1. "Paganism" is used here as the Buguias people use it: to denote a specific religious creed. It is thus capitalized to avoid impugning its legitimacy as a religion.

2. For example, Worcester (1906) placed the many villages that most Spanish and German ethnographers had classified as belonging to the separate tribal groupings of the Buriks, the Busaos, and the Itetepanes into the Tinguian category (an older division that he retained). Yet it is absolutely clear that these three tribal names had earlier referred to people belonging to the groups that Worcester himself identified as the Benguet-Lepanto Igorots (the Buriks and the Busaos) and the Bontoc Igorots (the Itetepanes).

3. Another American scholar and administrator, David Barrows, was at the same time developing a much more sophisticated view of cultural and social variation within the Cordillera based on language and, more significantly, on the indigenous peoples' own definitions of their identities and those of their neighbors. Yet Worcester (1906) cavalierly dismissed Barrows's work, and subsequently Barrows dropped out of the debate (see Barrows 1905, and especially his unpublished field notes of 1902 and 1908).

4. As Boon (1982:15) shows, "standard ethnographies" of a given group characteristically lack discussions of neighboring cultural groups. This has helped create an unfortunate blindness: cultural groups exist within the scholarly literature only if they have been anthropologically scrutinized.

1. Olofson (1984) has written at length on the door-yard gardens of the Ikalahan (Kallahan) of the southeastern margin of the Cordillera. These are structurally similar to the prewar Buguias gardens, but there are several important differences. For example, the residents of Imugan studied by Olofson do not spread hog manure in their gardens (1984:318) as did the people of Buguias.

2. Keesing and Keesing (1934) and others have hypothesized that the first Cordilleran terraces were devoted to taro, with rice a later replacement. Taro is a ritually important plant in many Cordilleran villages (including

Buguias), and it probably also predated sweet potatoes as the dry-field staple. Among one small group, the I'wak of the southeastern Cordillera, taro (both wet- and especially dry-grown) is to this day the primary crop (see Peralta 1982).

3. Tapang (1985:18) writes that branding was introduced to southern Benguet by the Spaniards. If it reached Buguias during this period, it is no longer remembered. But it may simply not have spread to Buguias until a later date, since the Spaniards exercised significantly less control in the northern part of the province than they did in the south.

4. Gohl (1981:114) claims that Themeda triandra has poor nutritive value, is easily overgrazed when young, is unpalatable when mature, and that Themeda pastures are of low carrying capacity. Purseglove (1972:128), however, describes it as a valuable fodder, although he also states that it will not support truly heavy grazing.

5. According to one story commonly told in Buguias, American authorities scattered Eupatorium seeds from airplanes (planes were first seen in the same year that the weed appeared). Other evidence points to a purposeful introduction by a German landscape architect named "Sankhul" employed by the Americans to help "beautify" Baguio City. Sankhul evidently wanted a plant that could outcompete the indigenous grasses, and thus lessen the dry-season fire hazard (Lizardo 1955:220). Eupatorium served this purpose moderately well; Sankhul presumably never considered the potential damage to cattle raising.

6. Recent Amazonian research has brought into question many common assumptions regarding swidden agriculture, especially the notion that swiddens mimic tropical forest successional patterns (see Beckerman 1983). Many Amazonian swiddens are characterized not by intercropping but rather by monocropped, albeit multivarietal, concentric rings—a pattern that also existed in modified form in prewar Buguias. Stocks (1983) and Beckerman (1984) explain such patterns largely in reference to insect and shading problems. Stocks further shows that the most nitrogen-demanding plants are typically placed on the swidden margins, while undemanding plants are typically relegated to the poorer center area. Buguias uma fields fit this model reasonably well, as center area was usually devoted to the undemanding sweet potato, while heavier feeders were more often placed along the edges.

These correlations are provocative, but the different environmental conditions of Amazonian swiddens and Buguias dry fields may indicate that such resemblances are fortuitous. According to local experts, umas were structured as they were primarily for ease of working and scheduling. Interplanting of other crops with sweet potatoes was, however, avoided for reasons of soil fertility.

