1. Muhammad al-Sadiq Basha Bey, 1276 AH (1859/1860), to Mustafa b. 'Azzuz, AGT, H, carton 81 bis, dossier 987.

2. The colonial production on saints and sufis, while of uneven quality, is extensive; see the numerous entries in Pessah Shinar's Bibliographie séléctive et annotée sur l'Islam maghrébin contemporain: Maroc, Algérie, Tunisie, Libye (1830-1978) (Paris: CNRS, 1983). For the postcolonial period, Jacques Berque's enormous contributions, for example, L'intèrieur du Maghreb, XVe-XIXe siècle (Paris: Gallimard, 1978), deserve first mention. Other recent works are Hassan Elboudrari, "Quand les saints font les villes: Lecture anthropologique de la pratique sociale d'un saint marocain du XVIIe siècle," AESC 40, 3 (1985): 489-508; Houari Touati, "Approche sémiologique et historique d'un document hagiographique algérien," AESC 44, 5 (1989): 1205-28; and Mohamed El-Mansour, "Sharifian Sufism: The Religious and Social Practice of the Wazzani Zawiya," in Essays in Honour of David Hart , Ernest Gellner and G. Joffé, eds. (Cambridgeshire: Means Press, 1992), 1-15.

3. Jacques Berque, Structures sociales du Haut-Atlas , 1st ed. (Paris: PUF, 1955), 239.

4. Dale F. Eickelman, Moroccan Islam, Tradition and Society in a Pilgrimage Center (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1976), 19-33.

5. A number of scholars have attempted to define the concept of (or rather a cluster of concepts associated with) baraka; Edward Westermarck's Ritual and Belief in Morocco , 2 vols. (London: Macmillan, 1926), remains

the classic study; see also Raymond Jamous, Honneur et baraka: Les structures sociales traditionnelles dans le Rif (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981). Piety, or taqwa , is a social construct with political implications since the collective recognition of an individual piety's conferred moral ascendancy over the community.

6. Mohamed Kerrou "Le temps maraboutique," IBLA 54, 167 (1991): 63-72.

7. Louis Gardet, "Karama," EI , 2d ed. (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1978), 4: 615-16 (quote on 615); and John O. Voll, "Two Biographies of Ahmad ibn Idris al-Fasi," IJAHS 6 (1973): 633-46.

8. Gardet, "Karama," 615-16; and Muhammad b. al-Hajj Muhammad, "Kitab al-rawd al-basim fi tarjama al-imam sidi Muhammad ibn Abi al-Qasim," A 80 3165, al-Khizana al-'Amma, Rabat, Morocco, 23.

9. Donal B. Cruise O'Brien and Christian Coulon, eds., Charisma and Brotherhood in African Islam (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988).

10. Anonymous, "Étude sur le Sahara," 1839, AMG, H 227; and Gapelin, "Rapport," 1844, AMG, Algérie, H 235. Henri Brunschvig, La Berbérie orientale sous les Hafsides des origines à la fin du XVe siècle , 2 vols. (Paris: Adrien-Maisonneuve, 1940-1947), 1: 245.

11. Jocelyne Dakhlia, L'oubli de la cité: La mémoire collective à l'épreuve du lignage dans le Jérid tunisien (Paris: Éditions la Découverte, 1990), 95-96.

12. Danielle Provansal, "Le phénomène maraboutique au Maghreb," Genève-Afrique 14, 1 (1975): 59-77; and Taoufik Bachrouch, Le saint et le prince en Tunisie: Les elites tunisiennes du pouvoir et de la devotion, contribution à l'étude des groupes sociaux dominants (1782-1881) (Tunis: Publications de l'Université de Tunis, 1989).

13. Stephen Wilson, ed., Saints and Their Cults: Studies in Religious Sociology, Folklore, and History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 27-28.

14. Wim M. J. van Binsbergen, "The Cult of Saints in North-Western Tunisia: An Analysis of Contemporary Pilgramage [ sic ] Structures," in Islamic Dilemmas: Reformers, Nationalists, and Industrialization, the Southern Shore of the Mediterranean , Ernest Gellner, ed. (New York: Mouton, 1985), 199-239.

