1. Previous scholars have referred to the language and its speakers as Maguindanao (Mastura 1984; Stewart 1978), Magindanao (Beckett 1982; Ileto 1971; Mednick 1965), and Magindanaw (Llamzon 1978). I adopt the usage of Fleischman (1981b), who found in his linguistic research that Magindanaons "usually refer both to themselves and their language as /magindanawn/and their land as/magindanaw/" (Fleischman 1981b, 57). The results of his survey of native speakers also showed an "overwhelming preference" for the spelling of their language as "Magindanaon." Informal data from my own fieldwork support Fleischman's findings. [BACK]

2. The estimation of the Muslim population of the Philippines has involved a good deal of numerical uncertainty and political controversy. The figures used here, taken from the 1980 Philippine census figures as reported in Ibon Facts and Figures (see IBON Databank 1981), should be viewed as suggestive rather than definitive. For a discussion of the logistical and political problems associated with counting Philippine Muslims, see O'Shaughnessy (1975), "How Many Muslims Has the Philippines?" See also Majul (1979) for an alternative perspective. For examples of widely varying population estimates for Muslim ethnic groups compare the figures reported in Gowing (1979), Llamzon (1978), and Majul (1979). [BACK]

3. Three other Magindanaon dialects are spoken outside the Cotabato River Basin by the descendants of settlers who emigrated from there. TagaBiwangan ("from the left") is a place-name referring to those Magindanaon living to the south (or "left") of the Cotabato Basin along the long narrow seacoast that abuts the Tiruray Highlands. Taga-Kawanan ("from the right") is the term used for Magindanaons who have settled to the north on the northwest shore of Ilana Bay. Speakers of the Sibugay dialect are descendants of Magindanaon immigrants to Sibugay Bay on the Zamboanga Peninsula (Fleischman 1981b). [BACK]

4. An intermediate dialect also exists, that of the Nagtaganen (or people in the middle) of the smaller Kabuntalan Sultanate, located where the Pulangi

splits into two branches. For our purposes, however, it may be subsumed under the Tau sa Ilud dialect. [BACK]

5. There exists no complete ethnography and very little ethnographic description of the Magindanaon. Published ethnographic accounts of the Magindanaon are limited to an ethnomusicology study by Ernesto Maceda (1961) and an ethnographic appendix to a Ph.D. dissertation by James Stewart (1977). There is also a published proto-ethnographic account (in Spanish) by Blumentritt (1893). Jeremy Beckett (1993) has written on Magindanaon political culture. In folklore studies, Clement Wein (1984, 1985) has translated Magindanaon oral literature. Historical works on the Magindanaon are more abundant. Reynaldo Ileto (1971), Cesar Majul (1973), Michael Mastura (1984), and Ruurdje Laarhoven (1989) have written on the history of the Magindanaon sultanates. Ghislaine Loyre (1991) has contributed an ethnohistorical account of the institutions of the downriver (Magindanao) sultanate and Jeremy Beckett (1982, 1993) has focused on the Magindanaons under Spanish and American colonial rule. There is also a wealth of primary historical sources in the form of European reports from the seventeenth to the twentieth century in English, Spanish, French, and Dutch (see, e.g., Bernaldez 1857; Combes in Blair and Robertson 1903-19; Dampier 1906; Forrest 1969; Montano 1886; Nieto 1894). [BACK]

7. Recent linguistic evidence has challenged prevailing assumptions that the Iranun are a dialectical subgroup of the Maranao and are relatively recent (circa 1765) migrants from Lake Lanao to the Cotabato coast (see, e.g., Ileto 1971; Kuder 1945; Mednick 1965; Warren 1981). After clearly establishing that Iranun is a language separate from Maranao, Fleischman (1981b) reports, based on measurements of cognate percentages, that the Iranun language is centrally located between Magindanaon and Maranao. This discovery lends strong support to the belief held by the Iranun themselves that their language is the original language from which the other two languages diverged (Fleischman 1981b, 70). Thus, when the divergence occurred, surely far earlier than 1765, it was the Maranao and Magindanaon who separated from the Iranun at the coast to move to the inlands and uplands, and not the opposite. [BACK]

8. The propensity of the precolonial Iranun to travel long distances as maritime marauders, along with the fearsome reputations they gained as such, has led to the problem of distinguishing in historical records and oral traditions actual Iranun speakers from a variety of other sea raiders erroneously identified as "Iranun." The Tausug and other peoples of Sulu still use the term "Iranun"

to refer to all Muslims from Mindanao. And in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the English used "Iranun" (or Illanun) to designate any "Sulu pirate" (Warren 1981). [BACK]

9. For an ethnohistorical examination of Iranun defiance of external rule, see McKenna (1994). Few other studies of the Iranun exist. Eric Fleischman (1981a) has written a short account of traditional Iranun leadership, and Warren (1981) devotes a long and richly detailed chapter to Iranun raiding in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries in his history of slave raiding and external trade in "the Sulu zone." [BACK]

10. Tiruray women who married Muslim men usually became Muslims. In addition, Some Tiruray men recently have been converted to Islam. [BACK]