7. The 1903 official census enumerates only the "civilized population," that of Buguias being counted as "1" (U.S. Bureau of the Census 1905, v. 2:144). A more legitimate figure may be obtained from the Philippine Commission Report, 1901, Appendix FF. In this tabulation the figure for Lo-o must be added to that of Buguias, as these two areas were later consoli-

dated into a single municipal district. Even these latter figures are, however, suspect. An 1896 Spanish survey (Appendix II, same volume), for example, lists Lo-o as having some 916 inhabitants (whereas an 1887 census had counted 1,105), yet the Americans in 1901 found only 315 residents (Buguias did not report in this census). Such a precipitous population drop is unlikely. The problems here are several, but especially significant were the unwillingness of the people to cooperate with the enumerators (for good reason) and the continually changing "municipal" boundaries. For the 1948 population figures, see Republic of the Philippines 1954, pt. i:53.

8. Pollisco-Botengan et al. (1985:16) attribute the permanence of dry fields in Ambassador (Tublay municipality) to rough topography, legal classification as critical watershed, and time constraints of local farmers. These factors are no doubt important, but in prewar Buguias ecological considerations were primary.

1. The actual arrangement varied both within and among different Benguet villages. In most Ibaloi areas the wealthy had an even greater advantage than in Buguias; in these places the pastol would usually receive only one of three newborn cattle. In the more restrictive inkatlo system (common in the nineteenth century), the cowboy would receive only one-third of each animal , thus precluding the possibility of ever acquiring a herd of his own (see Tapang 1985:11, and Hamada-Pawid and Bagamaspad 1985:80-81).

2. Hamada-Pawid (1984:90) argues that in Benguet, as a rule, not even terraces were really private: "Strictly speaking, there [was] no 'ownership' of land. . . . Rather, there [was a] right to stewardship of land." The "private" rights to terraces were certainly more restricted than in Western tenure systems; one could not, for example, forbid others to trespass. But in all societies private land rights have some limits, and by most definitions Buguias rice terraces would be considered fully private.

3. American land-policy makers gave lip service to safeguarding indigenous land rights, but their ultimate aim was to allow efficient exploitation of Benguet resources by American nationals (see Tauli 1984, and Hamada-Pawid 1984). Public Law 235 (1902) stipulated that any grants from the "public domain" should go to the actual inhabitants, and Act 496 (1902), for example, established the registration and survey system under which Torrens Titles were to be issued. While this act sent survey teams into Buguias, another act (718) of the same year potentially undermined the claims of many Buguias residents, proclaiming in effect that all tenure claims deriving from "chiefs of non-Christian tribes" were void.

1. All Benguet peoples, whether Kankana-ey, Ibaloi, or Kalanguya speakers, shared the same general religious concepts, although details varied greatly from village to village. Pungayan and Picpican (1978) have

presented an excellent synthesis of Benguet cosmology, which is, however, substantially different from the one collected in Buguias. Sacla (1987) offers still another picture in his detailed overview of Benguet religion, which also show substantial discrepancies with both my presentation and with that of Pungayan and Picpican (1978). There are several possible reasons for these differences: Buguias ideology may be distinctive from that of other Benguet communities; the individuals from whom I gathered religious data may have idiosyncratic views; ideological change in the past few decades may have been so rapid as to erase a previous communality of ideas; or the cosmology offered by Pungayan and Picpican and by Sacla may apply only to select Benguet communities, or even to specific individuals. My own view is that religous beliefs are so complex and mutable throughout this region that no single orthodox set of beliefs may be identified. See also Moss (1920 b ), W. H. Scott (1969), Hamada-Pawid and Bagamaspad (1985), Picpican and Guinaran (1981), Canol (1981), Tabora (1978), and Afable (1975).

2. It is notable, however, that the Ifugao employ a similar density of place names (Conklin 1980); this may be a generalized Cordilleran practice, unrelated to the timungao ritual.

