1. Henry Cowell, "Introduction to the 1962 Edition," in American Composers on American Music , ed. Henry Cowell ([Palo Alto:] Stanford University Press, 1933; reprint, New York: Frederick Ungar, 1962), x; Wilfrid Mellers, Music in a New Found Land (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 1.

2. Walter Damrosch, My Musical Life (New York: Scribner, 1926), 323.

3. Best known among modernist women composers during the 1920s were Ruth Crawford and Marion Bauer, and the three principal female editors of the day were Minna Lederman at Modern Music ; Louise Varèse, who assisted Carlos Salzedo at Eolian Review and wrote program notes for the International Composers' Guild; and Ely Jade (pseudonym for Germaine Schmitz) of Pro Musica Quarterly .

4. George Antheil to Mary Louise Curtis Bok, 7 July 1925, written from Paris, Antheil-DLC.

5. For more information, see K. H. Ruppel, "Die Prinzessin Edmond de Polignac," Melos 34, no. 6 (June 1967): 198-203.

6. Sandra M. Gilbert and Susan Gubar, No Man's Land: The Place of the Woman Writer in the Twentieth Century , vol. 1: The War of the Words (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988), 147. The historian Dorothy Brown describes patronage in the 1920s as a "feminized" area, similar to teaching, social work, nursing, and librarianship (Dorothy Brown, Setting a Course: American Women in the 1920s [Boston: Twayne, 1987], 151), and Minna Lederman concurs, observing that being a patron in the 1920s was "like tithing" (Lederman, interview with the author, 3 March 1988).

7. One of the few studies of music patronage in America is Richard Crawford, "Professions and Patronage I: Teaching and Composing," in The American Musical Landscape (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1993), 41-69.

8. Varèse conducted only one concert by the orchestra in April 1919 and then resigned in the wake of a harsh critical response. A program for that concert, as well as a flier announcing the orchestra's spring season, lists Mrs. Harry Payne Whitney among a group of four women who formed the "executive committee" (Program Collection, NN).

9. Louise Varèse, Varèse: A Looking-Glass Diary , vol. 1: 1883-1928 (New York: Norton, 1972), 154.

10. Anne Firor Scott, Making the Invisible Woman Visible (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1984), 127.

11. Edith Wharton, The House of Mirth (1904; reprint, New York: Signet Classics, 1964), 9.

12. B. H. Friedman, with the research collaboration of Flora Miller Irving, Gertrude Vanderbilt Whitney (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1978), 181.

13. After the first ICG concert in February 1922, Whitney hosted a party at the Whitney Club that was attended "by practically the entire audience," and later there were parties for composers at the Whitney Club and at the home of Juliana Force, Whitney's secretary and active liaison to artists; there were also luncheons at Whitney's studio (Louise Varèse, Varèse , 1: 172, 153).

14. See esp. ibid., 153-55 and 259; Friedman, 387, 405.

13. After the first ICG concert in February 1922, Whitney hosted a party at the Whitney Club that was attended "by practically the entire audience," and later there were parties for composers at the Whitney Club and at the home of Juliana Force, Whitney's secretary and active liaison to artists; there were also luncheons at Whitney's studio (Louise Varèse, Varèse , 1: 172, 153).

14. See esp. ibid., 153-55 and 259; Friedman, 387, 405.

15. Whitney appears to have left only incomplete records of her philanthropy. The painter John Sloan wrote of her in 1949: "No one will ever know the extent of the private benefactions Mrs. Whitney performed through Mrs. [Juliana] Force. The records have been destroyed, probably at Mrs. Whitney's request. But . . . I know of innumerable artists whose studio rent was paid, or pictures purchased just at the right time to keep the wolf from the door, or hospital expenses covered, or a trip to Europe made possible" (Sloan, in Juliana Force and American Art: A Memorial Exhibition, September 24-October 30, 1949 [New York: Whitney Museum of American Art, 1949], 35-36). Whitney's contribution as an art patron is evaluated in Roberta K. Tarbell, "Gertrude Vanderbilt Whitney as Patron," in The Figurative Tradition and the Whitney Museum of American Art , ed. Patricia Hills and Roberta K. Tarbell (New York: Whitney Museum of American Art, 1980), 11-22, 171-72, and in Kathleen D. McCarthy, Women's Culture: American Philanthropy and Art, 1830-1930 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991) 214-44.

