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11— The Formation of the Political Culture of Ethnicity in the Belgian Congo, 1920–19591

1. This study is an English version of one originally written in French. It was translated by K. Alley and M. Dupont. I would like to thank Leroy Vail for further editing. An enlarged French version, together with comments by Luba and Luluwa social scientists, has been published in Cahiers d'études africaines . I am grateful to the Social Science Research Council of Canada for providing a grant that made my research possible. [BACK]

2. J. Berque, 'Identités collectives et sujets de 1'histoire', in G. Michaud, ed., Identités collectives et relations interculturelles (Brussels, 1978), pp.11-18. See also J. Berque, 'Qu'est-ce une identité collective?', in Mélanges offerts à Levi-Strauss (Paris, 1969), p. 486. For a definition of 'political culture', see B. Badie, La Culture Politique (Paris, 1983). A. Touraine stresses that 'the appeal to identity becomes an appeal, contrary to social roles, to life, liberty and creativity', as quoted in P. Tap, 'Conclusion prospective', in P. Tap, ed., Identité individuelle et personalité (Toulouse, 1979), p. 398. [BACK]

3. For an excellent analysis of the manipulation of ethnicity by the state and Church, see the following articles by J.P. Chrétien: 'Les deux visages de Cham', in P. Guiral and E. Ternine, eds., L'ldée race dans la pensée politique francçise contemporaine (Paris, 1977), pp. 171-99; 'Du Hirsute au Hamite', History in Africa, 8 (1981), pp. 3-41; 'Vocabulaire et concepts tirés de la féodalité occidentale et administration indirecte en Afrique orientale', in D. Nordman and J.P. Raison, eds., Science de I'homme et la conquête coloniale. Constitution et usages des sciences humaines en Afrique (XIXe-XXe sièdes) (Paris, 1980), pp. 47-63; and 'Féodalité ou féodalisme du Burundi sous le mandat belge', Etudes africaines offertes à Henri Brunschwig (Paris, 1982), pp. 367-88.

For critical analyses of the concept of ethnicity, see J. Vansina, 'Lignage, idéologic et histoire en Afrique équatoriale', Enquêtes et documents d'histoire africaine, 4 (1980), pp. 133-55; J. Copans, 'Mode de production, formation sociale ou ethnic: le leçon d'un long silence de 1'anthropologie marxiste française,' Canadian Journal of African Studies, 20 (1986), pp. 74-90 (first circulated as a working paper of EHESS, Paris 1982); J. Saul, "The Dialectics of class and tribe'. Studies in Political Economy, I (1979), pp. 1-42; M. G. Schatzberg, 'The emerging trialectic: state, class and ethnicity in Africa', paper presented to the Colloquium on the African State, University of California, Berkeley, 25 May 1982; T. C. Young, The Politics of Cultural Pluralism (Madison, 1976), as well as his 'Patterns of social conflict: state, class and ethnicity', Daedalus, 111 (1982), pp. 71-98; P. van den Berghe, The Ethnic Phenomenon (New continue

York, 1981); and B. Jewsiewicki, 'Les pratiques et idéologic de l'ethnicité au Zaire: quelques réflexions historiques', in B. Jewsiewicki, ed., L'Etat Indepéndant au Congo, Congo beige, République démocratique du Congo, République du Zaire? (Quebec, 1984), pp. 103-6. See also the excellent study by J.-L. Amselle, 'Ethnies et espaces: pour une anthropologie topologique', in J.-L. Amselle and E. M'Bokolo, eds., Au coeur de l'ethnie (Paris, 1985), pp. 11-48. [BACK]

4. See F. Dumont, L'anthropologie en absence de 1'homme (Paris, 1982); A. Touraine, 'L'historicité' in Une nouvelle civilisation? Hommage à Georges Friedmann (Paris, 1973), pp. 3-44; and F. Barnard, 'Accounting for actions: causality and teleology', History and Theory, 20 (1981), pp. 291-312. [BACK]