3. The members of all Benguet communities observed pedit (in the lbaloi language, peshit ), but the sequence varied greatly. In some villages, for example, intervals were not confined to odd numbers (Pungayan and Picpican 1978:48).

4. Such taboo ( ngilin ) marked most ritual occasions; in general, the higher a person's status, the more often ngilin prohibitions were observed. Some especially devout elders habitually avoided all strong-smelling foods, and consumed no meat other than pork and chicken. This is actually a fair indication of the relative ages of different foods; the ancestors are a conservative lot, and they do not enjoy dietary innovations. Thus they found beef unacceptable and water buffalo only marginally tolerable.

5. Canol (1981:58) lists these blankets in a different (ascending) order: bandala, bayaong, pinagpagan, kwabao, dil-li , and alladang. Although some variation is expected, the discrepancies here—especially the relative positions of "dil-li" and "pinagpagan"—are so great as to indicate a recording error on the part of one of the researchers. In Buguias, "bayaong" was not a funeral blanket proper, but rather an intermediate blanket-accessory combination.

6. According to Pungayan (1978:102), some Ibaloi baknangs were able to "emancipate" themselves from the redistributive requirements of their rank by performing the ritual of aetong , in which they would divest themselves of their social status. Evidently some were successful. In Buguias this was not possible.

1. The desire for cash in the remote Kalanguya villages did not reflect tax requirements. As late as the 1930s, even such relatively accessible Ka-

languya communities as Kayapa (in western Nueva Vizcaya) did not render taxes (Light 1934).

2. According to Worcester's report (1903), largely culled from legal proceedings, most slaves sold in Nueva Vizcaya went for 80 to 120 pesos. Governor Pack (Philippine Commission 1903, v. 1:153) reported meanwhile that a cow would sell in Benguet for 80 to 100 pesos. Most slaves purchased by the Buguias traders were debtors, thieves, or captives from other Ifugao regions.

3. Some locally minted coins passed as ''legitimate" (i.e., imperial). At least one observer (Lander 1904:513) took this "counterfeiting" as proof that the local people were becoming civilized! Buguias residents, however, remember their copper coins as having been struck on one side only, indicating that they were intended strictly for local use. (On American efforts to suppress Cordilleran minting, see File 1468, Record Group 350, The National Archives, Washington D.C.)

4. It must be noted that the lowland Filipino elite generally despised the sometimes close association between the Americans and the Igorots. This sentiment is clearly evident in a translated newspaper editorial from 1913:

Notwithstanding the propinquity of the powers that be, who . . . are people ever disposed to sacrifice all on the alters of civilization and the progress of humanity, the Igorots of Baguio remain in the same state morally as when they were beside the Spanish, dirty, indecently clad, without any idea of what is required to keep up with the onward procession of humanity. And the worst of the thing is that those who should educate them and direct their intelligence along the roads of progress, take advantage of their state of ignorance to amuse themselves to the full, by their presence countenancing their feasts that the unfortunate people organize of a decidedly savage character. Before us we have a report that tells us recently there was held on these heights a canao (Igorot festival where they eat heartily of dogflesh and drink basi and dance frantically around the fires) and that at the feast all of the most prominent members of the administration in the locality put in an appearance. [From La Democracia March 25, 1913, held in The National Archives, Record Group 350, file 2388.]

1. The word "strategy" entered the English language through military science. The Oxford English Dictionary still gives its primary definition as the "art of the commander in chief." It is reasonable to extend the use of the term to cover other competitive occasions (such as games), in which, through the use of clever tactics, one party may win and thus cause the other to lose. But to consider all decisions made in the course of procuring a livelihood "strategic," as does Jochim (1981), is to demean life into a narrow struggle for survival. In the more circumscribed world of Benguet vegetable culture, however, the strategy metaphor is apposite.

