Islamic Arguments in the Radio Campaign
Both electoral campaigns relied on radio speeches in Magindanaon as a primary means to present their views. Campo Muslim residents listened to many of those speeches with great interest. In addition to Candao himself and the members of his slate, the IPP campaign utilized two types of radio commentators: ustadzes and holders of traditional aristocratic titles. The traditional commentators for the IPP were acquired to balance the use of the same sort of commentators by the datu coalition. Traditional commentators for both candidates were holders of long-defunct hereditary offices of the Cotabato sultanates. They were authorities on taritib, the protocol governing relations within the aristocracy and among the traditional estates. They survived as dignitaries, old men with neither power nor real authority and a good deal less public influence than the ulama. They were, however, able to provide traditional legitimation as official spokesmen for the old ways. The traditional commentators for the datu coalition recited in detail the bloodlines of Datumanong and his slate. Those employed by the IPP, although not endorsing the leadership of the ulama, praised
Candao and referred to him as "datu"—a term that, as I have noted, he never used for himself.
While the ustadz commentators on the da'wah radio program emphasized that Candao was the choice of the ulama because he served the people, much of their radio time was spent responding to the sharp attacks of the datu coalition. The IPP was repeatedly criticized for injecting Islam into electoral politics—a practice their opponents characterized as Shi'a-inspired heterodoxy.[11] Congressman Mastura, campaigning actively against the candidate endorsed by his own party, most cogently presented the objections of the datu coalition when he stated in his radio speech:
It is a Shi'a principle that the ulama participate directly in government. IPP, do not use Islam for politics. This is a Shi'a policy. In Iran, the ulama want to be political leaders. I am not suggesting that in Islam the ulama cannot participate in politics. However, if the ulama comprise the political leadership, there will be no one to preach. The ustadzes have no need to be elected. They already have positions. They are already persons of authority because they have much knowledge . . . We do not want to create ayatollahs or mullahs here in the Philippines. If we did, we would be diverting from the Sunna [the divinely inspired precedents of the Prophet] related by Imam Shafii [the founder of the school of Sunni law predominant throughout Southeast Asia]. We must follow the straight path.[12]
An ustadz commentator offered the IPP response to those who, like Congressman Mastura, criticized the participation of the ulama in politics: "The right people to hold all political positions are people who fear God. Ulama participation in politics should not be criticized because such activity is their duty—to encourage those who do good, and discourage those who do evil. We have to determine who destroys us, who destroys Islam. We must determine who are our enemies. The principal duty of a Muslim is to correct mistakes, not by force but by one's words, one's heart." The ustadz also reminded voters that the IPP was a party of the many aligned against the advantaged few: "If you are weak by yourself, create an organization. Bring weak people together to resist a single powerful person who is doing wrong. We the weak people have grouped together to become strong. That is why we will vote for Candao because he represents the organization of the weak." The ustadz radio commentators also counterattacked by labeling Simeon Datumanong a "kafir" (unbeliever) because of his position as the Marcos-appointed governor of the province during the fiercest
fighting of the Bangsamoro Rebellion (conveniently overlooking the fact that Zacaria Candao succeeded Datumanong in the same position). Datumanong was often pressured into quite defensive attitudes when responding to these accusations, as illustrated by these excerpts from one of his radio speeches:
People have asked why, if I was with the government for twenty years, I could not achieve freedom for our people. I don't know what they mean by this statement, but if "freedom" means independence, I could not achieve that with my small government position. I am only an ordinary person. I did not have the authority to seek independence . . . My opponent has accused me of being a kafir and charges that I was the mastermind of military operations here during the rebellion. But I think if you know me you cannot believe those statements. In regard to my being a kafir: how can that be? I've been to Mecca, I pray, I fast, I give zakat. God knows what I am. Concerning the [military] operations, I did not order them. I had no authority. During that time, if there was an operation, I helped the evacuees. We provided medicine. We could not stop the operations. That was the character of the time. Do not blame me. It was a time of war. By blaming me you offend God.