16. Another of the guild's patrons was Mrs. Christian Holmes, born Bettie Fleischmann and heir to the Fleischmann yeast fortune, who came to New York from Cincinnati around 1920. She had been head of the board of directors of the Cincinnati Orchestra (it was she who hired Leopold Stokowski as the Cincinnati Orchestra's conductor in 1909). An article published in the Cincinnati Times Star after her estate was settled gives a rare view into the dimensions of one person's patronage. Among the reported $20 million that Holmes gave away during her lifetime, $222,812 went to the Philharmonic Symphony Society of New York, $158,118 to the National Music League, and $36,500 to the American National Opera Company. By contrast, her gifts to the guild must have been too small to be reported ("Holmes Estate Is $7,836,623," Cincinnati Times Star , December 23, 1947; clippings, Cincinnati Historical Society). Other information about Holmes comes from Oliver Daniel, Stokowski: A Counterpoint of View (New York: Dodd, Mead, 1982), 50-53.

17. The split between the guild and the league ostensibly came over whether or not the performance of Pierrot lunaire should be repeated after its American premiere (Varèse opposed repeat performances, and those who eventually formed the league favored them). But a big power struggle was under way, principally between Varèse and Claire Reis, and it left hard feelings on both sides. Probably because of this, Louise Varèse gave little credit to Wertheim in writing the guild's history. She mentions Wertheim only twice: as one of Claire Reis's appointments to the guild's executive board and as a host of guild meetings (Louise Varèse, Varèse , 1: 177, 185). In addition to her financial and administrative involvement in the guild, Wertheim wrote at least one article promoting its work: Wertheim, "World-Wide Guild of Composers," Christian Science Monitor , 17 December 1922.

18. Alma's first husband, Maurice Wertheim, owned a Wall Street investment firm and was a major patron of the Theatre Guild. Their marriage ended in 1929. A recent "family history" of the Morgenthaus continues the focus on males, noting that Henry Morgenthau, Jr., had "real talent" as a singer, but that "a musical career was the last thing in the world [his father] had in mind for his only son. Music was all right, though, for the girls. Alma, one of my father's three sisters, trained her voice to the edge of professionalism; later she became a discriminating and demanding patron of avant garde composers like Arnold Schoenberg and Aaron Copland" (Henry Morgenthau III, Mostly Morgenthaus: A Family History [New York: Ticknor & Fields, 1991], 240.)

19. Barbara Tuchman, letter to the author, 11 December 1987; Anne W. Werner, interview with the author, 21 February 1988.

20. Minna Lederman, editor of Modern Music , has said that Wertheim contributed $1,500 annually to the journal during the first few years of its existence (Lederman, interview with the author, 1 April 1989).

21. While New York composers tended to fall into separate ideological camps after the split between the guild and league, there was some overlap. For example, a letter from Carl Ruggles to Blanche Walton, written in 1926, shows that Wertheim continued to reach out to Ruggles, one of the ICG's principal figures: "Curious: Dr. Bartlett forwarded a note from Mrs. Wertheim asking about me, and what I was doing, and I answered her a fortnight ago, but have received no reply" (Ruggles to Walton, postmarked 19 November 1926, Walton-NN).

22. Aaron Copland and Vivian Perlis, Copland: 1900 through 1942 (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1984), 112.

23. On Harris, see ibid., 129. "Mrs. Wertheim gave me $100 for Israel [Citkowitz]," Copland wrote to Nadia Boulanger on 19 December 1927 (Copland-DLC).

