Mescalero Apache Cosmovision (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1991), 57.

32. Eliade, Sacred and Profane , 97.

33. Stephen Jay Gould, Ontogeny and Phylogeny (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press, 1977).

34. Weston La Barre, Shadow of Childhood (Norman: University of OKlahoma Press, 1991), 102-146.

35. Differentiation is considered by Murray Bowen, Family Therapy in Clinical Practice (New York: Jason Aronson, 1990); individuation by M. L. von Franz, "The Process of Individuation," in Man and His Symbols, ed. Carl G. Jung (New York: Dell Publishing Co, 1964), 158-254.

36. Bernstein, "Sociolinguistic Approach," 465-497.

37. Mary Douglas, Natural Symbols (New York: Vantage Books, 1970), 138-139.

38. R. H. Lowie, Primitive Religion (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1925).

39. Douglas, Natural Symbols, 136.

40. Eliade, Sacred and Profane , 66.

41. William Brandon, Quivira (Columbus: Ohio University Press, 1990).

42. Claude Lévi-Strauss , The Raw and the Cooked: Introduction to a Science of Mythology: I (New York: Harper & Row, 1969), 336.

43. George R. Milner, E. Anderson, and V. G. Smith, "Warfare in Late Prehistoric West-Central Illinois," Amercian Antiquity 56, no. 4 (1991): 581-603.

44. James Axtell, The European and the Indian: Essays in the Ethnohistory of Colonial North America (Oxford University Press: New York, 1981), 17-21.

45. A. Irving Hallowell, "The Backwash of the Frontier," in Beyond the Frontier: Social Process and Cultural Change, ed. Paul Bohannon and Fred Plog (Garden City, N.Y.: Natural History Press, 1967), 344.

46. Mary Douglas, Natural Symbols (New York: Pantheon, 1970), 125-139.

47. Weston La Barre, Culture in Context (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1980), 152.

1. Ceran St. Vrain, A.L.S.C. St. Vrain to B. Pratte & Company, dated at Taos, January 6, 1831, Chouteau-Maffitt Collection, Missouri Historical Society: See also Harold H. Dunham, "Ceran St. Vrain," in Mountain Men and Fur Traders of the Far West, ed. LeRoy R. Hafen (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1982), 154; and Janet LeCompte, Pueblo, Hardscrabble, Greenhorn (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1978), 14.

2. Geoffry A. Godden, An Illustrated Encyclopedia of British Pottery and Porcelain (New York: Crown Publishers, Inc., 1965), 31-33.

3. Janet LeCompte, "Gantt's Fort and Bent's Picket Post," Colorado Magazine 41, no. 2 (1964): 117.

4. Douglas C. Comer, Bent's Old Fort 1976 Archeological Investigations: Trash Dump Excavations, Area Surveys, and Monitoring of Fort Construction and Landscaping (Denver: National Park Service, Denver Service Center, 1985), 174.

5. David Lavender, Bent's Fort (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1954), 139.

6. Ceran St. Vrain, A.L.S.C. St. Vrain to Lieutenant Colonel Enean Mackay, U.S. Army, National Archives-Abandoned Military Reservations Section, box 52, folder labeled "Ft. Lyon (Old) Col. (184-7)."

7. Dwight E. Stinson, "Historic Structures Report, Part II," manuscript on file, National Park Service, Denver Service Center, 1965, p. 4.

8. Lavender, Bent's Fort, 144; and Samuel P. Arnold, "William Bent," in Trappers of the Far West, ed. Harvey L. Carter (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1983), 223.

9. Pratte, Chouteau & CO. agreement with Bent, St. Vrain & CO., dated July 27, 1838, P. Chouteau-Maffitt Collection, Missouri Historical Society.

10. Lavender, Bent's Fort, 136.

11. Ibid.

12. John E. Sunder, ed., Matt Field on the Santa Fe Trail (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1960), xii.

13. George Thorson, "The Architectural Challenge," in Bents Old Fort, ed. Cathryne Johnson (Denver: Colorado Historical Society, 1976), 111.

14. Alexandra Aldred, personal communication, 1992.

15. Stinson "Historic Structures," 53.

16. Ibid., 18.

17. George Bird Grinnell, Bent's Old Fort and Its Builders (Topeka: Kansas State Historical Society, 1923), 38.

18. Enid T. Thompson, "Furnishing Study for Bent's Old Fort Historic Sites, Colorado," manuscript on file, National Park Service, Denver Service Center, 1973, PP. 52-67.

19. Timothy Baugh, personal communication, 1991. See also John D. Speth and Susan L. Scott, "Horticulture and Large-Mammal Hunting: The Role of Resource Depletion and the Constraints of Time and Labor," in Farmers as Hunters: The Implications of Sedentism, Arizona State University Anthropological Research Paper No. 24, ed. David L. Wilcox and R. Bruce Masse (Tempe: Arizona University, 1989), 213-256; and John D. Speth, "Some Unexplained Aspects of Mutualistic Plains-Pueblo Food Exchange," in Farmers, Hunters, and Colonists: Interaction Between the Southwest and the Southern Plains, ed. Katherine A. Spielman (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1990), 18-35.

20. Timothy G. Baugh, Edwards I (34Bk2): Southern Plains Adaptations in the Protohistoric Period, Studies in Oklahoma's Past, No. 8, Oklahoma Archaeological Survey (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1982), and Timothy G. Baugh, "Ecology and Exchange: The Dynamics of Plains-Pueblo Interaction," in Farmers, Hunters, and Colonists: Interaction Between the Southwest and the Southern Plains (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1991).

