Gender in Amazonia and Melanesia "ss1.78"

NOTES

For ethnographic assistance in compiling this paper, I am deeply grateful to several conference participants and to Stephen Beckerman, Simon Harrison, Patricia Johnson, Arnold Parapi, and Richard Scaglion. I owe a special debt to Terrence Hays, who kindly provided me with the contents of topics 12, 13, and 49 from his files on Highland New Guinea sexuality; depending on the subject, these files have furnished me with between about 60% and 95% of my data on highland sexual avoidances and sexual metaphors. I am grateful to Hays, Tom Gregor, Ken Kensinger, and Don Tuzin for comments on an earlier version. I am also indebted to a number of my Amazonianist coconferees for gently nudging me into recognizing that Amazonian concepts of masculinity were perhaps more complex than I had supposed.

1. Evidence suggests that sexual avoidances in the Sepik and the highlands are broadly typical of Melanesia, with the added advantage that these regions represent both sides of the common distinction drawn between "lowland" and "highland" Melanesian societies.

2. I call these sexual avoidances rather than sexual taboos because the latter term is semantically ambiguous, sometimes meaning an explicit cultural rule (e.g., Leavitt 1990, 984 n. 1), sometimes referring only to a behavioral avoidance, and often including both. For

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the task at hand, unfortunately, the data are usually too few or fragile to reveal these sorts of cognitive and affective details, often, the most that can be safely assumed when sex is said to be "tabooed" is that its frequency is attenuated in some degree.

3. The data in Tables 12.1, 12.2, and 12.3 are drawn from a larger set that suggests sexual avoidances prior to warfare, hunting, art, and ritual are widely present throughout socalled "tribal" and "chiefdom" societies (e.g., Polynesia, Micronesia, North America, and Africa). Similar, though not always identical, avoidances are found in state-level societies, including our own.

4. In light of these data, it comes as an initial surprise to learn that Frayser (1985, 182), in a holocultural sample of 56 societies, found that in only 20% were "economic pursuits" the focus of sexual prohibitions, in only 16% were "religious occasions," and in only 5% were "military occasions." Frayser herself was surprised "that men did not reinforce their masculinity by sexually separating from women before they went into battle," suggesting that perhaps "the de facto continence implied by absence from home during war eliminates the necessity for a taboo." This might be true of industrial warfare, but it does not explain most "tribal" and "chiefly" instances, where war and home are usually close companions. Rather, Frayser's description of her coding procedures (1985, 448, 467–468) indicates that she counted as negative instances societies for which her sources contained information on some sexual prohibition (for example, a postpartum taboo) but for which there was no information about those associated with hunting, war, and/or ritual.

5. Carneiro (1970, 331); Chagnon (1992, 91–97); Holmberg (1969, 47).

6. Dani—Heider 1991, 43; Fore—Boyd 1991, 63; Gahuku—Read 1951, 155; Gainj—Johnson and Wood 1991, 71; Huli—Allen and Frankel 1991, 91.

7. SEPIK: Ama—Guddemi 1992a, 131; Eastern Abelam—Forge 1990, 168; Kwoma—Williamson 1975, 165, 383; Nagum Boiken—Gerstner 1952, 179; Northern Abelam—Kaberry 1940–41, 365; Murik—Barlow 1985, 116; Yangoru Boiken—Pongiura 1993, 23, 50; Roscoe, fieldnotes; Wogeo—Hogbin 1934–35a, 331, 332; 1934–35b, 380. HIGHLANDS: Awa—Boyd and Ito 1988, 56; Baruya—Godelier 1986,[1982] 60; Bena Bena—Langness 1967, 165; 1969, 39; 1999, 8; Eastern Highlands—Berndt 1965, 90; Eipo—Schiefenhövel 1982, 150; Etoro—Kelly 1976, 41, 43, 44, 45; Gadsup—DuToit 1975, 99, 243; Gende—Fitz-Patrick and Kimbuna 1983, 53; Gimi—Gillison 1993, 261; Hua—Meigs 1976, 402; Kalam—Bulmer 1967, 15; Kamano—Mandeville 1979, 226; Kewa—Warus 1986, 50; Mae Enga—Meggitt 1957, 49–50; Melpa—Strathern and Strathern 1971, 86, 104; M. Strathern 1972, 165; Wiru—Clark 1991, 319; Wola—Sillitoe 1979, 78, 79, 83, 95 n. 1. AMAZON: Arawete—Viveiros de Castro 1992, 180, 367 n. 7; Canela—Crocker and Crocker 1994, 108; Jívaro—Karsten 1935, 217; Mehinaku—Gregor 1985, 147; Siriono—Holmberg 1969, 170; Warrau—Wilbert 1977, 27, 36, 38, 176; Yanomamö—Lizot 1985, 9.