22. Aaron Copland and Vivian Perlis, Copland: 1900 through 1942 (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1984), 112.

23. On Harris, see ibid., 129. "Mrs. Wertheim gave me $100 for Israel [Citkowitz]," Copland wrote to Nadia Boulanger on 19 December 1927 (Copland-DLC).

24. More about Wertheim and her support of Cos Cob Press can be found in Carol J. Oja, "Cos Cob Press and the American Composer," Music Library Association Notes 45 (December 1988): 227-52. Wertheim's obituary, "Mrs. Morgenthau, A Patron of Arts," New York Times , 26 December 1953, is also informative. Through their dedications, Cos Cob imprints suggest something of Wertheim's patronage. Five scores were dedicated to her: Copland's Piano Concerto, Gruenberg's Jazz-Suite for Orchestra, Marion Bauer's "Chromaticon" from Four Piano Pieces, Roy Harris's Concerto for Piano, Clarinet, and String Quartet, and Israel Citkowitz's "Gentle Lady," published in the Cos Cob Song Volume .

25. For a discussion of women publishers, see Shari Benstock, Women of the Left Bank: Paris, 1900-1940 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1986).

26. Lederman, letter to the author, 17 July 1988.

27. Claire Reis, interview with Vivian Perlis, 5 February 1976, Oral History / American Music, Yale University. Wertheim's daughter, Anne Werner, recalls, too, however, that her mother's income diminished after she divorced Maurice Wertheim in 1929.

28. Ruggles to Walton, 7 February 1928, Walton-NN.

29. Henry Cowell, "Program Note" for a concert honoring Blanche Walton, given at the New School for Social Research, 12 April 1959 (typescript in the collection of Mildred Baker, New York City). See also Richard Jackson, "Blanche Wetherill Walton," in The New Grove Dictionary of American Music , ed. H. Wiley Hitchcock and Stanley Sadie (New York: Macmillan, 1986), 4 :474.

30. Walton, "Only a Sketch" (manuscript fragment of a memoir, n.d.), Walton-NN.

31. In 1901, Walton's husband Ernest was killed in a railway accident while commuting between his job with De Coppet on Wall Street and their home in New Rochelle, but Blanche and De Coppet remained friends afterward. At the time of her husband's death, she had two daughters—the younger was one year old and the elder was three. Only after raising them did she turn to patronage (Marion Walton Putnam, interview with the author, 19 April 1989, New York City).

32. Included in the Walton Collection are letters from the pianist Richard Buhlig and the composers Carlos Chávez, Aaron Copland, Roy Harris, Carl Ruggles, and Edgard Varèse.

33. Walton's gifts to the guild are documented in Varèse to Walton, 8 December 1924, Walton-NN.

34. "The Founding of the Society," AMS Bulletin 1 (1936): 1.

35. This is discussed by Judith Tick in "Ruth Crawford—Modernist Pioneer," in Ruth Crawford, Music for Small Orchestra (1926) [and] Suite No. 2 for Four Strings and Piano (1929 ), vol. 1 of Music of the United States of America (Madison, Wisc.: A-R Editions, 1993), xxii-xxiii.

36. This musicale is the topic of a letter from Copland to Walton. Since his "Trio" was to be among the featured compositions on the program, the musicale probably occurred after the completion of Vitebsk in 1929 (Copland to Walton, "Wed," no date, Walton-NN).

37. Cowell, "Program Note."

38. Louise Varèse, Varèse , 1: 153.

39. Waldo Frank to Claire Reis, 21 September 1956, Reis-NN (box 2).

40. According to Susan Noyes Platt ( Modernism in the 1920s: Interpretations of Modern Art in New York from Expressionism to Constructivism [Ann Arbor, Mich.: UMI Research Press, 1985]), Katherine Dreier "assumed an aggressive, didactic attitude toward the endeavor of the Société Anonyme." She was a "crusading spirit" who sought to "enlighten the unseeing masses who did not understand the new art because of their inability to see beyond externals" (8-9, 11). In 1923 Dreier published an influential treatise, Western Art and the New Era (New York: Brentano's).