21. Richard I. Ford, "Inter-Indian Exchange in the Southwest," in The Handbook of North American Indians, vol. 10, ed. William C. Sturtevant (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1983), 711-712, 719-720.

22. Eric R. Wolf, Europe and the People Without History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982), 160-161.

23. Ibid., 161.

24. Ibid., 163.

25. Alfred W. Crosby, Jr., The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1972), 38.

26. Ibid., 37.

27. See also Philip L. Walker, Patricia Lambert, and Michael J. DeNiro, "The Effects of European Contact on the Health of Alta California Indians," in Columbian Consequences , vol. I (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1989), 349.

28. See William Cronon, Changes in the Land (New York: Hill and Wang, 1983); Mark E Leone, "The Georgian Order as the Order of Merchant Capitalism in Annapolis, Maryland," in The Recovery of Meaning, ed. Mark E Leone and Parker Potter, Jr. (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1988), 235-263 (and elsewhere); Louis Althusser, "Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses," in Lenin and Philosophy, trans. Ben Brewster (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1971), 127-186.

29. William Brandon , Quivira (Columbus: Ohio University Press, 1990).

30. David Hurst Thomas, "Columbian Consequences: The Spanish Borderlands in Cubist Perspective," in Columbian Consequences: Archaeological and Historical Perspectives on the Spanish Borderlands West, vol. I, ed. David Hurst Thomas(Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1989), 3.

31. Ibid., 11.

32. For studies that deal with the ideological shift in the eastern United States, the reader is directed to Rhys Isaac, The Transformation of Virginia, 1740-1790 (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1982); and Dell Upton, Holy Things and Profane: Anglican Parish Churches in Colonial Virginia (Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 1986).

33. Ray Allen Billington, Westward Expansion: A History of the American Frontier (New York: Macmillian Publishing, 1974), 356-357.

34. Ibid., 365.

35. Lewis Hanke, "Indians and Spaniards in the New World: A Personal View," in Attitudes of Colonial Powers Toward the American Indian (University of Utah Press: Salt Lake City, 1969), 6.

36. Donald John Blakeslee, The Plains Interband Trade System: An Ethnohistoric and Archeological Investigation, Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, 1975; Joseph Jablow, The Cheyenne Indian in Plains Indian Trade Relations, 1795-1840, Monographs of the American Ethnological Society (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1950); Brandon, Quivira.

37. Donald J. Berthrong, The Southern Cheyennes (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1963), 9.

38. Virginia Cole Trenholm, The Arapahos: Our People (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1970), 19.

39. For Schilz, "Ponies, Pelts and Pemmican: The Arapahos and Early Western Trade," Red River Valley Historical Review 7, no. 9 (1982): 29.

40. Blakeslee, Plains Trade System, 118.

41. For trade with the Cheyenne, see Elliot Coues, ed., New Light on the Early History of the Greater Northwest: The Manuscript Journals of Alexander Henry and David Thompson, 1799-1814 (New York, 1897), 378; and George Bird Grinnell, The Cheyenne Indians: Their History and Way of Life (New York: Cooper Square Publishers, 1962), 15. For trade with the Arapaho, see John C. Ewers, "The Indian Trade of the Upper Missouri Before Lewis and Clark," Missouri Historical Society Bulletin 10, no. 4 (1954): 431. For the Comanche see Edwin Thompson Denig, Five Indian Tribes of the Upper Missouri, ed. John C. Ewers (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1961), 164; and Richard I. Ford, "Barter, Gift, or Violence: An Analysis of Tewa Intertribal Exchange," in Social Exchange and Interaction, An thropological Papers, No. 46, ed. Edwin N. Wilmsen (Ann Arbor: Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, 1972), 21-45. For the Kiowa, see ibid., 30; and Denig, Five Indian Tribes, 164. For the Kiowa-Apache, see Ewers, ''Indian Trade," 431. For the Pawnee, see Alice C. Fletcher, "The Hako: A Pawnee Ceremony,'' in Bureau of American Ethnology, 22nd Annual Report, Part 2 (Washington, D.C., 1904); Antoine Davis Raudot, "Memoir Concerning the Different Indian Nations of North America," in The Indians of the Western Great Lakes, 1615-1760, Occasional Contributions from the Museum of Anthropology of the University of Michigan, No. 10, ed. Vernon Kinietz (Ann Arbor: Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, 1940), 403; and George E. Hyde, Pawnee Indians (Denver: University of Denver Press, 1951), l03. For the Sioux, see Henry A. Boiler, Among the Indians: Eight Years in the Far West, 1858-1866, ed. Milo Milton Quaife (Chicago: R. R. Donnelley & Sons, 1959), 158.

42. Blakeslee, Plains Trade System, 180.

43. Ibid.

44. Ibid., 165.

45. Lewis H. Garrard, Wah-to-ya and the Taws Trail (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1955), 36.

46. Blakeslee, Plains Trade System, 145.

47. Ibid., 7.

48. Blakeslee, Plains Trade System, 123.

49. Billington, Westward Expansion, 370.

50. David J. Weber, The Taws Trappers: The Fur Trade in the Far Southwest, 1540-1846 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1986), 35.

5l. Ibid.