8. Abelam—Forge 1966, 28; Kaberry 1941–42, 215; Mehek—Crockett 1979, 57; Murik—Barlow 1985, 112–113, 117–118, 120–121.

9. The same may also have been true of the third (final) initiatory stage, but I have very few data on the subject.

10. Abelam—Kaberry 1940–41, 355 n. 33; Barí—Beckerman 1996, personal communication; Iatmul—Bateson 1958, 149; Weiss 1994, 246; Kwoma—May and Tuckson 1982, 220; Rao—Kasprus 1973, 143.

11. Claims about the deleterious effects of sex on pig hunting with dog and spear reflect ideology as much as, or more than, practice. Very often the hunt with the spear is

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opportunistic. Passing through the forest, a man spots a pig or happens upon its spoor and immediately gives chase, fully anticipating success even though he has had no chance to observe sexual abstinence.

12. Ama—Guddemi 1992b, 10, 14, 306; Bun—McDowell 1975, 219–222; Gnau—Lewis 1980, 103, 167; Kwoma—Bowden 1983, 92–93, 113; Manambu—Harrison 1982, 149; 1993, 107, 109; Mountain Arapesh—Mead 1940, 345.

13. Bimin-Kuskusmin—Poole 1982, 137, 141, 150; Etoro—Kelly 1993, 147–149; Gahuku—Read 1951; 157; 1954, 22–23; Kaluli—Schieffelin 1976, 124–127; Melpa—Strauss 1990 [1962], 79–82; Sambia—Herdt 1982b, 52; 1987, 36; Tairora—Watson 1973, 267–268.

14. Gombrich (1982, 124) likens the artist to a hunter, and his description of how artists try to capture a particular effect is revealing in this context: "likeness has to be caught rather than constructed. … It needs the method of trial and error, of match and mismatch to trap this elusive prey."

15. SEPIK: Ilahita Arapesh—Tuzin 1976, 47; Kwoma—Bowden 1983, 93–94; Manambu—Harrison 1993, 113, 121–122; Yangoru Boiken—Roscoe, fieldnotes. HIGHLANDS: Gahuku—Read 1955, 273; Kaluli—Schieffelin 1976; especially 24, 205; Maring—Lowman 1973, 19, 31; Melpa—Strathern and Strathern 1971, 101–106, 137–138, 154; M. Strathern 1979, 246; Wola—Sillitoe 1980, 495.

16. SEPIK: Wosera Abelam—Aufenanger 1972, 314; Yangoru Boiken—Roscoe: fieldnotes; Saniyo-Hiyowe—Lewis 1988. HIGHLANDS: Baruya—Godelier 1986, 60–61; Daribi—Wagner 1972, 154; Huli—Glasse 1968, 112; Ketengban—Sims and Sims 1992, 68, 95; Telefol—Brumbaugh 1980a, 346, 347; 1980b, 367.