Studies of female participation in saint veneration or of women saints in Islam are much less extensive than the literature devoted to women's religiosity in Christianity; for examples, see Renate Blumenfeld-Kosinski and Timea Szell, Images of Sainthood in Medieval Europe (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991); and Lynda L. Coon, Katherine J. Haldane, and Elisabeth W. Sommer, That Gentle Strength: Historical Perspectives on Women in Christianity (Charlottesville: University of Virginia, 1990). Recently works on female religiosity in contemporary Islamic societies have appeared, among them, Nancy Tapper's " Ziyaret : Gender, Movement, and

Exchange in a Turkish Community," Muslim Travellers: Pilgrimage, Migration, and the Religious Imagination , Dale F. Eickelman and James Piscatori, eds. (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1990), 236-55. The past experience of women has hardly been studied at all.

15. Wilson, Saints , 14. In addition to those of humble station, cult centers attracted supplicants from the ranks of the ulama or sufi shaykhs; Abu al-Qasim Sa'adallah, Tarikh al-Jaza'ir al-thaqafi , 2d ed. (Algiers: SNED, 1981), 1: 510.

16. Allan Christelow, Muslim Law Courts and the French Colonial State in Algeria (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), 31; and AGGA, 10 H 72 and 10 H 18.

17. AGGA, 10 H 18 (census of 1844).

18. AGT, H, armoire 8, carton 81 bis, dossier 987 [Awamir, masha'ikh wa muqaddamin 'ala al-zawaya].

19. Mohamed-Hédi Cherif, Pouvoir et société dans la Tunisie de Husayn bin 'Ali (1705-1740) , 2 vols. (Tunis: Publications de l'Université de Tunis, 1984-1986).

20. Lucette Valensi, Fellahs tunisiens: L'économie rurale et la vie des campagnes aux 18e et 19e siècles (Paris: Moutonk, 1977); and Fanny Colonna, "Présence des ordres mystiques dans l'Aurès aux XIXe et XXe sièles: Contribution à une histoire sociale des forces religieuses en Algérie," in Les ordres mystiques dans l'Islam: Cheminements et situation actuelle , Alexandre Popovic and Gilles Veinstein, eds. (Paris: Éditions de l'École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, 1986), 249.

21. Victor Turner, Dramas, Fields, and Metaphors: Symbolic Action in Human Society (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1974). Turner's work was inspired in large measure by Arnold Van Gennep's earlier ethnological studies of Kabyle society in colonial Algeria.

22. Alex Wiengrod, "Saints and Shrines, Politics and Culture: A Morocco-Israel Comparison," Muslim Travellers , 217-35.

23. AGT, armoire 14, carton 142, dossier 516, contains numerous letters of official protest from European consuls in Tunis addressed to the Tunisian rulers between 1831 and 1880. These frequently had to do with the fact that Tunisians, who had fallen into debt to European creditors, sought financial asylum in the zawaya's sacred space. The beys did not always feel compelled to observe the tradition of sacred asylum when the government's authority was at stake. In a letter dated 1831, the French consul, de Lesseps, noted that the bey had ordered the door of one zawiya near Tunis closed "so that those seeking refuge would be deprived of food, thus forcing the guilty party to be delivered to justice."

24. Ernest Gellner, Saints of the Atlas (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1969); and F. Benet's "Explosive Markets: The Berber Highlands," in Trade and Market in the Early Empire , ed. K. Polanyi (Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press, 1957), 188-217.

25. Ahmad ibn Abi al-Diyaf, Ithaf ahl al-zaman bi-akhbar muluk Tunis wa 'ahd al-aman (Tunis: al-Dar al-Tunisiyya lil-Nashr, 1963-1966), 7-8: 142.

26. Dj. Sari, "Nafta," EI , 2d ed. (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1992), 7: 890-91.

27. Roy P. Mottahedeh, Loyalty and Leadership in an Early Islamic Society (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980), 135-48.

28. Jamil M. Abun-Nasr, The Tijaniyya: A Sufi Order in the Modern World (London: Oxford University Press, 1965); Ahmad al-Dajjani, al-haraka al-Sanusiyya (Beirut: Dar Lubnan, 1967), and Abdulmola El-Horeir, "Social and Economic Transformations in the Libyan Hinterland during the Second Half of the Nineteenth Century: The Role of Sayyid Ahmad al-Sharif al-Sanusi" (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1981).