52. Ibid., 47.

53. Ibid., 30.

54. Ibid., 47.

55. Ibid., 16-27.

56. Ibid., 18.

57. Ibid., 195.

58. Schilz, "Ponies, Pelts and Pemmican," 28-38.

59. Ibid., 33.

60. Ibid.

61. Ibid., 34.

62. Ibid., 210.

63. Weber, Taos Trappers, 6.

64. Louis Branch, "Ceran St. Vrain and His Molino de Piedra in the Mora Valley," manuscript on file at New Mexico State Records Center and Archives, file #20, 1981.

65. David J. Sandoval, "Gnats, Goods, and Greasers: Mexican Merchants on the Santa Fe Trail ," Journal of the West 28, no. 2 (1989): 25.

66. David J. Weber, "American Westward Expansion and the Breakdown of Relations Between Pobladores and 'Indios Barbaros' on Mexico's Far Northern Frontier, 1821-1846," New Mexico Historical Review 56, no. 3 (1981): 221-238.

67. Ibid., 222.

68. Ibid., 226.

69. Ibid., 225-226.

70. Ibid., 221-238.

71. LeCompte, "Gantt's Fort," 117.

72. Ibid., 111.

73. Lavender, Bent's Fort, 141-142; George E. Hyde, Life of George Bent, Written From His Letters, ed. Savoie Lottinville (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1968), 60; Berthrong, Southern Cheyennes, 25; and LeCompte, "Gantt's Fort," 118.

74. Weber, "American Westward Expansion," 30.

75. LeCompte, "Gantt's Fort," 121.

76. Janet LeCompte, "Bent, St. Vrain and Company among the Comanche and Kiowa," Colorado Magazine 49, no. 4 (1972): 275.

77. Forrest D. Monahan, Jr., "The Kiowas and New Mexico," Journal of the West 8, no. 1 (1969): 67.

78. LeCompte, "Bent, St. Vrain and Company," 279.

79. Ibid., 280.

80. Ibid., 289.

81. Ibid., 291.

82. Weber, Taos Trappers, 6.

1. Thomas E. Chavez, Manuel Alvarez, 1794-1856: A Southwestern Biography (Niwot, Colo.: University of Colorado Press, 1990), 87-103.

2. David J. Sandoval, "Gnats, Goods, and Greasers: Mexican Merchants on the Santa Fe Trail ," Journal of the West 28, no. 2 (1989): 22-31.

3. Mary Douglas, Natural Symbols (New York: Vantage Books, 1970), 125-139.

4. Items traded to Native Americans by Europeans, and between Native American groups prior to European contact, have typically been discussed in one of several places: in museum documents; in the professional publications prepared by historians, archaeologists, and anthropologists; in publications directed at private collectors of such material; and, occasionally, in publications such as newspaper and magazine articles aimed at a more general audience. Although the treatments of Native American trade goods by collectors and in the popular media are not without a certain relevance to our central concern, my attention will be restricted to scholarly studies of trade goods. The works I have selected for evaluation are relevant to the interpretation of the meaning of such material. There is little scholarship that deals with this. That which exists tends to fall within one of two groups: a very small number of highly theoretical works that deal with few concrete examples, and a very large number of descriptive writings that mention the symbolic value of trade items almost in passing.

5. Arthur J. Ray, Indians in the Fur Trade: Their Role as Trappers, Hunters, and Middlemen in the Lands Southwest of Hudson Bay, 1660-1870 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1974); Frank McNitt, The Indian Traders (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1962); and George Irving Quimby, Indian Culture and European Trade Goods (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1966).

6. Giddens, 146.

7. Richard Harland, Superstructuralism: The Philosophy of Structuralism and Post-Structuralism (London: Methuen, 1987), 13.

8. Ibid., 16.

9. Guy Prentice, "Marine Shells as Wealth Items in Mississippian Societies," Midcontinental Journal of Archaeology 12, no. 2 (1987): 211.

10. Ian Hodder, Symbols In Action: Ethnoarchaeological Studies of Material Cul ture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 211.

11. Prentice, "Marine Shells," 196.

12. Jane F. Safer and Frances M. Gill, Spirals From the Seas: An Anthropological Look at Shells (New York: Clarkson N. Potter, 1982), 55-56.

13. Ibid., 97.

14. Prentice, "Marine Shells," 198.

15. Ibid., 194. Among the well-established theorists cited by Prentice are Elman Service, Marshall Sahlins, and Marvin Harris. It is notable, however, that some of these individuals, in particular Sahlins and Service, have retreated from a strictly "processual" position (which assumes cultural evolution driven by increasingly efficient ethoeconomic adaptation) over the past decade. Nonetheless, Prentice explained accurately the basic ideas common to the cited work of these individuals.

16. Marcel Mauss, The Gift: The Form and Reason for Exchange in Archaic Societies (New York: W. W. Norton, 1990), xvi.

17. Ibid., 3.

18. Ibid.

19. Ibid., 72.

20. Ibid., 75.

21. Bronislaw Malinowski, Argonauts of the Western Pacific (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1922).

22. Ibid., 512.

23. Mauss, The Gift, 27.

24. Anthony Giddens, Emile Durkheim: Selected Writings (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972), 6.

25. Emile Durkheim, The Division of Labor in Society (New York: The Free Press, 1965), 143.

26. Mircea Eliade, The Myth of the Eternal Return: or, Cosmos and Hitory (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1954; Rites and Symbols of Initiation (New York: Harper and Row, 1958); and The Sacred and the Profane: The Nature of Religion: The Significance of Religious Mvth, Symbolism, and Ritual Within Lip and Culture, trans. Willard R. Trask (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1959).