2. The postwar retrenchment of the Suyoc mines was caused both by the poor performance of gold on the world market and by changes in the

relative value of the Philippine currency. The prewar depression years had been a boomtime for gold producers the world over (Kemmerer 1975:115); in the 1930s the value of the precious metal rose, on average "70 per cent in terms of depreciated currencies" (Palyi 1972:332). But wartime brought a near universal inflation, while the price of gold remained fixed in dollar terms. From 1940 to 1951 "the purchasing power of gold suffered continuous erosion" (Jastram 1977:167); in the postwar period, the United States held it at the increasingly artificial price of 35.0875 dollars per ounce. In the early 1960s, gold began to creep upward on the London Free Market, but a group of central banks intervened to bring it back to the desired price level (see Jastram 1977:52).

In the Philippines this situation was exacerbated by an over-valued currency. Inflation had been fierce during the mid-1940s; at the end of the war prices were approximately eight times higher than they had been five years earlier (Golay 1961:60). Furthermore, inflation persisted for some time as the U.S. government shipped in more currency than goods (see D. Bernstein 1947:218). Although the late 1940s witnessed a slight deflation (Golay 1961:74), the peso was never readjusted to the dollar, which had retained much more of its prewar value. The U.S. government actually insisted, in the notorious "Bell Trade Act," that the peso remain valued at fifty American cents. This enforced currency overvaluation made it difficult for the Philippines to export anything at all, including mineral resources (Valdepenas and Bautista 1977:161; Baldwin 1975:19).

The combination of underpricing gold while overpricing the peso made gold mining, whether by modern or traditional methods, a marginal endeavor. The Philippines' yearly production had been as high as 1,012,000 fine ounces in the late 1930s; in 1947 it totaled 65,000 fine ounces (Golay 1961:43). Although the industry began a slow recovery in the late 1940s, it lagged for many years. The Suyoc people continued to dig, but no longer could they afford to celebrate large feasts.

3. Officially, cabbage plantings increased from 1,137 hectares to 7,650 hectares (Republic of the Philippines 1954, v. 3, pt. ii:2944, and ibid. 1960 b :76, 77). For figures on potato production, see Republic of the Philippines 1954, v. 3, pt. ii:2955, and ibid. 1972:110.

2. The postwar retrenchment of the Suyoc mines was caused both by the poor performance of gold on the world market and by changes in the

relative value of the Philippine currency. The prewar depression years had been a boomtime for gold producers the world over (Kemmerer 1975:115); in the 1930s the value of the precious metal rose, on average "70 per cent in terms of depreciated currencies" (Palyi 1972:332). But wartime brought a near universal inflation, while the price of gold remained fixed in dollar terms. From 1940 to 1951 "the purchasing power of gold suffered continuous erosion" (Jastram 1977:167); in the postwar period, the United States held it at the increasingly artificial price of 35.0875 dollars per ounce. In the early 1960s, gold began to creep upward on the London Free Market, but a group of central banks intervened to bring it back to the desired price level (see Jastram 1977:52).

In the Philippines this situation was exacerbated by an over-valued currency. Inflation had been fierce during the mid-1940s; at the end of the war prices were approximately eight times higher than they had been five years earlier (Golay 1961:60). Furthermore, inflation persisted for some time as the U.S. government shipped in more currency than goods (see D. Bernstein 1947:218). Although the late 1940s witnessed a slight deflation (Golay 1961:74), the peso was never readjusted to the dollar, which had retained much more of its prewar value. The U.S. government actually insisted, in the notorious "Bell Trade Act," that the peso remain valued at fifty American cents. This enforced currency overvaluation made it difficult for the Philippines to export anything at all, including mineral resources (Valdepenas and Bautista 1977:161; Baldwin 1975:19).

The combination of underpricing gold while overpricing the peso made gold mining, whether by modern or traditional methods, a marginal endeavor. The Philippines' yearly production had been as high as 1,012,000 fine ounces in the late 1930s; in 1947 it totaled 65,000 fine ounces (Golay 1961:43). Although the industry began a slow recovery in the late 1940s, it lagged for many years. The Suyoc people continued to dig, but no longer could they afford to celebrate large feasts.