29. Documentation for the Rahmaniyya and its founder is not as abundant as for the Tijaniyya or Sanusiyya; in part this is the product of the immense destruction wrought by the colonial conquest of the Kabylia and other areas in Algeria where the Rahmaniyya was dominant. There exists a corpus of unpublished letters or epistles (for the most part undated) by the founder-saint, Sidi Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Rahman al-Azhari, and his students, "Majmu' min risa'il al-shaykh 'Abd al-Rahman al-Zawawi al-Jaza'iri shaykh al-tariqa al-Rahmaniyya," MS. K 956, al-Khizana al-'Amma, Rabat, Morocco.

30. Muhammad al-Hafnawi, Ta'rif al-khalaf bi rijal al-salaf , reprint of 1907 ed. (Tunis: al-Maktaba al-'Atiqa, 1982), 457-74; Sa'adallah's Tarikh 1: 514-16; E. Bannerth, "La Khalwatiyya en Égypte, quelques aspects de la vie d'une confrérie," Institut Dominicain d'Études Orientales du Caire 8 (1964): 1-74; and Fred de Jong, "Khalwatiyya," El , 2d ed. (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1978), 4: 991-93.

31. Julia Clancy-Smith, "The Saharan Rahmaniyya: Popular Protest and Desert Society in Southeastern Algerian and the Tunisian Jarid, c. 1750-1881" (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1988).

32. Georges Yver, "Kustantina," EI , 2d ed. (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1986), 5: 530-32.

33. André Raymond, "Les caractéristiques d'une ville arabe 'moyenne' au XVIIIe siècle: Le cas de Constantine," ROMM 44, 2 (1987): 134-47.

34. Anonymous, report, 1838, AMG, H 226; A. Dournon, trans., "Kitab Tarikh Qosantina," RA 57 (1913): 265-305; Adrien Berbrugger, Algérie, historique, pittoresque, et monumentale (Paris: J. Delahaye, 1843); André Nouschi, Enquête sur le niveau de vie des populations rerales constantinoises de la conquête jusqu'en 1919 (Paris: PUF, 1961), and "Constantine à la vielle de la conquête française," CT 3, 11 (1955): 371-87.

35. Muhammad al-Zubiri, al-Tijara al-Kharajiyya lil-sharq al-Jaza'iri (Algiers, 1972); and James M. Malarkey, "The Colonial Encounter in French

Algeria: A Study of the Development of Power Asymmetry and Symbolic Violence in the City of Constantine" (Ph.D. diss., University of Texas at Austin, 1980). The province's population is estimated at 1.2 million by Xavier Yacono, "Peut-on évaluer la population de l'Algérie vers 1830?" RA 98, 3-4 (1954): 277-307; other estimates run as high as 3 million.

36. Raymond, "Les caractéristiques," 143-45, notes that the Banu al-Fakkun allied themselves quite early with the pro-Ottoman faction and were responsible for the definitive occupation of Constantine by the Turks in 1647. The family was handsomely rewarded, eventually controlling the offices of shaykh al-Islam, amir rakb al-muslimin (leader of the Hijazi pilgrimage), and imam and Khatibkhatib of the Great Mosque; these included substantial material benefits. Thus, the great religious families traditionally favored accommodation with central governments.

37. Sharif, saint, sufi, and 'alim not only overlapped but also could be combined within the same individual; treating these sociospiritual attributes as distinct typologies of holy persons (as colonial writers tended to do) is inaccurate. The shurafa' were found all over the Maghrib and ranged in social circumstance from the most illustrious urban ulama to those of unpretentious rank and manner of living. One example of the latter was a small tribe found in the Zab Qibli; named the Shurafa', its members were sedentary peasants, pastoral nomads, and merchant-landlords. Because of the recognition (that is, by both the central government and the local community) of their descent from the Prophet's clan, this kinship group did not pay taxes to the Turkish state as long as they remained in the Sahara. AMG, Algérie, H 227.

38. Anonymous, report, 1838, AMG, H 226.

39. Berbrugger, Algérie ; and Nouschi, Enquête and "Constantine"; al-Hafnawi, Ta'rif , 457-474; and Muhammad ibn 'Abd al-Rahman, al-Rahmaniyya , trans. by Antoine Giacobetti as Livre de la Rah'maniya and Le livre des dons de Dieu--Glose de la Rah'maniya (Algiers: Maison Carrée, 1946). Al-Rahmaniyya comprises some 1,400 lines of verse and has been retained in the original Arabic version. The accompanying commentary by Bash Tarzi exists only in French translation, however. The manuscript from which Giacobetti worked in the 1940s was printed in Tunis by the Imprimerie Officielle Tunisienne in 1889 through the auspices of Sidi Muhammad b. Abi al-Qasim, the Rahmaniyya shaykh of al-Hamil.