27. Donald John Blakeslee, The plains Interband Trade System: An Ethnobistoric and Archeological Investigation, Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, 1975; Joseph Jablow, The Cheyenne Indian in Plains Indian Trade Relations, 1795-1840, Monographs of the American Ethnological Society (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1950).

28. Jordan Paper, Offering Smoke: The Sacred Pipe and Native American Religion (Moscow: University of Idaho Press, 1988), 13.

29. Joseph C. Winter, "Prehistoric and Historic Native American Tobacco Use: An Overview," unpublished paper presented at the Annual Conference of the Society. for American Archaeology, New Orleans, 1991. Johannes Wilbert, "Magico-Religious Use of Tobacco Among South American Indians," in Cannabis and Culture , ed. V. Rubin (Paris: Mouton, 1975), frontispiece.

30. Ibid., 180-181.

31. Mary J. Adair, "Tobacco on the Plains: Historical Use, Ethnographic Accounts, and Archaeological Evidence," paper presented at the 1991 Conference of the Society for American Archaeology, New Orleans, 1991, PP. 1-2.

32. Winter, "Prehistoric and Historic," 10.

33. Weston La Barre, "Old and New World Narcotics: Statistical Questions and an Ethnological reply," Economic Botany 24 (1970): 73-80; Wilbert, "Magico-Religious Use"; Peter T. Furst, Hallucinogens and Culture (San Francisco: Chandler and Sharp, 1976); Alexander D. von Gernet, The Transculturation of the Amerind Pipe/Tobacco/Smoking Complex and Its Impact on the Intellectual Boundaries Between Savagery and Civilization 1535-1935, unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, McGill University, 1988.

34. Winter, "Prehistoric and Historic," 14.

35. Ibid., 10-12.

36. Janet LeCompte, Pueblo, Hardscrabble, Greenhorn (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1978), 10.

37. Ibid., 88.

38. Ibid., 89.

39. Quoted in Donald J. Berthrong, The Southern Cheyennes (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1963), 91.

40. LeCompte, Pueblo, 6, 10, 14., 115.

41. Mauss, The Gift, 3.

42. Oscar Lewis, The Effects of White Contact Upon Blackfoot Culture: With Special Reference to the Role of the Fur Trade, Monographs of the American Ethnological Society, ed. A. Irving Hallowell (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1942); and Joseph Jablow, The Cheyenne Indian .

43. Jablow, The Cheyenne Indian, 48.

44. Ibid., 20.

45. Lewis, Effects of White Contact, 56.

46. Francis Paul Prucha, Indian Peace Medals in American History (Madison: The State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1971).

47. Ibid., 3.

48. Ibid.

49. Ibid.

50. Quoted in Charles Hanson, "Trade Mirrors," Museum of the Fur Trade Quarterly 22, no. 4. (1986): 3.

51. Carolyn Gilman, "Grand Portage Ojibway Indians Give British Medals to Historical Society," Minnesota History 47, no. 1 (1980): 28.

52. Thomas F Schilz and Jodye L. D. Schiltz, "Beads, Bangles, and Buffalo Robes: The Rise and Fall of the Indian Fur Trade Along the Missouri and Des Moines Rivers, 1700-1820," Annals of Iowa 49, nos. 1-2 (1987): 7. Schilz has co-authored several articles about the fur trade.

53. Thomas F. Schilz and Donald E. Worcester, "The Spread of Firearms Among the Indian Tribes on the Northern Frontier of New Spain," American Indian Quarterly 11, no. 1 (1987): 1-10.

54. William J. Hunt, "Ethnicity and Firearms in the Upper Missouri Bison-Robe Trade: An Examination of Weapon Preference and Utilization at Fort Union Trading Post N.H.S., North Dakota," Historical Archaeology 27, no. 3 (1993): 74-101.

55. John Witthoff, "A History of Gunflints," Pennsylvania Archaeologist 36, no. 1-2 (1966): 48; Harold E Williamson, Winchester: The Gun That Won the West (Washington, D.C.: Combat Forces Press, 1952), 35; Hunt, "Ethnicity and Firearms," 77-78.

56. Milo H. Slater, A.L.S. Milo H. Slater to F. W. Craigen, dated 1903, Craigen Far West Notebooks (typescript), Colorado Historical Society.

57. Douglas C. Comer, Bent's Old Fort 1976 Archeological Investigations: Trash Dump Excavations, Area Surveys, and Monitoring of Fort Construction and Landscaping (Denver: National Park Service, Denver Service Center, 1985).

58. Hunt suggests in the article cited above, "Ethnicity and Firearms," that at Fort Union the firearms utilizing small gunflints were used by fort inhabitants for sport hunting. This might have been the case at Bent's Old Fort, too, but there is little to indicate that Native Americans would have hunted in this manner.

59. Berkeley R. Lewis, Small Arms and Ammunition in the U.S. Service (Washington, D.C. :The Smithsonian Institution, 1965), 160.

60. Schilz and Worcester, "Spread of Firearms," 1.

61. Frank Gilbert Roe, The Indian and the Horse (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1955), 376.

62. John C. Ewers, The Horse in Blackfoot Indian Culture, U.S. Bureau of Ethnology, vol. 159 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1955). 63.

63. Ibid., 297-298.

64. David V. Burley, "Function, Meaning, and Context: Ambiguities in Ceramic Use by the Hivernant Metis of the Northwestern Plains," Historical Archaeology 23: no. 1 (1989): 97-106.

65. Ibid., 102.

66. Mary Douglas and Baron Isherwood, The World of Goods: Toward an Anthropology of Consumption (London: Alten Lane, 1979), 101-104.

