1. A. Djakonov, Ioann Efesskiy (Petrograd, 1908), provided the most important breakthrough in postulating a biographical framework. The two best summaries, both dependent on Djakonovs work, are E. W. Brooks' Introduction

to John of Ephesus, Lives of the Eastern Saints, PO 17: iii-xv, and Honigmann, Évêques et évêchés monophysites, 207-15. See also "Jean d'Éphèse," Dictionnaire de Spiritualité 8, cols. 484-86 (D. Stiernon). John speaks of his childhood, training, and monastic travels in his Lives, while information about his missionary and ecclesiastical activities is mostly found in parts 2 and 3 of his Ecclesiastical History (see nn. 15 and 16 below). I will elaborate on places and events mentioned here in later sections.

2. John of Ephesus, Lives 4, PO 17:59-64.

3. Ibid., 84, 35; PO 18:608-9.

4. Ibid., 24, PO 18:516-22.

2. John of Ephesus, Lives 4, PO 17:59-64.

3. Ibid., 84, 35; PO 18:608-9.

4. Ibid., 24, PO 18:516-22.

2. John of Ephesus, Lives 4, PO 17:59-64.

3. Ibid., 84, 35; PO 18:608-9.

4. Ibid., 24, PO 18:516-22.

5. John of Ephesus, HE, in pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 77-78, 125.

6. John of Ephesus, Lives, 50, PO 19:153-58.

7. Ibid., 47, PO 18:681. Cf. pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 77-78 (seventy thousand converts, fifty-five churches built at public expense, forty-one from contributions by new converts).

6. John of Ephesus, Lives, 50, PO 19:153-58.

7. Ibid., 47, PO 18:681. Cf. pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 77-78 (seventy thousand converts, fifty-five churches built at public expense, forty-one from contributions by new converts).

8. John of Ephesus, Lives, 36, PO 18:624-25; and 38, PO 18:644. On Callinicus, see Brooks' Introduction to Lives, PO 17:vi.

9. This final period of John's life, after 566, is covered in his Ecclesiastical History, parts 2 and 3.

10. John speaks of his imprisonment under Justin II, and of other abuses, in his HE III (ed. Brooks), i.17, ii.4-7, 41, 44. For the conditions under which he wrote and circulated the final part of his History, see ibid., ii.50. For the texts, see n. 16 below.

9. This final period of John's life, after 566, is covered in his Ecclesiastical History, parts 2 and 3.

10. John speaks of his imprisonment under Justin II, and of other abuses, in his HE III (ed. Brooks), i.17, ii.4-7, 41, 44. For the conditions under which he wrote and circulated the final part of his History, see ibid., ii.50. For the texts, see n. 16 below.

11. His death was not in 586, as long held; for this important piece of redating see Allen, "New Date."

12. John of Ephesus, Lives, 35, PO 18:607; and HE in pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 39. Brooks would date this work to 537 (Introduction to Lives, PO 17:vi), following Ephrem's "descent to the east" of 536-537. But John's chronological reference in the Lives is vague enough to allow for a slightly later date, and one might take into account that the consequences of Ephrem's activity lasted far longer than that year. Perhaps John waited until his arrival at Constantinople in 540 to write this?

13. For both these works, see Brooks' references in the Introduction to John of Ephesus, Lives, PO 17:vi.

14. See Allen, "New Date," for the final date.

15. Fragments of part 2 were published in Anecdota Syriaca, ed. J. P. N. Land, 2:289-330, 385-92. Those found in pseudo-Dionysius' Incerti auctoris chronicon were further elaborated and annotated by Nau in "Étude sur les parties," and in John of Ephesus, "Analyse de la seconde partie." The best text for the fragments in pseudo-Dionysius is found in Incerti auctoris chronicon, ed. I.-B. Chabot, CSCO 104/53. More fragments were published by E. W. Brooks in John of Ephesus, Historiae ecclesiasticae fragmenta .

16. John of Ephesus, Historiae ecclesiasticae pars tertia, ed. and trans. E. W.

Brooks. See also Honigmann, "Histoire ecclésiastique de Jean d'Éphèse." An earlier version was edited by W. Cureton (Oxford, 1853) and translated by R. Payne-Smith, The Third Part of the Ecclesiastical History of John, Bishop of Ephesus (Oxford, 1860).

17. The sole document John includes is the Henoticon ; he seems to have drawn only on Malalas as a Greek source, cf. Brooks' Introduction to John of Ephesus, Lives, PO 17:xii-xiii. Discussion of mutual influences between Greek and Syriac cultures can be found in Peeters, Orient et Byzance .