5. F. Schick, Having Reasons (Princeton, 1984), p. 148, asserts 'Not every reason is rational and there may sometimes be social reasons where there are no rational ones. Reasons go beyond rationality, and so the range of action does.' But there are many rationalities, as is pointed out by J. Habermas, 'Technology and science as "ideology" ' in Toward a Rational Society (Boston, 1971), pp. 81-122. He speaks, on p. 83, of 'rationality in Weber's sense which shows its Janus face'. H. Marcuse, 'Industrialisation and capitalism in the work of Max Weber', in Negations: Essays in Critical Theory (Boston, 1968), pp. 201-226, speaks about rationality as being a form of unacknowledged political domination. [BACK]

6. A. Dawe, "Theories of social action', in T. Bottomore and R. Nesbit, eds., A History of Sociological Analysis (London, 1979), p. 398. [BACK]

7. See B. Jewsiewicki, ed., Recits de vie et mémoires: pour une anthropologie historique du souvenir (Paris and Quebec, 1987), for analysis and an extensive bibliography. [BACK]

8. The relationship between Social Darwinism, racism and industrialization (but also involving scientific selection, management efficiency, and rational authority) is discussed in P. Legendre, Paroles poétiques échapées du texte (Paris, 1982). See also UNESCO, Sociological Theories: Race and Colonialism (Paris, 1980), especially C. Guillaumin's chapter, and also her essay, 'Caractères spécifiques de l'idéologie raciste,' Cahiers intemationaux de sociologie, 53 (1972), pp. 247-74, where she makes a distinction between 'self-referential' racism and 'other-referential' racism; A. Chase, The Legacy of Malthus: the Social Cost of the New Scientific Racism (Urbana, 1980); A. Kriegel, La race perdue (Paris, 1983); Y. Christen, Le dossier Darwin (Paris, 1982); L. Kuper, ed., Race, Science and Society (Paris, 1975); and P. van den Berghe, Race and Racism (New York, 1967).

A. Rose, 'Race and ethnic relations', in R. Morton, ed., Contemporary Social Problems (New York, 1966), p. 429, suggests that ethnicity in pre-colonial times is based on the idea of cultural values and racism is based on biological determinism. If he is correct, to speak of ethnicity today is a fallacy of 'a common predilection to extrapolate from past experience without observing signs of incipient change . . .' [BACK]

9. E.P. Thompson, 'Peculiarities of the English', Socialist Register (1965), p. 357. It is useful to remember L. Althusser's view, in his Répoase à John Lewis (Paris, 1973), that one cannot define class before class struggle, the latter producing class division and class identity. There certainly is not a unilineal logic of industrialism nor any unitary logic of class formation. See P. Worsley, 'Social class and development', in G. Bereman, ed., Social Inequality (New York, 1981), pp.221-55. [BACK]

10. J. Lonsdale, 'When did the Gusii (or any other group) become a tribe?', Kenya Historical Review, 5 (1977), pp.123-33. [BACK]

11. It is essential to restore the political dimension of social conflict. See E. Fox-Genovese and E. Genovese, "The political crisis of social history: class struggle as subject and object'; in their Fruits of Merchant Capital (View York, 1983), pp. 175-212; T. Judt, 'A clown in regal purple: social history and the historians'. History Workshop, 7 (1979), pp.66-94; and S. Hochstadt, 'Social history and politics: a materialist view', Social History, 7 (1982), pp.75-83. [BACK]

12. See M. Agulhon, 'Plaidoyer pour les Jacobins: La gauche, l'Etat et la région dans la continue

tradition historique francaise', Le Débat, 13 (1981), pp. 55-65; F. Dumont, 'Mouvements nationaux et régionaux d'aujourdhui', Cahiers internationaiix de sociologie, 66 (1979), pp.5-17; and, from a quite different, but no less important perspective, R.M. Taylor, Jr., 'Summoning the wandering tribes: genealogy and family reunions in American history'. Journal of Social History, 16 (1984), pp.21-37. For the concept of community, see R. Plant, 'Community: concept, conception and ideology', Politics and Society, 26 (1978), pp.79-107, and B. Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London, 1983). [BACK]