67. Burley, "Function, Meaning, and Context," 104.

68. Douglas and Isherwood, The World of Goods, 59.

69. Burley, "Function, Meaning, and Context," 102.

70. Richard E. Flanders, "Beads and Associated Personal Adornment Among Prehistoric Great Lakes Indians," in Grand Rapids Public Museum, Beads: Their Use by Upper Great Lakes Indians (Grand Rapids, Michigan: The Museum, 1977), 2.

71. Charles H. Gillette, "Wampum Beads and Belts," Indian Historian 3, no. 4 (1970): 33.

72. American Indian Historical Society, "Belts of Sacred Significance," Indian Historian 3, no. 2 (1970): 5-9.

73. Peter Powell, "The Enduring Beauty of Cheyenne Art: Crafts That Reflect a Proud Indian Nation's Traditions, Beliefs, and Oneness With Nature," American West 10, no. 4 (1973): 7.

74. Ibid.

75. Walter Stanley Campbell [Stanley Vestal], 'Dobe Walls: A Story of Kit Carson's Southwest (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1929), quoted in Enid T. Thompson, "Furnishing Study for Bent's Old Fort Historic Sites, Colorado," manuscript on file, National Park Service, Denver Service Center, 1973, 241-246.

76. National Park Service, Bents Old Fort Living History Orientation Handbook and Sourcebook, manuscript on file, Bent's Old Fort National Historic Site, La Junta, Colorado (n.d.), 36.

77. George R. Milner, E. Anderson, and V. G. Smith, "Warfare in Late Prehistoric West-Central Illinois," American Antiquity 56: no. 4 (1991): 581-603.

78. Alice Anne Callahan, The Osage Ceremonial Dance I'n-Lon-Schka (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1990), 116.

1. John S. D. Eisenhower, So Far From God: The U.S. War With Mexico 1844-1848 (New York: Anchor, 1989), xviii.

2. David J. Weber, The Taos Trappers: The Fur Trade in the Far Southwest, 1540-1846 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1986), 94-95.

3. Janet LeCompte, "Manuel Armijo and the Americans," Journal of the West, 19, no. 3 (1980): 51-63.

4. Walter Briggs, "Bent's Old Fort: Castle in the Desert," American West 15, no. 5 (1976): 10-17.

5. Susan Shelby Magoffin, Down the Santa Fe Trail and Into New Mexico, ed. Stella M. Drumm, foreword by Howard R. Lamar (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1982).

6. See Clifford Geertz's discussion of metaphor in "Deep Play: Notes on the Balinese Cockfight," in The Interpretation of Cultures (New York: Basic Books, 1973), 208-213; and also Colin Turbayne's groundbreaking work, The Myth of Metaphor (New Haven: Yale University, Press, 1970).

7. Ian Hodder, "Post-Modernism, Post-Structuralism and Post-Processual Archaeology," in The Meanings of Things: Material Culture and Symbolic Expressions, ed. Ian Hodder (London: Unwin Hyman, 1989).

8. Anthony Giddens, "Action, Subjectivity, and the Constitution of Meaning," in The Aims of Representation: Subject/Text/History, ed. Murray Krieger (New York: Columbia University Press, 1987).

9. Rhys Isaac, The Transformation of Virginia 1740-1700 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982), 302-306.

10. Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (New York: Vintage Books, 1979), 32-69.

11. See ibid., 200.

12. Ibid., 225.

13. Quentin Skinner, Meaning and Context: Quentin Skinner and His Critics, ed. James Tully (Cambridge: Polity, 1988).

14. Foucault, Discipline and Punish, 200.

15. Ibid., 204.

16. So named for Frederick Winslow Taylor, known as the "father of scientific management," who gained fame with his time and motion studies. These studies were first used to increase productivity in American mills in the late nineteenth century. His "modern" management techniques became the rage throughout American industry.

17. Jeremy Bentham, Panopticon, or, the Inspection-House (London: R. Baldwin, 1812).

18. Enid T. Thompson, "Fumishing Study for Bent's Old Fort Historic Sites, Colorado," Manuscript on file, National Park Service, Denver Service Center, 1973, p. 15.

19. Mary Douglas, Natural Symbols (New York: Vantage Books, 1970), 125-139.

20. National Park Service, "Bent's Old Fort Living History Orientation Handbook and Sourcebook," manuscript on file, Bent's Old Fort National Historic Site, La Junta, Colorado (n.d.), p. 35.

21. Donald J. Berthrong, The Southern Cheyennes (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1963), 227.

22. Unsigned article in St. Louis Weekly Reveille, May, 1846, pp. 167-168.

23. Janet LeCompte, Pueblo, Hardscrabble, Greenhorn (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1978), 116.

24. Harvey Lewis Carter, "Dear Old Kit ": The Historical Christopher Carson (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1968), 125-126.

25. See Lewis Garrard, Wah-to-yah and the Taos Trail, introduction by A. B. Guthrie, Jr. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1955); Francis Parkman, The Oregon Trail, ed. E. N. Feltskog (Madison: University, of Wisconsin Press, 1969); and Matthew C. Field, Matt Field on the Santa Fe Trail, ed. John E. Sunder (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1960).