17. SEPIK: Abelam—Huber-Greub 1990, 283; Au—Philsooph 1980, 558; Bahinemo—Dye 1983, 12; Bun—McDowell 1975, 241; Iatmul—Silverman 1993, 401; Urat—Gell 1975, 253. HIGHLANDS: Baruya—Godelier 1986 [1982], 18; Gende—Fitz-Patrick and Kimbuna 1983, 42; Etoro—Kelly 1993, 147–149, 155–156; Foi—Weiner 1987, 263; Kamano—Mandeville 1979, 226; Kewa—MacDonald 1991, 163; Maring—LiPuma 1988, 43, 177, 275; Melpa—Strathern and Strathern 1971, 86, 136–137; Ndumba—Hays and Hays 1982, 206; Samo—Shaw 1990, 153 n. 6; Tairora—Watson 1971, 249–250; Wiru—Clark 1991, 319.

18. SEPIK: Ama—Guddemi 1992b, 130, 146; Au—Philsooph 1980, 533; Kwoma—Bowden 1983, 103; Manambu—Harrison 1996, personal communication; Mountain Arapesh—Fortune 1939, 39; Nagum Boiken—Gerstner 1953, 432. HIGHLANDS: Awa—Boyd and Ito 1988, 56; Baktaman—Barth 1975, 150; Gadsup—DuToit 1975, 81; Gende—Fitz-Patrick and Kimbuna 1983, 42; Gimi—Gillison 1987, 175; Kapauku—Pospisil 1958, 93; Maring—Buchbinder and Rappaport 1976, 20; Melpa—Asea 1986, 77; Wahgi—O'Hanlon 1989, 34, 42.

19. SEPIK: Ama—Guddemi 1992b, 130, 131; Anggor—Huber 1974, 152;Au—Philsooph 1980, 533; Coastal Arapesh—Gerstner 1937, 971; Gnau—Lewis 1980, 128; Mountain Arapesh—Fortune 1939, 39; Nagum Boiken—Gerstner 1952, 181; Sawos—Schindlbeck 1980, 122; Umeda—Gell 1975, 253. HIGHLANDS: Etoro—Kelly 1976, 43–44; Melpa—Strathern and Strathern 1968, 136, 196.

20. Ama—Guddemi 1992b, 130; Au—Philsooph 1980, 533; Namie—Feldpausch and Feldpausch 1988, 24.

21. SEPIK: Abelam—Forge 1990, 168; Kaberry 1940–41, 356; 1941–42, 215; Scaglion and Condon 1979, 18; Ama—Guddemi 1992b, 130–131; Au—Philsooph 1980, 533; Gnau—Lewis 1980, 128; Iatmul—Silverman 1993, 400; Ilahita Arapesh—Tuzin 1972,

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237. HIGHLANDS: Bena Bena—Langness 1967, 173; Etoro—Kelly 1976, 43; Foi—Weiner 1986, 76; Gimi—Gillison 1991, 192; Mae Enga—Meggitt 1964, 210, 223 n. 11; Melpa—M. Strathern 1972, 165; A. Strathern 1976, 148; Raiapu Enga—Waddell 1972, 100.

22. SEPIK: Abelam—Forge 1973, 180; Ilahita Arapesh—Tuzin 1978a, 62; Kwoma—Bowden 1983, 102, 103; Manambu—Harrison 1996, personal communication. HIGH-LANDS: Melpa—Strathern and Strathern 1971, 86, 136; M. Strathern 1972, 165, 253; Wahgi—O'Hanlon 1989, 42.

23. Au—Philsooph 1980, 533; Gnau—Lewis 1980, 128–129; Kwoma—Whiting 1941, 126; Manambu—Harrison 1996, personal communication.

24. Mehinaku—Gregor 1985, 144; Tukano-Desana—Reichel-Dolmatoff 1971, 54–55, 58, 126.

25. Cashinahua—Kensinger 1995, 81; Jívaro—Harner 1973, 277; Tukano-Desana—Reichel-Dolmatoff 1971, 126, 129, 138; 1975, 77; Yanomamö—Chagnon 1992, 205.

26. Canela—Crocker and Crocker 1994, 169; Nimuendajú 1946, 174; Mehinaku—Gregor 1977, 150, 226; Serente—Nimuendajú 1967 [1942], 50; Tukano-Barasana—Hugh-Jones 1979, 85, 90, 220.