13. P. Vilar, 'Réflexions sur les fondements des structures nationales', La Pens ée, 217-8 (1981), pp.46-64, also published in English in Marxist Perspectives, 5 (1979), pp.3-17. [BACK]

14. For good examples, see O. Debhonvapi, 'Société zairïise dans le miroir de la chanson populaire', in B. Jewsiewicki, ed., Etat Independant du Congo, p.129; B. Jewsiewicki, 'Political consciousness among African peasants in the Belgian Congo', Review of African Political Economy, 19 (1980), pp.23-32; and J.-L. Vellut, 'Matériaux pour reconstituer une image du Blanc dans la société coloniale du Congo Beige', in J. Pireotte, ed., Stéréotypes nationaux et préjugés raciaux aux XIXe et XXe siécles (Louvain-la-Neauve, 1982), pp.91-114. [BACK]

15. See C. Young and T. Turner, The Rise and Decline of the Zairian State (Madison, 1985). E. Bustin, Lunda under the Belgian Rule (Cambridge, MA, 1975), presents a very different, but contiguous case of the colonial state's manipulations of ethnic history and identity. [BACK]

16. B. Jewsiewicki, 'Capitalisme par procuration et industrialisation sans entrepreneurs: la petite entreprise au Congo belge, 1910-1960', in Laboratoire 'Tiers-Monde', Entreprises et entrepreneurs en Afrique, 19e-20e siécles (Paris, 1983), Vol. 2, pp.81-100, and 'La raison d'Etat ou la raison du capital: accumulation primitive au Congo belge', African Economic History, 12 (1983), pp.157-82. [BACK]

17. T.K. Biaya, 'De l'aube des temps jusqu'alors: l'histoire contemporaine des Luluwa par Nyuinyi wa Lwimba', in Jewsiewicki, ed., Etat Indépendant du Congo, pp. 23-4, presents oral 'popular' history. Mabika Kalanda, Baluba et Lulua: Une ethnic à la recherche d'un nouvel équilibre (Brussels, 1959) and C. Young, Politics in the Congo (Princeton, 1965), have made scholarly analyses. [BACK]

18. See J.-L. Vellut, 'Les bassins miniers de I'ancien Congo Belge: essai d'histoire economique et sociale (1900-1960) ', Cahiers du CEDAF, 1 (1981). A shortened version of this was published in English in D. Birmingham and P. Martin, eds., History of Central Africa (New York, 1983), Vol. 2,pp.126-62. [BACK]

19. For a theoretical analysis, see P. Bourdieu, Ce que parler veut dire (Paris, 1982). For examples from Central Africa, see W. Samarin, 'Colonization and piginization on the Ubangi River', Journal of African Languages and Linguistics, 4 (1982), pp.1-42 and J. Fabian, 'Missions and the colonization of African languages: development in the former Belgian Congo', Canadian Journal of African Studies, 17 (1983), pp.165-87. [BACK]

20. See B. Jewsiewicki, 'Zaire enters the World System: its colonial incorporation as Belgian Congo, 1885-1960', in G. Gran, ed., Zaire: The Political Economy of Underdevelopment (New York, 1979), pp.29-53. [BACK]

21. The social history of white colonial society in the Belgian Congo remains to be written. We have only J.-L. Vellut's very brief, but excellent, essay, 'Les belges au Congo, 1885-1960', in A. d'Haenens, ed., La Belgique: Sociétés et cultures depuis 150 ans (Brussels, 1980), pp. 260-5. [BACK]

22. 1 use the term 'elite' as J.N. Paden and E. W. Soja, The African Experience (Evanston, 1970), define it, on the basis of education and special employment. This conforms to colonial perceptions and includes the idea of possessing a special potential for influence in historical changes. [BACK]