40. Al-Hafnawi, Ta'rif , 460; anonymous, "Notes sur les ordres religieux dans le cercle de Constantine," 15 January 1850, AGGA, 16 H 2; Octave Depont and Xavier Coppolani, Les confréries religieuses musulmanes (Algiers: Jourdan, 1897); and Auguste Cherbonneau, "Sur le catéchisme des rahmaniens," JA 20 (December 1852): 515-18.

41. Mustafa Bash Tarzi wrote a didactic treatise in verse on the Rahmaniyya entitled al-Minha al-rubbaniyya fi bayan al-manzuma al-rah-

maniyya (Cairo: Dar al-Hajar, 1287/1870); the only extant copy of this work is apparently in the library of al-Azhar; I have not been able to consult this work.

42. Anonymous, report, 1838, AMG, H 226; Ernest Vaysettes, Histoire de Constantine sous les beys depuis l'invasion Turque jusqu'à l'occupation française (Constantine, 1869); and Ernest Mercier, Histoire de Constantine (Constantine, 1903).

43. It is uncertain whether the shaykhs administering the Saharan Rahmaniyya zawaya remitted a part of their offerings cum revenues--or any revenues at all--to the tariqa's centers in the city of Constantine or in the Kabylia. The Bash Tarzi clan did not apparently exert direct administrative control--as opposed to moral influence--over the Saharan zawaya. What is certain is that Rahmaniyya notables in the Ziban and elsewhere corresponded with sufi peers in Constantine and that religious figures from the pre-Sahara resided at the order's zawaya when visiting the city. Joseph-Adrien Seroka, "Historique de Biskra," 1855, AGGA, 10 H 76.

44. Mohamed Brahim Salhi, "Étude d'une confrérie religieuse Algèrienne: La Rahmaniya à la fin du XIXe siècle et dans la première moitié du XXe siècle" (Ph.D. diss., Paris, Sorbonne, 1979).

45. In the Kabylia, the Rahmaniyya encountered bitter opposition from the powerful saints of the Chellata zawiya near Akbou in the Jurjura whose religious clients were enjoined from becoming Rahmaniyya members. Here the nascent sufi order threatened to draw clients away from a local saintly clan, which would have compromised its prestige, sociospiritual authority, and material resources, all measured by popular followings. The clan's antipathy for their Rahmaniyya competitors endured into the nineteenth century and may explain the pro-French stance of the saints of Chellata from the 1840s on. Nil-Joseph Robin, Insurrection de la Grande Kabylie en 1871 (Paris: Lavauzelle, 1901), 544-58; and Charles-André Julien, La conquête et les débuts de la colonisation, (1827-1871) , vol. 1 of Histoire de l'Algérie contemporaine , 2d ed. (Paris: PUF, 1979), 481-97.

46. Salhi, "Étude," 54, 60.

47. Anonymous, 1865, ARGT, carton 415.

48. AGT, D-84-3 and D-119.

49. Sa'adallah, Tarikh 1: 514-16.

50. Dureau de la Malle, Province de Constantine, recueil de renseignements pour l'expédition ou l'établissement des français dans cette partie de l'Afrique septentrionale (Pairs: Gide, 1837), 142-43.

51. Auguste Cour, "Constantine en 1802 d'après une chanson populaire du Cheikh Belqasem Er-Rahmouni El-Haddad," RA 60 (1919): 224-60; Sa'adallah, Tarikh 1: 516, and 2: 247-330; and Jean Déjeux, La poésie algérienne de 1830 à nos jours (approches socio-historiques) , 2d ed. (Paris: Publisud, 1982). The veneration of Muslim saints and sufis through the

vehicle of ballads and other popular musical forms was widespread in the Maghrib; however, the musical traditions of sufi orders and saints have received little scholarly attention thus far. Lura Jafran Jones's, "The 'Isawiya of Tunisia and Their Music" (Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 1977), is one of few such studies.