26. Magoffin, Down the Santa Fe Trail, 61.

27. Ibid., 95.

28. Ibid., xvii.

29. Foucault, Discipline and Punish, 203.

30. Douglas, Natural Symbols, 125-139.

31. Magoffin, Down the Santa Fe Trail, 61.

32. Rhys Isaac, The Transformation of Virginia 1740-1790 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982), 104.

33. LeCompte, Pueblo, 261.

34. Thompson, "Furnishing Study," 126.

35. Friedrich Wilhelm Nietzsche, Ecce Homo, part 4 in The Philosophy of Nietzsche (New York: Modern Library, 1900), 32.

36. Roland Barthes , Mythologies (New York: Hill and Wang, 1972), 58-61.

37. Douglas C. Comer, Bent's Old Fort 1976 Archeological Investigations: Trash Dump Exavations, Area Surveys, and Monitoring of Fort Construction and Landscaping (Denver: National Park Service, Denver Service Center, 1985).

38. George Miller, "Classification and Economic Scaling of Nineteenth Century, Ceramics," manuscript on file, National Historic Parks and Sites Branch, Ottawa, Canada, 1979. Miller, a ceramics expert, has estimated that if undecorated whiteware were given a value of l, then transfer-printed ware should be assigned a value of 3. On this scale, porcelain would be 4—not that much more than transfer-printed ware—while most other decorated ceramics would be assigned a value of only about 1.3.

39. John Solomon Otto, "Artifacts and Status Differences," in Research Strategies in Historical Archeology, ed. Stanley South (New York: Academy Press, 1977).

      The percentage of transfer-printed shards to total number of shards that might be calculated from Table 1 would be deceptively small, 8%, for several reasons. First of all, the trash dumps were utilized by everyone who occupied or frequented the fort, not just those in the uppermost social stratum among residents there, who would have been the most likely to have used transfer-printed ware. Also, a good number of the shards classified as "miscellaneous undecorated whiteware" in Table l were probably transfer-printed, because many transfer-printed vessels display large white, undecorated spaces. (Other decorative techniques, like hand-painting, spattering, or lustering, characteristically do not, in part because of the technologies utilized in their production.) In this case, too, many of the shards had been so blackened by the numerous fires set in the dump that decoration may have been hidden. Finally, only a small portion of the two trash dumps were excavated. The sampling strategy employed during the excavations there permitted an estimate of the total number of transfer-printed shards that might be present in both dumps to be made. At an 80% confidence level, one might expect 220 to 478 such shards. When one considers the small number of persons likely to have used transfer-printed ware, the ware seems better represented by these numbers. And, the estimate is based upon the number of shards recovered that were identified as being transfer-printed. Those not identified in this way, for reasons just described, would not then have contributed to the range estimated for both dumps; thus, the real number of transfer-printed shards is almost certainly higher than this.

40. Jackson W. Moore, Bent's Old Fort, An Archeological Study (Boulder, Colo.: Pruett Press, 1973), 72; and Comer, Bent's Old Fort, 47, 65.

41. Donald Shomette, personal communication, 1993.

42. Jeff Miller, personal communication, 1977.

43. Stanley South, Method and Theory in Historical Archaeology (New York: Academic Press, 1977), 42.

44. Thompson, "Furnishing Study," 118.

45. Magoffin, Down the Santa Fe Trail, 94.

46. See Derek Robbins, The Work of Pierre Bourdieu (Boulder: Westview Press, 1991), 117-131.

47. John Solomon Otto, "Artifacts and Status Differences," in Research Strategies in Historical Archeology, ed. Stanley South (New York: Academy Press, 1977).

48. While no ceramics are known to have been produced commercially in New Mexico, far to the south in the Spanish colonial city of Puebla the same was not true. A full range of ceramics was produced there, although these ceramics were fired at a low temperature and therefore were less durable. Louanna Lackey, who has conducted ceramics research in Puebla for over two decades, reports that these included chocolate services and a few tea services. These ceramics found their market with the Spanish elite there and in nearby Mexico City, and some were carried north by Spanish missionaries and traders. See Louanna M. Lackey, "Elite Ceramics: Dishes Fit for a King," in Ceramic Ecology Revisited: The Technology and Socioeconomics of Pottery, ed. Charles C. Kolb (Oxford: British Archaeology Reports, 1988), 89-109.

49. Thompson, "Furnishing Study," 21.

50. Ibid., 15-16. She cites: RG 107—Microfilm 6, Federal Records Center, Denver; and Mexican Archives of New Mexico, New Mexico #1128, Santa Fe.

51. Mark P. Leone, "The Georgian Order as the Order of Merchant Capitalism in Annapolis, Maryland," in The Recovery of Meaning: Historical Archaeology in the Eastern United States, ed. Mark P. Leone and Parker B. Potter (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1988), 242.

52. Mircea Eliade, The Myth of the Eternal Return: Or, Cosmos and History (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1954), 5.

53. Leone, "Georgian Order," 252. He cites Kimmerly Rorschach, The Early Georgian Landscape (New Haven, Conn.: Yale Center for British Art, 1983), 1-7.

54. Thompson, "Furnishing Study," 6.

55. Moore, Bent's Old Fort, 60.

56. Comer, Bent's Old Fort.

57. The incinerations produced many of the "unknown" ceramic shards listed in Table 1.

58. Foucault, Discipline and Punish, 179.

59. Comer, Bent's Old Fort, 59.

60. Thompson, "Furnishing Study," 6.

1. Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, trans. George Lawrence, ed. J. P. Mayer (New York: Doubleday, Anchor Books, 1969), p. 287. "Habits of the Heart" was used as the title of a book by Robert Bellah, et al., which discussed the fierce individualism characteristic of Americans (Berkeley: University of Califomia Press, 1985).