23. We know almost nothing about the urban culture of the Belgian Congo. See J. Fabian, 'Popular culture in Africa: findings and conjectures', Africa, 48 (1978), pp.315-34, continue

and his 'Kazi: conceptualization of labour in charistmatic movements among Swahili-speaking workers', Cahiers d'Etudes Africaines, 13 (1973), pp.292-325. For suggestive work on other areas of southern Africa, see D. Coplan, 'The emergence of an African working class culture', in S. Marks and R. Rathbone, eds., Industrialization and Social Change in South Africa (New York, 1982), pp.358-75; C. van Onselen, Studies in the Social and Economic History of the Witwatersrand, 1886-1914, Vol. II: New Nineveh (New York, 1982), pp.171-201; and F. Cooper, ed., Struggle for the City (Beverley Hills, 1983), passim . [BACK]

24. Fabian, 'Missions and the colonization of African Languages'. [BACK]

25. G. Feltz, 'Une introduction a 1'histoire de 1'enseignement en Afrique centrale (XIXe-XXe siècles): Idèologies, pouvoirs et sociétés', Bulletin de l'Institut belge de Rome, 51 (1981), pp.351-99. [BACK]

26. See B. Jewsiewicki, 'Histoire de 1'agriculture africaine dans l'ancienne Province du Katanga (1919-1940) ', Likundoli, 2/3: Enquetes et documents d'histoire africaine, I (1975). A shortened English version of that essay is to be found in R. Palmer and N. Parsons, eds., The Roots of Rural Poverty in Central and Southern Africa (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1977), pp.317-44. See also Tshundolela Epanya, 'Politique coloniale, économic capitaliste et sous-développement au Congo belge: Le cas du Kasai' (1920-1959) ', unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Université de Lubumbashi, 1980. [BACK]

27. E. M'Bokolo, 'Le "séparatisme katangais" ', in Amselle and M'Bokolo, eds., Au coeur de 1'ethnie, pp.185-226, published after the completion of this essay, is the best analysis of this process. [BACK]

28. For this concept, see Centre méridional d'histoire sociale des mentalités et des cultures, Les intermédiaires culturels (Aix-en-Provence, 1981). It is important to place this concept within the context of the history of mentalités . See M. Vovelle, Idélogies et mentalités (Paris, 1982); R. Darton, The Great Cat Massacre (New York, 1984); P. Hutton, "The history of mentalities: the new map of cultural history', History and Theory, 20 (1981), pp.237-59. [BACK]

29. E. De Jonghe, Les formes d'asservissement dans les sociétés indigènes du Congo belge (Brussels, 1949). [BACK]

30. P. Tempels, La Philosophic bantoue (Elisabethville, 1945 and Paris, 1949). The original text published in Flemish in 1946 in Antwerp is a culmination of the process of the indigenization of African culture by Belgian thinkers all of whom worked for some time in Elisabethville (Lubumbashi). This group included C. van der Kerken, J. de Hemptinne, G. Henenn, P. Tempels's inspired Jamaa movement, as well as the CEPSI's attempts at social and scientific action and social engineering. For the Jamaa movement, see J. Fabian, Jamaa: A Charismatic Movement in Katanga (Evanston, 1971), and W. De Craemer, The Jamaa and the Church (Oxford, 1977). [BACK]

31. J. Fabian, Placide Tempels et son oeuvre dans une perspective historique (Brussels, 1970); Bilolo Mubabinge, 'La philosophic nègre dans l'oeuvre d'Emile Possoz, I: 1939-1945', Revue africaine de Théologie, 5 (1981), pp.197-226, and his 'Impact d'Emile Possoz sur P. Tempels: Introduction au destin du possozianisme', idem ., 6 (1982), pp.25-57. See also A. Smet's introduction and new translation of Tempels's Philosophie bantou (Kinshasa, 1979), and his 'La conception de la philosophie dans 1'oeuvre du Père Tempels', in Ethique et société, Actes de la 3e Semaine Philosophique de Kinshasa du 3 au 7 avril 1978, Kinshasa, Faculté de théologie catholique (1980), pp.333-44. It is worth noting that the only other Central African ethno-philosophy has been that of the Tutsi: A. Kagame, La philosophie bantu rwandaise de 1'Etre (Brussels, 1956), and his La philosophie bantu comparées (Paris, 1980). Kagame stresses in his Introduction that Tempels had influence upon his ideas. [BACK]