18. The theoretically separate literary genres of secular and ecclesiastical histories had long faced mutual infringement of their respective territories. See, for example, Cameron and Cameron, "Christianity and Tradition"; Downey, "Perspective of Early Church Historians"; and Momigliano, "Popular Religious Beliefs."

19. Even these writers, so consciously traditional, could not successfully maintain their chosen narrative boundaries. See Allen, Evagrius Scholasticus ; Cameron, Procopius and the Sixth Century ; and idem, Agathias .

20. See, for example, Allen, "'Justinianic' Plague"; Cameron, "Empress Sophia"; and idem, "Early Religious Policies."

21. Brooks' edition in Patrologia Orientalis was preceded by Anecdota Syriaca, ed. J. P. N. Land, 2:2-288, with a Latin translation by J. P. N. Land and W. J. van Douwen, Commentarii de Beatis Orientalibus . There are two possible exceptions to John's practice of firsthand knowledge. His account of Abraham of Kalesh, Lives, 4, took place before he was born. Also, some scholars think the story of the two holy fools in Amida, Lives, 52, is a pious fiction, but I do not; see the later discussion, pp. 91-93 and the notes thereon.

22. Introduction to John of Ephesus, Lives, PO 17:vi.

23. These officially began in 519, soon after the accession of Justin I, though they may not have reached Mesopotamia until 520 or 521. See chapter 3.

24. On the manuscript tradition of the Lives and questions on their transmission, see Brooks' Introduction to Lives, PO 17:iii-xv. John's Lives survive almost intact as a collection and are independently attested in the Chronicles of both pseudo-Dionysius and Michael the Syrian, each of whom gives a chapter list for the work. See the discussion by Brooks in his Introduction, Lives, PO 17:ix-xii.

25. On hagiography in general, see Delehaye, Legends of the Saints ; and Aigrain, Hagiographie . For this particular genre, introductions to the primary collections can be found, for example, in Dictionnaire de spiritualité 1, cols. 1624-34; and for the early collections, Quasten, Patrology ; and Altaner, Patrology . Duval, Littérature syriaque, 113-53, is arranged by literary categories and thus places the Syriac collections in relation to the martyr cycles and lives of the saints. The sources on which I base my generalizations are Palladius, Historia Lausiaca (for the texts, see nn. 31 and 32 below); Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Historia religiosa (for the texts, see nn. 31 and 32 below); John Moschus, Pratum spirituale, trans. M.-J.

Rouët de Journel; John of Ephesus, Lives of the Eastern Saints; and Thomas of Marga, Historia monastica, Book of Governors, ed. and trans. E. A. Wallis Budge.

26. For the contrast between the monastic interests of these collections, and the different (often society-oriented) interests in standard vitae, cf. Patlagean, "À Byzance"; Brown, "Rise and Function"; and Hackel, Byzantine Saint, esp. 117-68.

27. Especially in John of Ephesus, Lives, 3, 5, 14, 17, 18, 19, 20, 27, 29, 32.

28. Ibid., 20, PO 17:278-83.

29. Ibid., 58, PO 19:206-27.

30. Ibid., 24, PO 18:521.

27. Especially in John of Ephesus, Lives, 3, 5, 14, 17, 18, 19, 20, 27, 29, 32.

28. Ibid., 20, PO 17:278-83.

29. Ibid., 58, PO 19:206-27.

30. Ibid., 24, PO 18:521.

27. Especially in John of Ephesus, Lives, 3, 5, 14, 17, 18, 19, 20, 27, 29, 32.

28. Ibid., 20, PO 17:278-83.

29. Ibid., 58, PO 19:206-27.

30. Ibid., 24, PO 18:521.

27. Especially in John of Ephesus, Lives, 3, 5, 14, 17, 18, 19, 20, 27, 29, 32.

28. Ibid., 20, PO 17:278-83.

29. Ibid., 58, PO 19:206-27.

30. Ibid., 24, PO 18:521.

31. Palladius, Lausiac History of Palladius, ed. and trans. C. Butler; the work also has been translated and annotated in Palladius: The Lausiac History, trans. R. T. Meyer. For Thodoret of Cyrrhus, Théodoret de Cyr, Histoire, ed. and trans. P. Canivet and A. Leroy-Molinghen; there is now an English translation with notes in Theodoret of Cyrrhus, History, trans. R. M. Price; see also the general discussion in Canivet, Monachisme syrien .