52. David Robinson, The Holy War of Umar Tal: The Western Sudan in the Mid-Nineteenth Century (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985), 95; and Muhammad al-Hajj, "The Thirteenth Century in Muslim Eschatology: Mahdist Expectations in the Sokoto Caliphate," Research Bulletin of the University of Ibadan 3, 2 (1967): 100-115.

53. Bradford G. Martin, Muslim Brotherhoods in Nineteenth-Century Africa (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976).

54. Al-Hafnawi, Ta'rif , 482-86; Muhammad ibn 'Ashur, Tarajim al-a'lam (Tunis: Maison Tunisienne de l'Édition, 1970), 187-93; Depont and Coppolani, Confréries , 395; and Louis Rinn, Marabouts et khouan: Étude sur l'Islam en Algérie (Algiers: Jourdan, 1884), 459. Rinn confuses Muhammad b. 'Azzuz with his son Mustafa.

55. La Croix, report, 1844, AMG, Algérie, H 227; and M 1317.

56. Anonymous, "Étude sur le Sahara," 1839, AMG, H 227; and Gapelin, "Rapport," 1844, AMG, Algérie, H 235.

57. AMG, Algérie, H 227, H 230, and M 1317.

58. Statistics gathered by the French occupation forces in southern Tunisia in 1885 estimated that in Nafta there were some 108 religious establishments--mosques, madrasas, zawaya, qubbas, and small shrines--for a population of 8,800, or one religious establishment for every 80 people; this count apparently does not include the numerous saints' shrines without qubbas that were scattered throughout the oasis's gardens; de Fleurac, "Étude," 1885, AMG, Tunisie, 36 H 29, no. 8.

59. AMG, Algérie, H227, H230, and M1317. As was the case elsewhere, al-Burj's population was divided into factions--some eight different groups organized according to kinship. In 1839, the total male population was estimated at roughly 430 individuals; of these 50 belonged to the 'Azzuz clan. In addition to engaging in date-palm cultivation and textile production, the inhabitants raised barley, owned livestock (cared for by allied pastoralists), and traded in the Ziban's markets. Finally, the surplus male population of al-Burj migrated to Algiers to work as boatmen in the city's port which created ties of a potentially political nature with the northern littoral.

60. On Muhammad b. 'Azzuz, see al-Hafnawi, Ta'rif ; al-Hajj Muhammad, Kitab ; Berque, L'intèrieur , 421; and Marthe and Edmond Gouvian, Kitab aayane al-marhariba (Algiers: Imprimerie Orientale, 1920), 147.

61. Why these religious clans were attracted to the Ziban and Jarid is a question worth raising. One factor may have been the oases' location along one of the principal hajj routes from Morocco to the Mashriq. Another was that these oases have always straddled the limits between

central government control, inevitably based in the north, and desert autonomy. Finally, there may have been "push" factors in that Moroccan sultans periodically exiled politically active holy men to Ottoman-held lands, as in 1668 during the assault upon the rebellious Moroccan zawiya of al-Dila; Jacques Berque in Ulemas, fondateurs, insurgés du Maghreb (Paris: Sindbad, 1982).

62. AGGA, 16 H 3, 10 H 72; and AMG, Algérie, H 230.

63. Al-Hafnawi, Ta'rif , 482.

64. Ibid.

65. Ibid.; Gouvian, Kitab , 147-48.

63. Al-Hafnawi, Ta'rif , 482.

64. Ibid.

65. Ibid.; Gouvian, Kitab , 147-48.

63. Al-Hafnawi, Ta'rif , 482.

64. Ibid.

65. Ibid.; Gouvian, Kitab , 147-48.

66. Depont and Coppolani, Confréries , 395-411; and Gouvian, Kitab , 147-65.

67. Ibrahim b. Muhammad al-Sasi al-'Awamir, al-Suruf fi tarikh al-Sahra' wa suf (Algiers: SNED, 1977); Jean Pigoreau, "Les confréries religieuses musulmanes dans l'annexe d'El Oued," CHEAM, vol. 107, no. 2, 503, 4-10; and anonymous, 22 April 1908, ARGT, carton 989.

68. Al-Hafnawi, Ta'rif , 482-83.

69. The murid-shaykh relationship within the Rahmaniyya order is discussed at length by the founder in verses 623-38 of al-Rahmaniyya 245-66.