32. E. Hobsbawmand T. O. Ranger, eds., The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge, 1983) ; J. Pouillon, 'Tradition: transmission ou reconstruction?', in J. Pouillon, Fétiche dans fétichisme (Paris, 1975); and E. Shils, Tradition (Chicago, 1981). break [BACK]

33. The bibliography of the colonial debate can be found in A. Romaniuk, Fécondité des populations congolaises (Paris, 1967). As C. Ginzburg, 'Clues, roots of a scientific paradigm'. Theory and Society, 7 (1979), pp. 273-88, notes: 'Later [after 1850] individuality and identity grew in importance as issues of specific social groups, among them those interested in social control.' (p. 283.) So the central question of demography is probably not the technical one but that of the paradigm: is there any relation between social organization and demography, between ethnicity and demographic growth? Who is ethnic and who is individual and why? 'The individual born in a religious context (persona), acquired its modern, secularized meaning only in relation with the State.' (p. 284).

D. Kirkby, 'Colonial policy and native depopulation in California and New South Wales', Ethnohistory, 31 (1984), pp. 1-16, suggests that the implicit detribalization resulted in massive depopulation in North America and Australia. The implicit conclusion of ethnic studies in demography is that ethnic cohesion ('retribalization'?) has an important effect on demography: as the colonial administration believed from 1920, the 'traditional' peasant living in a tribal (ethnic) society is a good one, while the detribalized African was an abomination. For a short discussion of historical development in the Belgian Congo, see B. Jewsiewicki, 'Modernisation ou destruction du village africain: l'économie politique de la "modernisation agricole" au Congo belge', Les Cahiers du CEDAF (Brussels, 1983), 15, pp. 21-6. [BACK]

34. There is no room here to analyze the evolution of ethnographic, philosophical/ theological, linguistic and juridical studies based upon and constructing an assumed Luba 'cultural model', from Colle through Van Caenengham, Sohier, Stappers, et at . However, Ntedika Konde, 'Bibliographic sélective (1925-1975) ', Revue Africaine de Théologie (1977-82), is useful for following the development of this group of writers, most of whom were missionaries, but which also included some jurists. [BACK]

35. The French term 'cadet' is a better word; see for discussion and an extensive bibliography B. Jewsiewicki and J. Létourneau, eds., Mode of Production: the challenge of Africa (Quebec, 1985). As far as the concept of 'household' is concerned as an analytical tool, I prefer Sacs's in 'Sisters and wives: the past and future of sexual equality', Contributions in Women's Studies, 10 (Westport, Ct., 1979). See also J. Guyer, 'Household and community', African Studies Review, 24 (1981). How can we study the phenomenon of women's contribution if the basic assumption is that a woman is always given to a man by some other man? Cf. C. Levi-Strauss, cited by E. LeRoy Ladurie, 'Le carré d'amour occitan', Le Débar (1984), p. 65. [BACK]

36. See J. MacGaffey, 'The effect of rural-urban ties, kinship and marriage on household structure in a Kongo village', Canadian Journal of African Studies, 17 (1983), pp. 69-83. [BACK]

37. One should also be aware of Kalamba Mangole's fate—and that of many others. T. K. Biaya, 'Kalamba Mangole et Nkwembe: histoire, idéologie et politique', in Jewsiewicki, ed., Etat Indépendent du Congo, pp. 66-9. [BACK]

38. It is a kind of linguistic and occupational stereotype well demonstrated for France by C. Bertho, 'L'invention de la Bretagne: genése sociale d'un stéréotype', Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales, 35 (1980), pp. 45-72.

The Bangala-Equateur case seems to me to be more a regional identity than an ethnic one. Lingala originated in an external/internal linguistic production, and it has been said by the 'natives' to be a maternal tongue of whites.