2. David Dary, Entrepreneurs of the Old West (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1986), 76.

3. Paul Augustes St. Vrain, "The De Lassus and St. Vrain Family," New Mexico State Records Center & Archives, file #97, 1943.

4. Louis Branch, "Ceran St. Vrain and His Molino de Piedra in the Mora Valley," manuscript on file at New Mexico State Records Center and Archives, file #20, 1981.

5. Harold H. Dunham, "Ceran St. Vrain," in Mountain Men and Fur Traders of the Far West, ed. LeRoy R. Hafen (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1982), l51.

6. St. Vrain, "The De Lassus and St. Vrain Family."

7. In this same year, 1831, William Bent may have begun construction of Bent's Old Fort (see chapter 4), and so arrangements may have been considerably more complicated than as disclosed by this letter. Whatever they were precisely, in November of 1832 the first Bent & St. Vrain wagon train arrived in Independence with a fortune in silver bullion, mules, and furs.

8. Receipt of Bent St. Vrain & Co. to Abel Baker, Jr. for Fort Jackson with its merchandise, dated October 24, 1838. P. Chouteau-Maffitt Collection, Missouri Historical Society.

9. Ibid.

10. Peter Michel, personal communication, 1992.

11. Thomas E. Chavez , Manuel Alvarez, 1794-1856: A Southwestern Biography (Niwot, Colo.: University of Colorado Press, 1990); and Thomas E. Chavez, personal communication, 1990.

12. Dunham, "Ceran St. Vrain," 155.

13. David J. Weber, "Louis Robidoux," in Trappers of the Far West, ed. LeRoy R. Hafen (Lincoln: University of Nebraska, 1983), 38.

14. Louis Branch, "Ceran St. Vrain and His Molino de Piedra in the Mora Valley," manuscript on file at New Mexico State Records Center and Archives, file #20, 1981, p. 6.

15. David Lavender, Bent's Fort (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1954), 184.

16. Charles Bent, A.L.S. C. Bent to Manuel Alvarez, dated February 19,1841. Alverez Collection, letter 47, New Mexico State Records Center and Archives, Santa Fe.

17. Charles Bent, A.L.S. C. Bent to Manuel Alvarez, undated. Alverez Collection, letter 48, New Mexico State Records Center and Archives, Santa Fe.

18. Charles Bent, A.L.S. C. Bent to Manuel Alvarez, no date. Alvarez Collection, letter 48, New Mexico State Records Center and Archives, Santa Fe.

19. F. T. Cheetham, "Governor Bent, Masonic Martyr of New Mexico," The Builder 9, no. 12 (1923): 359.

20. Lavender, Bent's Fort, 191.

21. Mark C. Carnes, Secret Ritual and Manhood in Victorian America (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989).

22. Cheetham, ''Governer Bent,'' 361.

23. Carnes, Secret Ritual, 31.

24. Ibid., 46.

25. Ibid., 47.

26. Ibid., 52.

27. John Brewer, "Commercialization and Politics," in The Birth of a Consumer Society: The Commercialization of Eighteenth Century England, ed. Niel McKendrick, John Brewer, and J. H. Plumb (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1982).

28. Ibid., 217.

29. Ibid., 219.

30. Ibid., 219.

31. Ibid., 220.

32. Mircea Eliade, Rites and Symbols of Initiation (New York: Harper and Row, 1958), 2.

33. Mircea Eliade, Myths, Dreams, and Mysteries: The Encounter Between Conteraporary Faiths and Archaic Realities (New York: Harper & Row, 1960), 203.

34. Ibid., 202.

35. Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (New York: Vintage Books, 1979), 213.

36. Ibid., 218.

1. Clifford Geertz, "Deep Play: Notes on the Balinese Cockfight," in TheInter-pretation of Cultures (New York: Basic Books, 1973), 220-221.

2. May Douglas, Natural Symbols (New York: Pantheon, 1970), 123-140.

3. Roy A. Rappaport, Pigs for the Ancestors: Ritual in the Ecology of a New Guinea People (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968), 29.

4. Ibid., 31.

5. Richard White, The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and the Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650-1815 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), ix.

6. Ibid., x.

7. Ibid., xv.

8. Ibid., xiv.

9. Quoted in Elman R. Service, Profiles in Ethnology (New York: Harper & Row, 1963), 16.

10. Quoted in Robert A. Trennert, "Indian Policy on the Santa Fe Road: The Fitzpatrick Controversy of 1847-1848," Kansas History 1, no. 4 (1978): 245.

11. Ibid., 244-245.

12. Ibid., 248.

13. Ibid.

14. Ibid., 248-250.

15. Donald J. Berthrong, The Southern Cheyennes (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1963), 113-114.

16. Ibid., 119.

17. The livestock of emigrants ate the grasses upon which the buffalo depended. Moreover, buffalo were restricted in their range because if they went near trails, they were shot by the newcomers who streamed along them.

18. Ibid., 124.

19. Berthrong, The Southern Cheyennes, 129.

20. Ibid., 129-130.

21. Ibid., 131.

22. Ibid., 138.

23. Ibid., 140-141.

24. Although firearms were certainly in use by then, George Bent, the half-breed and renegade son of William and Owl Woman, recalled that they were "very few . . . in those days and most of these weapons were cheap, short-range smooth bores." From George E. Hyde, Life of George Bent, Written from His Letters, ed. Savioe Lottinville (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1968), 102.