11. Those four provinces are Maguindanao, Sultan Kudarat, North Cotabato, and South Cotabato. Of those four, only the first three lie within the Cotabato River Basin. General Santos City, a tertiary city on Sarangani Bay in South Cotabato, has grown rapidly as the extractive and plantation industries of South Cotabato—tuna, timber, and pineapples—have developed. [BACK]

12. This approximate percentage is based on Philippine census figures for 1980 as reported in the 1986 regional socioeconomic profile for Central Mindanao (National Economic Development Authority 1986). As of 1980, Maguindanao Province had a population reported at 536,546 persons. Of this number, 396,400 (or 73.8 percent) were reported to be ethnic Muslims. In the region as a whole, there are reported to be 92,000 ethnic Tiruray. Almost all of these are located in Maguindanao Province. [BACK]

13. For the purposes of statistical coverage, the Cotabato Basin may be defined as the area lying within the political boundaries of the three provinces of North Cotabato, Maguindanao, and Sultan Kudarat. Those provinces include large areas outside the Cotabato Basin, but most of their developed agricultural land lies within the basin itself. [BACK]

14. As an example, in 1986 the basin produced more than 620,000 metric tons of rice on 182,480 hectares, a 15 percent increase over 1982 production, on a somewhat smaller harvest area (National Economic Development Authority 1986). These figures represent an average 1986 yield of 3.39 metric tons of unhusked rice per hectare—one of the highest in the country—and an increase from approximately 2.9 metric tons in 1982. It bears noting that the average yield for the predominantly Muslim Maguindanao Province, at 2.38 metric tons per hectare, was significantly lower than that for the two majority Christian provinces of North Cotabato and Sultan Kudarat, at 3.69 and 3.64 metric tons, respectively. While about 38 percent of the potential rice area in the latter two provinces (41,363 and 24,468 hectares, respectively) had been irrigated by 1984, less than 12 percent of the potential rice land in Maguindanao Province (14,358 hectares) was under irrigation by that year (National Economic Development Authority 1986). [BACK]

15. More than one geographer has noted that Cotabato City's "eccentric" location on a low swampy interfluve between the two main distributaries of the Pulangi River has deterred its development into a major commercial center on a par with Davao or Zamboanga (Wernstedt and Spencer 1967, 554; Burley 1973, 216). [BACK]

16. Four of the firms are engaged in timber extraction and processing. The remaining two produce cornstarch and corn oil. There are also a number of medium-size agribusiness operations—primarily fishponds and coconut plantations—in the vicinity of the city. [BACK]

17. The considerable ethnic diversity found in Cotabato City was specifically addressed by Chester Hunt in a 1957 survey article entitled "Ethnic Stratification and Integration in Cotabato." [BACK]

18. Hardly any Tiruray reside in Cotabato City. [BACK]

19. In Davao, General Santos City, and Iligan, as well as in the cities of northern Mindanao, the language of public discourse is generally Visayan. In Zamboanga City, Tagalog is beginning to replace Chavacano as the language of commerce. [BACK]

20. See, for example, the proceedings of the seminar on "The Mindanao Problem" published in the January 1987 issue of the Philippine journal of current affairs, Solidarity (Jose et al. 1987). See also Bauzon (1991), whose juxtaposition of "Islamic" and "Liberal" paradigms is simply a recasting of the oftrepeated argument that Muslim-Christian conflict in the Philippines is the consequence of clashing worldviews. [BACK]

21. On more than one occasion, I witnessed Muslims with strongly separatist political sentiments standing to join in the singing of the national anthem of the Philippines at public meetings or seminars—a practice ingrained through education at state schools. [BACK]

22. Muslim Chinese-mestizos have played prominent roles in Cotabato City in the present century as business entrepreneurs and politicians. See Hunt (1957) for a discussion of the changing character of the Chinese-mestizo community in Cotabato in the 1950s. [BACK]

23. This information, and most of the quantitative data on the community that follows, was obtained by means of a household survey of Campo Muslim carried out to enumerate the population and obtain basic census information. Every household in the community was surveyed by myself and two research assistants who were also Campo Muslim residents. Information requested from household heads (self-identified) included age, birthplace, occupation, ethnolinguistic identity, length of stay in Campo Muslim, reason for migration to the city, number of occupants of the dwelling, and their relationship to the household head. Data were also collected by observation on house size and type and the presence or absence of water taps, electricity, toilets, radios, televisions, and refrigerators.

Delimiting Campo Muslim for census purposes was a fairly straightforward procedure. The community is bounded on two sides (front and back) by water, and its borders with the communities that adjoin it are clearly marked by roads or open spaces. [BACK]

24. The terms "Babu" and "Bapa" (literally, "Aunt" and "Uncle'') are used as terms of address and reference for community elders. The names Babu Imun and Bapa Akub, and most names used in this book, are pseudonyms. [BACK]

25. Some years earlier, an enterprising Muslim owner of a dwelling overlooking the nearby Matampay River had constructed crude pay toilets, which were used primarily by Campo Muslim residents. [BACK]

26. The Mindanao Cross , Cotabato City's weekly newspaper, would commonly conclude reports of armed robberies in the city by noting that "the suspects escaped into Campo Muslim." Community residents reject the characterization of Campo Muslim as a den of thieves, arguing that the robbers are not from Campo Muslim but that they actually flee through the community to reach the edge of the city and beyond. [BACK]