Colonial underdevelopment and the subsequent search by President Mobuto for a regional political base created some basis for a claim of some common cultural heritage, chiefly through employing the Hulstaert/Boelart thesis of a common Mongo culture. The thesis has the advantage of being a conceptual one. (See epistemological remarks by I. Veit-Brause, 'A Note on Begriffsgeschichte', History and Theory, 20 (1981), p.61. There is also a political advantage of the large Mongo/Equateur model in that it subsumes the Tetela culture, from which Patrice Lumumba derived. One continue

must also note the supposed opposition between Lingala and Lomongo that is strongly stressed by Hulstaert as an opposition between an 'artificial' product and a true 'ethnic' creation. The discussion between Hulstaert and Mumbanza in Zaire Afrique, 78 (1973), pp.471-83; 83 (1973), pp.173-85; 90 (1974), pp. 625-32, and in Likundali, 2 (1974), pp. 129-49 is very important for anyone studying the 'production' of 'modern' ethnic identity. [BACK]

39. It is the same process of invention of an ideal social space as in the case of the Shtetl. See R. Gay, 'Inventing the Shtetl', American Scholar, 53 (1984), pp. 329-49. See also C. Karnoouh, 'National unity in Central Europe: the state, peasant folklore and mono-ethnism', Telos, 53 (1982), pp.95-105; P. Bourdieu, 'Espace social et genèse des "classes" ', Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales, 52-53 (1984), pp.3-12; and L. Dramalieve, 'Les coordonnées de l'espacetemps dans une idéologie de la conscience collective', Diogène, 117 (1982), pp. 27-51. [BACK]

40. E. Torday, Camp and Tramp in African Wilds (London, 1913). See also for comparison J. Hay, 'Local trade and ethnicity in Western Kenya', African Economic History Review, 2 (1975), pp. 7-12. [BACK]

41. Tshundolela Epanya, 'L'innovation technologique en milieu africain dans la zone minière orientale du Kasai (Zaire): blocages, adaptations et transformations socio-économiques', in B. Jewsiewicki and J. P. Chrétien, eds., Réactions sociales à l'innovation technologique en Afrique centrale et occidentale (Quebec, 1984), pp.233-66.

For local people a specific regional identity is chiefly the result of industrial change. See also D. Greenwood, 'Continuity in change: Spanish Basque ethnicity as a historical process', in M. Esman, ed., Ethnic Conflict in the Western World (Ithaca, 1977), pp. 8l-102. [BACK]

42. See K. Thompson, 'Folklore and sociology', Sociological Review, 28 (1980), pp.249-85; E.P. Thompson, 'Folklore, anthropology and social history', Indian Historical Review (1978), pp. 247-66; and R. Jaulin, 'Du folklore' in La dédvilisation: Politique et oratique de l'ethnocide (Brussels, 1974), pp. 119-25. [BACK]

43. See J. Goody, The Graphical Reason (London, 1976); P. Legendre, Paroles poétiques échapés du texte (Paris, 1982); and, for an excellent empirical analysis, D. Gisler, 'Corps, langage, politique: Une expérience d'alphabétisation en Guadeloupe', Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales, 32-33 (1980), pp. 105-110. [BACK]

44. V. Y. Mudimbe, 'La culture', in J. Vanderlinden, ed., Du Congo au Zaire, 1960-1980 (Brussels, 1981), pp. 309-98. [BACK]

45. Unfortunately, we lack comparative studies of indigenization practices and ideologies in colonial and post-colonial Africa, especially Zaire, and Latin America. For Mexico, see C. Deverre and R. Reissner, 'Les figures de l'Indien problème: L'évolution de l'indigénisme mexicain', Cahiers Inteniationaux de Sociologie, 68 (1980), pp.149-67; and J. Friedlander, L'Indien des autres (Paris, 1979). [BACK]

46. See the essay in this volume by Allen Roberts for a case study of this process. [BACK]

47. Dualism is presented in Plan décennal pour le développement économique et social du Congo beige (Brussels, 1949), page xxxxvii, as an official philosophy of development. For the continuity of basic assumptions about economic dualism, see E. M'Bokolo, ' "Historicité" et pouvoir d'Etat en Afrique noire', Relations Internationales, 324 (1983), pp. l94-213. [BACK]