The datu coalition attempted to deflect attention from Datumanong's long history of cooperation with the martial law regime by pointing to the potentially harmful consequences of Candao's close connections to the IPP and the MILE Congressman Mastura and his brother Tocao, a municipal mayor, led the radio offensive:
Candao and his party [the IPP] know nothing about government management. These people do not know how to govern. They have joined the government to destroy it. This is because of their desire for revolution. However, the "bomb" will fall on us . . . If we choose a strong man [referring to Simeon Datumanong], he could find the means for reconciliation [with the MILF]. But if we choose a leader whose mind is only on one side, and not on the welfare of all of the people [i.e., Zacaria Candao], then we cannot find peace in our region.
A few days ago [Candao] spoke in Darapanan [an MILF "liberated area"], and he told the people that those who support Simeon Datumanong don't know what revolution is about. He said that revolution is different from governing. If that is his opinion of revolution, then he should not be in the government because revolution is opposed to the government. If you are in government, and work for revolution, you can be charged with treason and shot by a firing squad . . . I warn the people of my municipality [literally: my relatives] do not join the IPP poll-watchers because there will probably be picture-taking [by the military] of IPP poll-watchers to identify MILF cadres. If this happens to you, you should not blame me. I have already helped many people out of jail. You will have done it to yourself—I am not threatening you.
Zacaria Candao responded succinctly to these accusations and admonitions when, in one of his radio addresses, he spoke obliquely of the affinity between the program of the IPP and the earlier goal of Ustadz Salamat to reform Muslim leadership: "If only those who were leaders twenty years ago had addressed the problems that were created in the previous twenty years, the Muslim people would have achieved real freedom. If they had led with the true governance of Islam, the struggles of the last twenty years would not have been necessary. But because they neglected those problems and abandoned the struggle, the young generation moved forward. Now the old politicians are scheming in order to recover the leadership again." He also replied pointedly to those who had referred to him as a misguided or disingenuous revolutionary:
Regarding those who say that if I am a revolutionary I should stay in the jungle: they say this because they do not understand what is meant by revolution. It is true that we do not see the problems the same way. They do not know what it means to change our society. Revolutionaries do not just fight in the forest or use firearms. There are many ways to achieve our goals. It can also be done by speaking—telling the truth. If all a person knows is to work with the government to minimize the suffering of the people and help achieve change, this too could further our cause. A truly brave man confronts his enemy face to face—mind to mind. But my opponents think revolution only means to hide from one's enemy. When they met the enemy [referring to Ferdinand Marcos] they did not confront him, they became his friend. That is something I could not do.
It was evident from listening to the radio campaign—itself unexampled in Cotabato politics—that Simeon Datumanong and the commentators who spoke for him were uncomfortable with the new electioneering style, one that required direct and extended appeals to a mass audience. Their discomfort with the new approach, and their tendency to revert to the political style of old, were evident in some of their speeches, as in this excerpt from one of Datumanong's:
We [i.e., Datumanong and his slate] know how to govern, how to deal with people. We are all winners because all the datus, all the strong families, all the liders [political brokers] are helping us. It is most obvious that the datus are helping us, especially the two congressmen [Datu Michael Mastura and Datu Guiamid Matalam, the son of Datu Udtug]. In regard to the ulama, they are helping us but are not doing so publicly because their support is in their hearts only. In our party are the most upright people. We believe in God. Even those powerful families who were fighting before are united behind me: the Masturas, the Sinsuats,
the Matalams. Because of that, after I am elected we will be able to develop peace and order.
Look at the former friends of Candao—individuals such as Guiamid Matalam, Michael Mastura, Rajamuda sa Magindanao [a traditional titleholder and acting Sultan of Magindanao], Didagan Dilangalen [all members of the traditional nobility]—and many of his own relatives. All have left him [literally: stopped going to him]. Why did they do that? If he were a good politician, his allies and relatives would not abandon him.
The radio speeches made it apparent that the definition of a "good politician" was itself a topic of contention in the new Muslim electoral politics of Cotabato.