32. For sixth-century Syriac manuscripts that contain selections from Palladius, Historia Lausiaca, see Wright, Catalogue of the Syriac Manuscripts 3. The Old Syriac texts have now been edited by R. Draguet, Formes syriaques . The seventh-century Syriac translation by Anan-Isho in fact was a collection of earlier Syriac renditions of Palladius, Jerome, and other stories and apophthegmata; see Anan-Isho, Book of Paradise, ed. and trans. E. A. Wallis Budge. On the Syriac versions of Theodoret's Historia religiosa —mainly select chapters—cf. Théodoret de Cyr, Histoire, ed. and trans. P. Canivet and A. Leroy-Molinghen, 1:60-63.

33. See Hunt, "Palladius of Helenopolis"; and Draguet, "Histoire lausiaque."

34. Cf. Turner, "Lausiac History of Palladius," esp. 345-51.

35. See Draguet, "Histoire lausiaque"; A. Guillaumont, Les "Kephalaia Gnostica" d'Evagre le Pontique et l'histoire de l'origénisme chez les grecs et chez les syriens, Patristica Sorbonensia 5 (Paris, 1962); and Vööbus, History of Asceticism 2:308-10.

36. In general, cf. Frend, Rise of the Monophysite Movement .

37. John Rufus, Plérophories, témoignages et révélations, written about 512, well illustrates the venom of Monophysite anti-Chalcedonian sentiments. Ironically, one thirteenth-century manuscript, Paris Syr. 234, contains extracts both from Theodoret's Historia religiosa and from John of Ephesus' Lives!

38. Cf. Thomas of Marga, Historia monastica, Book of Governors 1, ed. and trans. E. A. Wallis Budge.

39. Notably John of Tella, Severus of Antioch, and Jacob Burd'aya. See chapter 5 below.

40. On standard hagiographical formulae see, for example, Delehaye, Legends of the Saints; idem, Cinq leçons; and Festugière, "Lieu communs."

41. For example, John of Ephesus, Lives, 2, PO 17:20 (Z'ura); 23, PO 17:303 (Simeon the Solitary).

42. Ibid., 4, PO 17:81-82 (Maro).

43. Ibid., 1, PO 17:10 (Habib).

41. For example, John of Ephesus, Lives, 2, PO 17:20 (Z'ura); 23, PO 17:303 (Simeon the Solitary).

42. Ibid., 4, PO 17:81-82 (Maro).

43. Ibid., 1, PO 17:10 (Habib).

41. For example, John of Ephesus, Lives, 2, PO 17:20 (Z'ura); 23, PO 17:303 (Simeon the Solitary).

42. Ibid., 4, PO 17:81-82 (Maro).

43. Ibid., 1, PO 17:10 (Habib).

44. See, for example, John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 15, 20, 21, 99; Procopius, Wars 1.7.5-11. In general, see the discussions on motifs in Delehaye, Legends of the Saints; Festugière, "Lieux communs"; and idem, Moines d'orient 1.

45. Lives, 6, PO 17:112-16 (Paul the Anchorite); 27, PO 18:549-50, 555-57 (Susan).

46. Vita Antonii, chaps. 8-10; Vita Simeonis Stylitae, AMS 4:523, 529, 535-38; Vita Danielis Stylitae, chap. 14 (where Daniel recalls the model of Antony), 15, 18.

47. See chapter 6.

48. Lives, 12, PO 17:171-86. For the understanding of hagiography in terms of the imitatio Christi, see Drijvers, "Byzantine Saint"; and esp. Patlagean, "À Byzance."

49. Lives, 52, PO 19:164-79 (The Two Antiochenes); 53, PO 19:179-85 (Prisus). See the discussion of these pp. 91-93.

50. de Gaiffier, "Intactam sponsam relinquens."