27. Cashinahua—Kensinger 1995, 79,80,81; Jívaro—Descola 1994a, 210; Mehinaku—Gregor 1977, 150; 1985, 144–149; Tukano-Bará—Jackson 1983, 190, 191.

28. Arawete—Viveiros de Castro 1992, 240; Wari'—Conklin, Chapter 7; Yanomamö—Albert 1985, 356 n. 24.

29. Amahuaca—Carneiro 1970, 341 n. 13; Canela—Crocker and Crocker 1994, 147–148; Cashinahua—Kensinger 1995, 81; Cuna—Nordenskiöld 1938, 391; Jívaro—Descola 1994a, 281–282; Harner 1973, 81, 135; Mehinaku—Gregor 1977, 150, 334; 1985, 80, 147; Sharanahua—Siskind 1973, 114; Tukano-Desana—Reichel-Dolmatoff 1971, 221, 224; 1975, 85.

30. There is an additional syndrome known as la mort d'amour, the fear of sudden death during intercourse (Bohlen et al. 1984). In addition, sexual folklore in England associates the relapse period with a postcoital psychological depression known as petit mort or post-coital tristesse. Unfortunately, I have been unable to locate any clinical work on such a phenomenon.

31. SEPIK: Abelam—Forge 1966, 27; 1967, 77n. 1; 1990, 168; Losche 1982, 190; Amanab—Juillerat 1986, 282; Anggor—Huber 1974, 152; Bumbita Arapesh—Leavitt 1991, 898; Iatmul—Bateson 1958, 141; Silverman 1993, 400; Ilahita Arapesh—Tuzin 1972, 243; Kwoma—Bowden 1983, 53, 117; Manambu—Newton 1987, 253; Murik—Lipset 1984, 326; Umeda—Gell 1975, 115, 249. HIGHLANDS: Auyana—Robbins 1982, 178; Awa—Loving and Loving 1975, 90, 150; Baruya—Lloyd 1992, 151, 252; Bena Bena—Langness 1999, 138–139; Dani—Heider 1976, 194; 1979, 139; Eastern Highlanders—Berndt 1962, 115, 124, 129, 148 n. 1, 170, 284; 1965, 84; Faiwol—Jones 1980, 161; Fore—Lindenbaum 1976, 56; Gainj—Johnson 1982, 242 n. 1; Gimi—Gillison 1978, 336; 1993, 202; Kamano—Mandeville 1979, 228; Melpa—Strauss 1990[1962], 233; A. Strathern 1972, 247 n. 11; M. Strathern 1972, 188; A. Strathern 1984, 16; Mendi—Nihill 1989, 78; Sambia—Herdt 1981, 178; Reddish n.d. AMAZON: Arawete—Viveiros de Castro 1992, 187, 195, 223, 363 n. 16; Cashinahua—Kensinger 1995, 36; 1996, personal communication; Jívaro—Descola 1994a, 282; Mehinaku—Gregor 1985, 32, 40, 71, 75; 1996, personal communication; Mundurucú—Murphy 1959, 95; Tukano-Desana—Reichel-Dolmatoff 1971, 58, 60, 218, 219–220, 224, 225.

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32. SEPIK: Alamblak—Edmiston and Edmiston 1989, 25–26, 32; Manambu—Harrison 1990b, 91–92; Northern Abelam—Scaglion and Condon 1979, 19–20; Sawos—Schindlbeck 1980, 122; Umeda—Gell 1975, 157; Wape—Mitchell 1978, 173–174, 179–180; Wosera Abelam—Schroeder 1992, 82, 84, 164; Ilahita Arapesh—Tuzin 1996, 15–16. HIGH-LANDS: Kaluli—Schieffelin 1981, 3; Kaugel Valley—Didi 1982, 75–76; Siane—Salisbury 1962, 33–34; Wahgi—O'Hanlon 1989. AMAZON: Cashinahua—Kensinger 1995, 33, 121.