25. Berthrong, The Southern Cheyennes, 132.

26. Quoted in Hyde, Life of George Bent, Written From His Letters, 105-107.

27. Quoted in Stan Hoig, Jr., The Sand Creek Massacre (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1961), 7-8.

28. Ibid., 19.

29. Ibid., 19.

30. Ray C. Colton, The Civil War in the Western Territories: Arizona, Colorado, New Mexico, and Utah (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1959), 49-80.

31. Berthrong, Southern Cheyennes, 157.

32. Ibid., 174.

33. Ibid., 190, and Hoig, Sand Creek Massacre, 58-59.

34. Ibid., 60.

35. Ibid., 61.

36. Otis B. Spencer, "A Sketch of the Boone-Bent Families," Westport Histoical Quarterly 8, no. 4 (1973): 102-103.

37. Ralph K. Andrist, The Long Death (New York: McMillan Company, 1965), 88-91.

38. Hoig, Sand Creek Massacre, 143; Hyde, Life of George Bent, 149.

39. Hoig, Sand Creek Massacre, 147.

40. Hyde, Life of George Bent, 148-168.

41. Hoig, Sand Creek Massacre, 145-191.

42. Hyde, Life of George Bent, 155.

43. Hoig, Sand Creek Massacre, 156.

44. Hyde, Life of George Bent, 156.

45. Ibid., 158.

46. Hoig, Sand Creek Massacre, 168.

47. Ibid., 172.

48. Berthrong, Southern Cheyennes, 224.

49. Hyde, Life of George Bent, 179.

50. Berthrong, Southern Cheyennes, 228-229.

51. Ibid., 328-329.

52. David Lavender, Bent's Fort (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1954), 389.

53. Mircea Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane: The Nature of Religion: The Significance of Religious Myth, Symbolism, and Ritual Within Life and Culture, trans. Willard R. Trask (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1957), 29.

1. Clifford Geertz, "Deep Play: Notes on the Balinese Cockfight," in The Interpretation of Cultures (New York: Basic Books, 1973), 122.

2. Ibid., 219.

3. Mark P. Leone, "Time in American Archeology," in Social Archeology (New York: Academic Press), 1978.

4. Geertz, "Deep Play," 194.

5. Eric Berne, What Do You Say After You Say Hello? (Toronto: Bantam Books, 1972), 148.

6. Ibid., 153.

7. Gramsci developed the idea of cultural hegemony in notebooks he kept while in prison. He attributed the failure of communist revolutions largely to the control over the media, educational systems, advertising, churches, and other means for the propagation of culture by the ruling classes. Two selections of these notebooks have been translated into English and provide a full discussion of Gramsci's theory: Antonio Gramsci, The Modern Prince , trans. Louis Marks (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1957), and Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci , trans. Q. Hoare and G. Nowell Smith (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1971).

8. Unless one employs that term even more broadly than I have done here and says that culture is only ideology that has taken various guises. I stop short of this.

9. David M. Pletcher, The Diplomacy of Annexation: Texas, Oregon, and the Mexican War (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1973), 5.

10. Richard White, The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and the Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650-1815 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991).

11. David J. Sandoval, "Gnats, Goods, and Greasers: Mexican Merchants on the Santa Fe Trail ," Journal of the West 28 (1989): 25.

12. Susan Calafate Boyle, "Comerciantes, Arrieros, y Peones: The Hispanos and the Santa Fe Trade," manuscript on file, National Park Service, Denver Service Center, 1992; and Jere Krakow, personal communication, 1993.

13. See, for example, Rhys Isaac, The Transformation of Virginia, 1740-1790 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982), 163-177.

14. Mary Douglas, Natural Symbols, 137.

15. Anthony Giddens, Emile Durkheim: Selected Writings (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972), 22.

16. Merrill J. Mattes, "From Ruin to Reconstruction," in Bent's Old Fort, ed. Cathryne Johnson (Denver: Colorado Historical Society, 1976), 61.

17. It is of some importance to note here that, as is almost always the case, local and state governments and organizations sought to place the historic site within the National Park System. The federal government almost never takes the initiative in establishing National Park units. Thus, the federal government is not aggressively pursuing an agenda of "cultural hegemony," at least through such actions. On the contrary, local governments and organizations are typically eager to establish an affiliation with the federal system, thereby legitimating the importance of, or validating, their own history.

18. Mattes, "From Ruin to Reconstruction," 76.

19. Robert E Berkhofer, Jr., "The Challenge of Poetics to (Normal) Historical Practice," Poetics Today 9 (1988): 441.

20. Mary Douglas, Natural Symbols (New York: Vantage Books, 1970), 125.

21.Isaac, The Transformation of Virginia .

22. Geertz, "Deep Play," 94-95.

23. During the time of Bent's Old Fort, however, this would have been far north of the typical range of the Southern Cheyenne and Arapaho, who were kept to the south by the opportunties offered by the fort.

24. John Eddy, "Astronomical Alignment of the Big Horn Medicine Wheel," 184 (1974): 1035-1043.

25. Ibid., l036.

26. George Grinnell, "The Medicine Wheel," American Anthropologist 24 (1922): 299-310, discussed on 307ff.

27. Eddy, "Astronomical Alignment," 1036.

28. Ibid.

29. Geertz, "Deep Play," 128.

30. Ibid.

31. Quoted in Joseph Campbell, Historical Atlas of World Mythology, Volume 1: The Way of the Animal Powers, Part 2: Mythologies of the Great Hunt (New York, Harper & Row, 1988).

32. Yi-Fu Tuan, Segmented Worlds and Self: Group Life and Individual Cam (Minneapolis: University, of Minnesota Press), 175.