48. See the already classic analysis of S. N. Eisenstadt and R. Lermarchand, eds., Political Client, State and Development (Beverley Hills, 1981); S.N. Eisenstadt and L. Roniger, eds., Patron, Clients and Friends (Cambridge, 1984); L. Roniger, 'Modern patron-client relations and historical clientalism', Archives européennes de sociologie, 24 (1983), pp.63-95; R. Theobald, 'The decline of patron-client relations in developed societies', idem ., pp. 136-47; and R. Jobert, 'Clientelisme, patronage et participation populaire', Revue Tiers Monde, 24 (1983), pp.537-56. [BACK]

49. The phrase is Crawford Young's in 'Zaire: the unending crisis', Foreign Affairs, Fall continue

(1978), pp.165-85. For a further discussion, see the essays by Young, Newbury, Nzongola, Verhaegen, and Willames in Jewsiewicki, ed., L'Etat Indépendant du Congo, passim . [BACK]

50. De Heusch, 'Introduction: travel memories', in Why Many Her? (Cambridge, 1981), p.20. [BACK]

51. B. Jewsiewicki and Mumbanza mwa Bawele, 'The social context of slavery in Equatorial Africa during the 19th and 20th centuries', in P. Lovejoy, ed., The Ideology of Slavery in Africa (Beverley Hills, 1981), pp.73-98. [BACK]

52. See W. MacGaffey, 'Economic and social dimensions of Kongo slavery (Zaire) ', in S. Miers and I. Kopytoff, eds., Slavery in Africa: Historical and Anthropological Perspectives (Madison, 1977). Robert Harms, in his important essay, 'Sustaining the system: trading towns along the middle Zaire', in C. Robertson and M. Klein, eds., Women and Slavery in Africa (Madison, Wi., 1983), pp.95-110, presents the following definition for free people: 'people who could trace their ancestry back for several generations through blood ties instead of master-servant ties' (p. 98). See also in the same volume S.H. Broadhead, 'Slave wives, free sisters: Bakongo women and slavery, c. 1700-1850', pp.160-84, where she notes that the 'children of slave wives belonged to the lineage of their father' (p. 166) and 'A woman without legally recognized ties of sisterhood was a slave' (p.162). [BACK]

53. For the Belgian Congo, B. Jewsiewicki, 'African peasants in the totalitarian colonial society of the Belgian Congo, 1885-1960', in M. Klien, ed., Peasants in Africa (Beverley Hills, 1980), pp.45-77. For elsewhere in Africa, where cotton played a special part in the process, see L. Vail and L. White, ' "Tawani, Machembero!" : forced cotton and rice growing on the Zambezi', Journal of African History, 19, 2 (1978), pp.239-65; A. Isaacman et al ., 'Cotton is the mother of poverty: peasant resistance to forced cotton production in Mozambique, 1938-1961', International Journal of African Historical Studies (1982), pp. 581-615; U. Sturtzinger, 'Tchad: mise en valeur, coton et developpement', Revue Tiers Monde, 24 (1983), pp. 643-52. [BACK]

54. See J.-L. Vellut, 'Le Katanga industriel en 1944: malaises et anxiétés dans la société coloniale', in ARSOM, Le Congo beige durant la seconde guerre mondiale (Brussels, 1983). [BACK]

55. B. Verhaegen, 'Les premiers manifestes politiques à Léopoldville (1950-1956) ', Les Cahiers du CEDAF (Brussels, 1971), p.110, and his 'Le centre extracoutumier de Stanleyville (1940-1945) ', in idem . (Brussels, 1981), pp. 8-^9. [BACK]

56. Expression ofMudimbe, in 'La culture'. [BACK]

57. Ilunga Kabongo, 'Déroutante Afrique ou La syncope d'un discours', in Jewsiewicki, ed., L'Etat Independant du Congo, p.17. [BACK]

58. B. Jewsiewicki, 'L'Etat et I'accumulation primitive coloniale: la formation du mode de production colonial au Zaire', Revue française d'histoire d'outre-mer, 68 (1981), pp. 71-91. [BACK]