41. Reis discussed her potential for a concert career as part of a series of interviews conducted by Vivian Perlis, this one on 21 January 1976. Tapes and a transcript are housed in Oral History / American Music at Yale University. This is an invaluable source, with the transcript running to some 300 pages. The quotation about charity is from Reis, "Outline" (undated typescript autobiographical statement), Reis-NN (box 1). Reis's obituary, "Claire Raphael Reis Dies at 89; Leader in New York Cultural Life," New York Times , 13 April 1978, also provides some biographical information.

42. Born in Brownsville, Texas, to a Jewish family, Reis moved to New York with her mother, sister, and brother shortly after her father's death in 1898. She first studied piano in France and Germany. "Notes on Contributors," Eolian Review 2, no. 2 (March 1923): 28, accompanying an article by Reis, says she worked with Tapper from 1908 to 1910. However, among Reis's papers is a photograph of Tapper, stating on the back that Reis studied with her from 1906 to 1913 (Reis-NN, box 1a).

Tapper (1859-1915) was an interesting figure in her own right. Born in Norway, she had studied in Leipzig with Carl Reinecke and Louis Maas, and was friends with Edvard Grieg, for whom she edited two volumes of piano compositions. Like many women, Tapper focused her career on nurturing others. A. Walter Kramer, editor of Musical America and another member of the circle that included Tapper and Reis, noted this trait: "And so she lived, for others, never for herself. . . . I know that she composed much and that she destroyed it, never wishing to have her music appear in print" (A. Walter Kramer, "Bertha Fiering Tapper: Altruist [obituary]," Musical America 22 [25 September 1915]: 9).

43. Reis, interview with Perlis, 21 January 1976.

44. Waldo Frank, Memoirs of Waldo Frank , ed. Alan Trachtenberg, introduction by Lewis Mumford ([Amherst]: University of Massachusetts Press, 1914 is a likely year for this event (undated by Frank); Ornstein had just returned to New York then after a highly acclaimed recital in London. There were other connections between Frank and Reis. His first wife was Margaret Naumburg, with whom Reis started the Walden School, and Reis's husband Arthur, whom she married in 1915, was business advisor to Frank's little magazine, The Seven Arts , which ran from 1916 to 1917. Arthur Reis was president of Robert Reis and Co., a firm established by his father, which manufactured men's underwear.

45. Reis, interview with Perlis, 21 January 1976.

46. Programs for the recitals are in Reis-NN (box 2). They included works by Scriabin, Debussy, d'Indy, Schoenberg ( Drei Klavierstücke , Op. 11), Ravel, Busoni, Casella, Cyril Scott, and Stravinsky ( Piano Pieces of 1915). Ornstein also performed his own Mélancolie, Danse arabe, À la chinoise, Dwarf Suite , Sonata (1914), and The Masqueraders .

47. Paul Rosenfeld to Claire Reis, 16 August 1915, Reis-NN (box 2).

48. Reis, typescript resume dated 6 January 1952, Reis-NN (box 1). The date of the inception of the People's Music League appears to have been 1911. In Reis's biography, included in "Notes on Contributors" ( Eolian Review 2, no. 2 [March 1923]: 28), it is given as that, also in several sets of typescript notes at Reis-NN (box 1). However, in one of her interviews with Vivian Perlis, Reis stated 1912 (21 January 1976), and Perlis gives that year in her article about Reis for The New Grove Dictionary of American Music , 4:28. As Reis tells it, her founding of the People's Music League came about under the aegis of Maurice Wertheim, husband of Alma Morgenthau, who gave her a letter of introduction to Frederic Howe of the People's Institute. Mrs. Maurice Wertheim (Alma Morgenthau) became a member of the advisory council of the People's Music League.