3. Officially, cabbage plantings increased from 1,137 hectares to 7,650 hectares (Republic of the Philippines 1954, v. 3, pt. ii:2944, and ibid. 1960 b :76, 77). For figures on potato production, see Republic of the Philippines 1954, v. 3, pt. ii:2955, and ibid. 1972:110.

4. Many such famines have been reported in the Baguio Midland Courier. See, for example, Oct. 10, 1949; May 30, 1965; June 27, 1965; December 4, 1966; and April 22, 1967.

1. Most recent experimental efforts at FORI have concentrated on nonagricultural issues, such as streambank stabilization and the reclamation of toxic mine tailings. FORI researchers have also cultivated test plots of a rather remarkable cloud-forest plant, the so-called petroleum shrub ( Pitasporum resiniforum ). Its highly flammable seeds contain a high-quality fuel, and foresters hope that one day commercial plantings may be feasible.

2. Bulldozer owners derive income from government road-building contracts, from clearing their own new garden plots, and from clearing the plots of other farmers in exchange for either cash or a section of land.

1. Although the American government recognized the land rights of the Benguet peoples, they did so only in the context of individual property. In a celebrated case, Cariño vs. Insular Government, the United States Supreme Court overruled the Philippine Supreme Court to uphold the land claims of the Ibaloi baknang Cariño (see Lynch 1984). Parpan-Pagusara (1984), however, argues powerfully, if vindictively, that this decision was more a defeat than a victory for indigenous land rights, since Cariño's 146-hectare plot had originally been a communal parcel that he had privatized under a title.

2. In 1962, Republic Act 782 granted ownership rights to farmers who had occupied public lands since 1945, offering in essence a reinterpretation of the Magsaysay policy. The more far-reaching Manahan amendments, passed in 1964 (Republic Act 3872), were designed to protect the land rights of "national cultural minorities," again by allowing individuals to acquire public lands provided they had been in residence for some years. Almost immediately after this act was passed, natural-resource interests clamored for its repeal, or at least for a strengthening of the mandatory screening process ( Baguio Midland Courier Feb. 20 and 27, 1966). A high court soon ruled that reserved land was exempt from titling, effectively excluding Benguet farmers ( Baguio Midland Courier July 29, 1966). This ruling in turn was challenged, but since the constitutionality of the original law has yet to be decided in court, the whole issue has quietly subsided (Tauli 1984).

3. Many parcels in Buguias and Lo-o were never titled even though they had been classified since the first land survey as "alienable and disposable." To obtain title to such a plot, the resident farmer must first get a court order, a cumbersome and expensive procedure. In the 1980s, however, a charitable association connected with the Catholic Church began to help farmers in selected communities gain titles.

One problem facing Cordilleran farmers who wished to gain title was the provision that no lands of slope greater than 18 percent could be classified as alienable and disposable. Benguet was exempted from this ruling on November 8, 1985, when Marcos signed Presidential Decree 1998. This infuriated many residents of the other Cordilleran provinces, whose lands were still covered by the original provision. Some claimed that the move was a ploy by Marcos to gain support in Benguet for the February 1986 election ( Baguio Midland Courier May 25, 1986).

4. The old Mountain Province was divided in 1966 into four new provinces: Benguet, Bontoc, Ifugao, and Kalinga-Apayao. The first three had previously been subprovinces, as had both Kalinga and Apayao.

1. On February 21, 1960, The Dynamo (official publication of the student body of the Baguio Technical and Commercial College) ran an editorial urging Cordillerans to discard the feast system. It argued that "money [that] should be invested in the education of children or in some worthwhile pursuit is lost in one or two days of festive but meaningless revelry."

2. Several of the small-scale gold-mining communities in the Itogon area (of the middle Agno Valley) are populated primarily by Kankana-ey speakers from Suyoc. These villages therefore have a close relationship with Buguias. Information on the religious practices of Kankana-ey miners in the middle Agno was supplied by Evelyn Caballero, Ph.D. candidate, University of Hawaii.

