Upward Movement

The typical commoner was so burdened with debt (much of it ritually incurred) that upward mobility was all but impossible. But a few managed to rise, usually by working for a wealthy relative. Marrying the daughter of a baknang provided a good business en-

trée, but the wedding costs, borne by the male party, were restrictive. Still, a young man recognized by his prospective father-in-law as outstandingly clever and industrious might find wedding loans readily forthcoming. Nor was it absolutely impossible for one to prosper through personal efforts in animal husbandry. One man named Calayon, for example, climbed from poverty to mid-level baknang status, although it took him an entire lifetime. Calayon first trafficked in chickens, moved on to hogs, and finally graduated to cattle leasing. He advised others that they too could prosper if they followed his example and if they maintained the proper relations with their ancestors.

Members of the serving class had few hopes for prosperity, although a few skilled immigrants could rise. The accused wizard Kabading, for example, eventually reached a fairly high position. Slaves, however, remained impoverished. Although their children were not necessarily bound, most did remain servile; a good marriage provided their best route to independence. Today, their descendants still constitute the poorest segment of the community.

Class conflict did not rend prewar Buguias society; familial ties and expectations of reciprocity tempered dissonance. Still, certain baknangs were privately censored for self-serving actions, and one was secretly reviled (by some) for abusing his power. Yet no members of the elite could automatically maintain position simply by possessing wealth. Legitimation was a continual and costly burden, albeit one borne (we may presume) reverently. But for this story we must wait for chapter 4; more immediate for the present concern is the land-tenure system that allowed the elite to control key sectors of production within Buguias.