70. Al-Hafnawi, Ta'rif , 482-83.

71. La Croix, report, 1844, AMG, Algérie H 227 and M 1317.

72. Gouvian, Kitab , 147; al-Hafnawi, Ta'rif ; and AGT, D-97-2. Jean Despois, Le Djebel Amour (Paris: PUF, 1957), 96-97, observed that local pilgrimages to the tombs of Rahmaniyya notables, like Sidi Muhammad 'Azzuz of al-Burj in Algeria, continued in the pre-Sahara into the interwar period.

73. Here the Rahmaniyya founder's doctrines regarding membership or affiliation with the order appear to have directly influenced popular recruitment, especially compared with their sufi competitors, the Tijaniyya, which were much more exclusive in recruitment; Abun-Nasr, Tijaniyya .

74. See Dakhlia, L'oubli , 110, for the participation of the pastoral peoples in the sufi orders; also al-Hafnawi, Ta'rif , and al-Diyaf, Ithaf 7-8: 142-43.

75. Al-Hafnawi, Ta'rif , 483.

76. Information on Sidi 'Ali b. 'Umar's clan is relatively more abundant for the colonial period than for other Rahmaniyya notables. This is due, in large part, to their accommodating posture toward the French regime and accessibility to Europeans, which generated documentation. Shaykh 'Ali b. 'Uthman of Tulqa worked with Louis Rinn in researching Marabouts et khouan: Étude sur l'Islam en Algérie , in his preface, Rinn notes Sidi 'Ali's assistance. Data--of a certain nature--exist for religious leaders engaging in militant resistance; rebellions were inevitably followed by painstaking

investigations, such as those subsequent to the 1871 Muqrani-Rahmaniyya uprising. Conversely, the activities of those sufi-saintly families who assumed a political stance of retreat or avoidance protest are the most difficult to document, for example, Sidi 'Abd al-Hafiz of Khanqa Sidi Naji.

77. AMG, Algérie, H 227, H 230, H 235, and M 1317.

78. Jean Lethielleux, Ouargla, cité saharienne: Des origines au début du XXe siècle (Paris: Paul Geuthner, 1983), 148, 154, 240; and Eugène Fromentin, Un été dans le Sahara (Paris: Éditions le Sycomore, 1981). Fromentin visited the Ziban and Tulqa in April of 1848; he subsequently exhibited several paintings of the oasis in the 1850 Salon in Paris.

79. According to Brunschvig in La Berbérie 1: 296, Tulqa (Talaga) dates back to antiquity; al-Bakri in the eleventh century noted that the oasis was composed of three cities, each surrounded by ramparts to protect Tulqa's inhabitants during interminable disputes between tribal groups, struggling to control the Ziban.

80. Michael Brett, ''Arabs, Berbers, and Holy Men in Southern Ifriqiya, 650-750 / 1250-1350," CT 29, 117-18 (1981): 533-59.

81. Ibid.; and Brunschvig, La Berbérie 2: 334-35.

80. Michael Brett, ''Arabs, Berbers, and Holy Men in Southern Ifriqiya, 650-750 / 1250-1350," CT 29, 117-18 (1981): 533-59.

81. Ibid.; and Brunschvig, La Berbérie 2: 334-35.

82. Brett, "Arabs, Berbers, and Holy Men," 549-51.

83. AMG, Algérie, H 230; and Brunschvig, La Berbérie 2: 335.

84. Sidi 'Ali b. 'Umar's genealogy, noted by Gouvian, Kitab , 148, indicates that the family claimed membership in the Moroccan Hasanid ashraf tracing descent from Idris b. 'Abd Allah, a direct descendant of the Prophet through his son-in-law 'Ali, and the founder of the Idrisid dynasty of Fez. In Morocco, the Idrisis traditionally furnished leading holy men and scholars who not infrequently assumed political roles.

85. Information on 'Ali b. 'Umar's clan is found in the following published sources: al-Hafnawi, Ta'rif ; Salhi, "Etude"; Gouvian, Kitab ; Depont and Coppolani, Confréries ; and in unpublished archival sources found in AMG, Algérie, H 230; AGGA, 10 H 72 and 16 H 3; and in AGT, D series.