51. Especially in Lives, 8 (Addai), 12 (Mary), 16 (Simeon the Mountaineer), 17 (the poor stranger), and 29 (Malkha).

52. Especially in Lives, 5 (Simeon and Sergius), 23 (Simeon the Solitary), and 33 (Hala).

53. For example, Lives, 3 (John the Nazarite), 14 (Abbi), and 29 (Malkha).

54. For example, Lives, 29 (Malkha), 45 (Isaac), and 55 (Sosiana).

55. These and other characteristic traits are discussed at length in Vööbus, History of Asceticism .

56. Lives, 1, PO 17:12; 4, PO 17:69-71.

57. For example, ibid. 2, PO 17:20; 4, PO 17:60-65.

58. Ibid., 1, PO 17:14-15; 3, PO 17:42-43; 15, PO 17:220-24.

56. Lives, 1, PO 17:12; 4, PO 17:69-71.

57. For example, ibid. 2, PO 17:20; 4, PO 17:60-65.

58. Ibid., 1, PO 17:14-15; 3, PO 17:42-43; 15, PO 17:220-24.

56. Lives, 1, PO 17:12; 4, PO 17:69-71.

57. For example, ibid. 2, PO 17:20; 4, PO 17:60-65.

58. Ibid., 1, PO 17:14-15; 3, PO 17:42-43; 15, PO 17:220-24.

59. For example, Brown, "Rise and Function."

60. For an analysis of a specific case where John employs a motif literally that occurs thematically (and so literarily) elsewhere in hagiography, see Harvey, "Physicians and Ascetics." In this instance, the motif involves how a hagiographer writes about disease and illness when they occur in a saint, as opposed to such an occurrence in a layperson. Another clear example is John's striking treatment of women; see chap. 6.

61. Lives, Preface, PO 17:2.

62. The collection probably was written while John was living in his monastery outside Constantinople. John became leader of the Monophysites there in 566. The Lives appear to have been written between 566 and 568. See Brooks' comments in his Introduction to Lives, PO 17: vii.

63. We are still lacking sufficient work on bilingualism in the ancient world, though much ground has been broken in Peeters, Orient et Byzance; Brock, "Some Aspects of Greek Words"; idem, "Greek Words in the Syriac Gospels"; and idem, "Review of M. Black, An Aramaic Approach to the Gospels and Acts," JTS 20 (1969): 276-78.

64. See chap. 4.

65. Cf. Allen, Evagrius Scholasticus, 51, on John and other church historians of late antiquity who direct their writings only to those who are like-minded.

66. Cf. John of Ephesus, Lives, 1, PO 17:15-16; 5, PO 17:89-90; 16, PO 17:246; 24, PO 18:521; 58, PO 19:206-27. John alludes to the scholarly training of Mare, bishop of Amida, in Lives, 13, PO 17:190; we know more precisely that Mare was learned in Greek as well as Syriac from pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 7.5. For an example of what kind of library a Syriac monastery might have, see Wallis Budge's comments in Thomas of Marga, Historia monastica, Book of Governors 1.lix-lxiv. John of Ephesus mentions that teaching was an occupation ascetics sometimes undertook: Lives 5, PO 17:89; 16, PO 17:246. But the monks of Beth Abhe in the seventh century were so opposed to running a school in their monastery that the majority of them mutinied and left when such a proposition was put to them, claiming that they could not fulfill their religious vows with the distractions and noise of a school around them. See Thomas of Marga, Historia monastica, Book of Governors 2.7-10.

67. Vööbus, History of the School of Nisibis; and see the surveys in the literary histories by Wright, Short History of Syriac Literature; Duval, Littérature syriaque; and Baumstark, Geschichte der syrischen Literatur .

68. Lives, 1, PO 17:15-16; 5, PO 17:89-90; 16, PO 17:246. But see Segal, "Mesopotamian Communities."

69. Cf. Brock, "Aspects of Translation"; and idem, "Greek into Syriac."

70. For example, Vita Danielis Stylitae 3, 10, 14, 17, 19, 28; Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Historia religiosa 5, 6, 8, 14.

71. Cf. John of Ephesus, Lives, 21, PO 17:283-98; and cf. Peeters, Orient et Byzance .

72. John of Ephesus, Lives 21, PO 17: 283-98; and Cyril of Scythopolis, Vita Euthymii, 37 (text in Kyrillos von Skythopolis, ed. E. Schwartz).

73. Vita Sabae (Cyril of Scythopolis), 20 and 32, where Armenian monks are allowed to use their own language for only part of the worship services, and only as a gesture to prove how accommodating Saint Sabas and the Patriarch of Jerusalem (in this case, Elias) could be.

74. Cameron, "Agathias on the Sassanians."

75. For the text see pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, Historia ecclesiastica, ed. and trans. E. W. Brooks; and in English translation, Syriac Chronicle, ed. and trans. F. J. Hamilton and E. W. Brooks. See the discussion in Allen, "Zachariah Scholasticus."

76. John of Ephesus, Lives, 13, PO 17:190.

77. Cf. Brown, World of Late Antiquity .

78. For a contrast beyond the scope of this study, Brown, "Eastern and Western Christendom," provides an excellent comparison of the Lives of John of Ephesus with those of his Latin contemporary, Gregory of Tours. The insights offered can be compared with those put forth from a different perspective by Nelson, "Symbols in Context."