59. M. Oriol, 'Identité produite, identité instituté, identité exprimée: confusions des théories de l'identite nationale et culturelle', Cahiers Intemationaux de sociologie, 66 (1979), pp. 19-28. See also M. Bassand, 'Identité régionale, un concept carrefour', in Identité régionale (Saint-Saphorin, 1981), pp. 3-26: 'Formation of identity signifies either the processes by which an individual adapts himself to his socio-cultural environment or else that by which the individual creates an image of himself and attempts to actualize it' (p.4). [BACK]

60. From any perspective that views ethnicity as a 'modern' phenomenon, it means that it is a phenomenon of industrialization: A. Cassanova, 'Ethnie, nation et histoire'. La nouvelle critique, 88 (1975), pp.16-22, and O. Patterson, 'Context and choice in ethnic allegiance: a theoretical framework and Caribbean case study', in N. Glazer and D. Moynihan, eds., Ethnicity, Theory and Experience (Cambridge, Ma., 1975), pp.305-49; P. Bourdieu, 'Le capital social', Actes de la recherche en sciences continue

sociales, 31 (1980), pp.2-3, and Ce que parler veut dire, pp. 135-48. This point cannot be ignored. [BACK]

61. See some interesting remarks inspired by Bourdieu in M. Le Pape and C. Vidal, 'Raisons pratiques africaines', Cahiers Internationaiix de socioloeie, 73 (1982), pp.306-7. [BACK]

62. M. Mitterauer and R. Siednev, The European Family: Patriarchy to Partnership from Middle Ages to the Present (Chicago, 1982). [BACK]

63. L. Verbeek and J.-L. Vellut, eds., 'Mouvements religieux dans la region de Sakania (1925-1931) ', Enquetes et documents d'bistoire africaine, 5 (1983), pp.60-66; and private communication from Eveline Libert. [BACK]

64. See for migrant workers and social control, M. Verdon, The Abutia Ewe of West Africa (The Hague, 1983); C. Pairault, 'L'économiste et I'anthropologie', Cahiers Intemationaux de sociologie, 66 (1979), pp.170-71; and, for Greece, B. Vernier, 'La circulation des biens de la main-d'oeuvre et des prenoms a Karpathas', Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales, 31 (1980), pp.63-87. [BACK]

65. A. Schwarz, Les dupes de la modernisation (Montreal, 1983), pp. 103-33, and B. Verhaegen et al ., 'La marginalité, le manage et l'instruction à Kisangani', in Jewsiewicki, ed., L'Etat Independant du Congo, pp.131-7. [BACK]

66. See J. Berque, 'Identites collectives et sujets', p.12: 'Thus, we are not able to consider again the struggle of socio-economic classes, in the sense that Marx gives to this word, as defining all the actors in the debate. There are still other classes in society that are not just economic ones: that of youth and that of women—and these may be reduced to an economic base only artificially.' Also M. Davis Caulfield, 'Equality, sex and mode of production', in G. Berreman, ed., Social Inequality: Comparative and Developmental Approaches (New York, 1981), p.202: 'Erosion, distortion and near annihilation of use value relations in class societies . . . have resulted in the devaluation and exploitation not only of "women's work" and of women themselves, but also of human relations generally . . .' [BACK]

67. As T. Paming and L. Mee-Yan Cheung, 'Modernization and ethnicity', in J. Domy and A. Akiwowo, eds., National and Ethnic Movements (Beveriey Hills, 1980), pp.131-42, note: 'modernization creates new ethnic elites and new identities and solidarities'. [BACK]

68. P. Laslett, 'Familie und Industrialisierung: eine "starkeTheorie" ', in W. Conze, ed., Socialgeschichte der Familie in der Neuzeit Europas (Stuttgart, 1976), p.31, remarks that the family change is a key to understanding the social change. See also S. Songer and J. Dupâquier, eds., Marriage and Remarriage in Populations of the Past (London, 1981), p.3; and J. Cuisenier, Economic et parenté (Paris, 1975), pp.39-47. [BACK]

69. T. Nairn, "The modern Janus', New Left Review, 94 (1975). break [BACK]


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