86. AMG, Algérie, H 227, H 230, H 235, and M 1317.

87. Ibid.

86. AMG, Algérie, H 227, H 230, H 235, and M 1317.

87. Ibid.

88. Al-Hafnawi, Ta'rif , 460; Gouvian, Kitab , 149. The term qutb originally referred to the head of a hidden hierarchy of awliya'; it later was applied to sufis who had attained an advanced degree of mystical perfection. Sidi 'Ali b. 'Umar's clan later appropriated the paramount miracle attributed to the founder of the Rahmaniyya tariqa, whose saintly remains were miraculously reduplicated so that two tomb-shrines resulted in 1793-1794. In the early twentieth century, Tulqa's Rahmaniyya shaykhs attributed to one of their pious family members, Sidi 'Ali b. Ahmad b. 'Uthman, the coveted sobriquet of "Abu Qabrayn" ("the man with two tombs"); Gouvian, Kitab , 150.

89. Gouvian, Kitab ; and anonymous, "Notice historique de la zawiya de Khangat Sidi Naji," 1895, AGGA, 16 H 10. At the end of the nineteenth

century, René Basset was permitted to partially catalogue the holdings of some Rahmaniyya and Tijaniyya libraries whose contents reveal the reformed sufi emphasis upon the law and orthodoxy; René Basset, "Les manuscripts arabes de la zaouyah d'el Hamel," Giornale della Societa Asiatica Italiana (Firenze) 10 (1896-1897): 43-97; and idem, "Les manuscripts arabes des bibliothèques et des zaouias de Ain Mahdi, Temacin, et de Ourgla," Bulletin de Correspondance Africaine (Algiers) 3 (1885): 211-65 and 465-92.

90. Al-Hafnawi, Ta'rif , 482-83; anonymous, "Etude sur les oasis du Ziban," n.d. (c. 1844 or 1845), AMG, Algérie, H 230; "Carnet de notes," 1885, AGGA, 10 H 72; and anonymous, "Notice sur Si Ali ben Otmane," December 1898, AGGA, 16 H 3.

91. AMG, Algérie, H 227, H 230, and H 235.

92. Émile Masqueray, "Le Djebel Cherchar," RA 20 (1878): 208-12 (quote on 210). Masqueray devoted much of his life and research to the history of the Awras and its inhabitants; his magnum opus was Formation des cités chez les populations sédentaires de l'Algérie (Paris: Leroux, 1886).

Fanny Colonna has done the most significant recent work on the religious sociology of the Awras: "Saints furieux et saints studieux ou, dans l'Aurès, comment la religion vient aux tribus," AESC 35 (1980): 642-62; idem, "The Transformation of a Saintly Lineage in the Northwest Aurès Mountains (Algeria): Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries," in Islam, Politics, and Social Movements , Edmund Burke III and Ira M. Lapidus, eds. (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1988), 81-96; and idem, "Présence des ordres mystiques dans l'Aurès aux XIXe et XXe sièrie," in Les ordres mystiques dans l'Islam: Cheminements et situation actuelle , Alexandre Popovic and Gilles Veinstein, eds. (Paris: Éditions de l'École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, 1986), 245-65.

93. Masqueray, "Djebel," 208-12; Raoul de Lartigue, Monographie de l'Aurès (Constantine: Marle-Audrino, 1904), 370-74; and Gouvian, Kitab , 158-65. The oasis of Sidi 'Uqba is located in the Zab Sharqi (or eastern wing of the Ziban) immediately south of the Jabal Cherchar. One of the most important pilgrimage sites in the Maghrib, the oasis boasts the tomb of the great Arab-Muslim conqueror 'Uqba b. Nafi', who founded the holy city of al-Qayrawan in Tunisia in 670 and later led an expedition in the Biskra region; he was killed and buried there in c. 682. His tomb-mosque, still revered today, is the oldest monument in existence from this period in the Maghrib.

94. Gouvian, Kitab , 158-60; anonymous, "Notice historique de la zawiya de Khangat Sidi Naji," 25 May 1895, AGGA, 16 H 10; also AGGA, 1 H 9 and 10 H 72.