1. Several scholars, overgeneralizing the notion that economic change brings cultural ruin, have misrepresented the linkages between redistribution and commercialization in Luzon's Cordillera. Solang (1984:163), for example, argues:

While lavish feasts and canaos are held up to now, these, however, occur less frequently and still under a subsistent economic structure. . . . The level of surplus [necessary to hold them] is that associated with a subsistence economy. . . . With the entry of cash and other factors the Cordillera economy is getting marginalized.

Solang's argument is perhaps correct for the central and northern Cordillera, areas with which he is more familiar. It should also be noted that Eder (1982:111) has found that in Banaue (Ifugao) increasing commercialization is connected with a decline in ceremonial redistribution, while Pertierra (1988) correlates commercialization with the acceptance of Ilocano (Christian) identity in a community in the Cordillera's western foothills.

In the Philippines, and more broadly throughout Southeast Asia, redistributive ceremonies are widespread, having survived easily the spread of universalizing religions in many lowland areas (see, for example, Griffiths 1988; J. Scott 1988; vonder Mehden 1986). Yet many such rituals are presently disappearing. James Scott (1988), for example, finds many re-distributive devices, including feasts, threatened with extinction in Sungai Bujur, Malaysia. This is so, he argues, because the mechanization of agriculture has now obviated the need for labor control, formerly achieved through redistribution. This pattern is perhaps widely spread in lowland Southeast Asia, but clearly not in highland zones.

Among the Toraja of highland Sulawesi, however, the feast system seems to be endangered because formerly low-class individuals can now finance high-class funerals for their poor relatives with money earned as wage migrants, leading many persons to doubt the whole system's authenticity (Volkman 1984). Clearly, the relationship between redistribution and commercialization varies greatly from region to region.

2. Russell (1983:261-263) attributes the perceived anticommercial attitude of the Ibaloi in part to an "ethnic rhetoric" perpetuating stereotypes that she believes "distinguish between the qualifications of workers, and allow entrepreneurs not only to exploit a cheap labor force, but also to justify and legitimize their right to do so." She says further: "The result is to create a situation that perpetuates and restricts Ibaloi from expanding into . . . commercial roles."

The Buguias perspective is markedly different. Wealthy farmers along the Mountain Trail, in Bad-ayan, and in Bot-oan, do hire workers from other cultural groups (Kalanguya, Northern Kankana-ey, and Ilocano—almost never Ibaloi), but their rationale in doing so is strictly economic, never ethnic. Russell (1983) also shows, however, that certain Ibaloi individuals, and even villages, are marked by a strongly commercial orientation.

3. Sheldon Annis (1987) discovered in one region of Guatemala that individuals economically marginalized through poverty and those socially marginalized through entrepreneurial activities were inclined to leave syncretic Catholicism for Protestantism. Protestants overall tend to perform better economically than their Catholic peers, but they do so at the price of risking their cultural identity. The contrast with Buguias could hardly be more marked.

4. For example, E. P. Thompson (1978:4, 12) excoriates the self-proclaimed materialist Althusser for expounding an idealism comparable to theology if not astrology, yet Thompson himself has been accused of "swerv[ing] too far toward idealism and voluntarism while giving short shrift to material and structural analysis" (Trimberger 1984:221).

5. The Buid of Mindoro also offer swine to their ancestors, and their ceremonies also seem to lack an ecological dimension (Gibson 1986). Here the contrast with Buguias lies in the social realm. Buid individuals gain no prestige when they sacrifice to their ancestors; indeed, their whole social order prevents anyone from enhancing his or her own status. Furthermore, the ancestors here stand in a completely different position vis-à-vis human society. They are provided their (insubstantial) shares only to keep them quiet, for they are regarded as aggressive, stupid, and entirely unwelcome intruders. Buid ancestors are "bought-off" rather than beseeched, as are those of Buguias. And as a final contrast, Buid rituals function to decompose the household in recreating the larger community (Gibson 1986:177), where Buguias rituals unite households as they demonstrate divisions (as well as bonds) inherent in lineages, classes, and especially hamlets and villages. (See J. DeRaedt [1964] for an ecological theory of variations within the Cordillera in regard to the status of ancestors.)