95. AGGA, 10 H 72 and 16 H 2; and AMG, Algérie, H 230 bis.

96. AGGA, 10 H 72 and 16 H 2; and AMG, Algérie, H 230 bis; and Rinn, Marabouts . Here the hostility of colonial officers toward the Catholic church in France played a significant part in their interpretation of Islam in North Africa; Julia Clancy-Smith, "In the Eye of the Beholder: Sufi and Saint in North Africa and the Colonial Production of Knowledge, 1830-1900," Africana Journal 15 (1990): 220-57.

97. Al-Hafnawi, Ta'rif , 482; Gouvian, Kitab , 160; de Lartigue, Monographie , 373-74; and Masqueray, "Djebel," 208-12.

98. AGGA, 10 H 72 and 16 H 10; report, 1883, AGT-D-172-3; Gouvian, Kitab , 164; and de Lartigue, Monographie , 209.

99. Al-Hafnawi, Ta'rif , 483, lists some of the disciples of Shaykh Muhammad b. 'Azzuz yet omits Sidi Sadiq.

100. AGGA, 1 H 15, 10 H 43, and 16 H 2; also Depont and Coppolani, Confréries , 410-11. On the revolts centered in Sidi Masmudi and later in Timermacin (or Tibermacine), see Peter von Sivers, "The Realm of Justice: Apocalyptic Revolts in Algeria (1849-1879)," Humaniora Islamica 1 (1973): 47-60.

101. Al-Hafnawi, Ta'rif , 576-77, devotes a short notice to Shaykh al-Mukhtar al-Jallali which says little of his life but rather lists his virtues and concludes with an elegy composed in Sidi al-Mukhtar's honor by Muhammad al-Makki b. 'Azzuz, one of Mustafa's four sons.

102. Gouvian, Kitab , 153-57.

103. AGGA, 10 H 72, 16 H 8, and 16 H 73.

104. Sa'id Ghrab, "al-Tariqa al-Rahmaniyya--ta'rif mujaz," IBLA 54, 167 (1991): 95-108.

105. For Algeria, Sa'adallah, Tarikh , vol. 1; and Pierre Boyer, "Contribution à l'étude de la politique religieuse des Turcs dans la Régence d'Alger," ROMM 1, 1 (1966): 11-49; for Tunisia, Mohamed-Hédi Cherif, "Hommes de religion et pouvoir dans la Tunisie de l'époque moderne," AESC 35 (1980): 580-97.

Unlike Morocco and Tunisia, where the reigning sultans and beys confirmed the heads of the turuq and members of the ashraf by conferring letters of recognition and tax-free status, the bey of the Constantine does not appear to have issued such letters for the notables considered here.

106. Al-Hafnawi, Ta'rif , 459, recounts how Sidi Muhammad repeatedly refused the pasha's offer of gold dinars in return for instructing the ruler's family in Khalwatiyya sufi doctrines. Finally the saint went to the roof of the palace and flung the gold pieces from on high, after reciting verses from the Quran. With this, the pasha begged forgiveness; after accepting the dey's apology, Sidi Muhammad departed from the city. The obvious moral lesson is that residing among the powerful and wealthy for the purposes of spiritual edification is a worthy endeavor; accepting remuneration is not. The implicit political message is that the holy person might disobey a sovereign.

107. Anonymous, letter, 18 May 1856, AGGA, 25 H 16; and de Fleurac, "Étude," 1885, AMG, Tunisie, 36 H 29, no. 8.

108. Al-Hafnawi, Ta'rif , 483.

109. Anonymous, report, 1898, AGGA, 16 H 3; Gouvian, Kitab , 149-51; and Henri Garrot, Histoire générale de l'Algérie (Algiers: Crescenzo, 1910), 944-45.

110. "Notice sur Si Ali ben Otmane," AGGA, 16 H 3; "Memoire sur les oasis des Zibans," AGGA, 10 H 72; AMG, Algérie, H 230 bis and H 131; and de Lartigue, Monographie , 370-71.

111. Joseph-Adrien Seroka, "Le sud Constantinois de 1830 à 1855," RA 56 (1912): 400-401.

112. John Voll, Islam: Continuity and Change in the Modern World (Boulder: Westview Press, 1982), 52; also idem, "Hadith Scholars and Tariqahs: An Ulama Group in the Eighteenth-Century Haramayn and Their Impact in the Islamic World," JAAS 15, 3-4 (1980): 264-73.

113. Dale F. Eickelman and James Piscatori, eds., "Social Theory in the Study of Muslim Societies," Muslim Travellers , 3-25.