49. Reis, "Outline."

50. The event took place on 12 February 1922. A program for it is in Reis-NN (box 2).

51. Reis, "Outline."

52. Louise Varèse, Varèse , 1: 177, 186. Edgard Varèse's choice of the words "delicatessen parties" suggests anti-Semitism to me—a notion that Reis, however, later denied. Vivian Perlis asked her directly whether such bigotry had played a role in the split between the guild and league, especially since a substantial majority of those forming the latter group were Jewish, and Reis replied, "No, I definitely don't think there was any anti-Semitism at all. [Carlos] Salzedo was a Jew, his best friend" (Reis, interview with Perlis, 29 January 1976).

53. First quotation: Reis, interview with Perlis, 29 January 1976. Second quotation: Reis, "Notes Added to Music" (undated typescript), Reis-NN (box 1).

54. Claire Reis, "Contemporary Music and 'the Man on the Street,'" Eolian Review 2, no. 2 (March 1923): 24, 27.

55. Jerome Hart, "Modern Music: Its Appreciators and Depreciators," The Sackbut 4, no. 4 (November 1923): 102. Hart was a frequent contributor to The Freeman , a journal for which Daniel Gregory Mason also wrote (in fact he also discusses a contemporaneous article by Mason in this same piece), and his language in the Sackbut sounds similar to that of the critic Henry T. Finck, suggesting a pattern of linking revolution, feminism, and modernist music: "Schönberg learned a lesson from the militant suffragettes. He was ignored till he began to smash parlor furniture [and] throw bombs" ("Schoenberg and the Suffragettes," Musical Progress [New York: Harper & Bros., 1923], 393). The text of this excerpt is in turn very close to that of an unsigned review in the New York Post on 27 January 1914; Finck was then music critic for that paper. Connections between misogyny and modernist music are explored in Catherine Parsons Smith, "'A Distinguishing Virility': On Feminism and Modernism in American Art Music," in Cecilia Reclaimed: Feminist Perspectives on Gender and Music , ed. Susan C. Cook and Judy S. Tsou (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994), 90-106.

56. Reis discussed her connection with the Women's City Club in an interview with Perlis, 6 May 1977. The Women's City Club remains active today, and through it the mission of social feminism lives on. A 1990 pamphlet describes the group as "an activist organization," which now focuses on issues such as dropout prevention in the schools, nuclear waste disposal, family planning and abortion rights, maternal and child health issues, and "sex equity for women in all walks of life."

57. The historian Anne Firor Scott, in a study of "Women's Voluntary Associations in the Forming of American Society," has made an observation that applies directly to Reis, "In the first two decades of the twentieth century almost every woman who had attained a degree of visibility in local, state, or national affairs had either gotten her start in a voluntary association, been supported by one, or belonged to several for prudential reasons" (Scott, Making the Invisible Woman Visible , 282). One of the few studies of women's music clubs is by Linda Whitesitt, "'The Most Potent Force' in American Music: The Role of Women's Clubs in American Concert Life," in The Musical Woman: An International Perspective , vol. 3, ed. Judith Lang Zaimont (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1991), 663-81.

58. Other league board members who had defected from the guild included Stephan Bourgeois, Frederick Jacobi, Louis Gruenberg, Minna Lederman, and Alma Morgenthau Wertheim.

59. Aaron Copland, "Claire Reis (1889 [ sic ]-1978)," Musical Quarterly 64 (July 1978): 387.

60. Hilda Reis Bijur, interview with the author, 16 November 1990, New York City. It is important to note that suffragists were not necessarily feminists. See Winnifred Harper, "The Younger Suffragists," Harper's Weekly 58 (27 September 1913): 7-8, discussed in June Sochen, The New Woman: Feminism in Greenwich Village, 1910-1920 (New York: Quadrangle Books, 1972), 26.

61. Dorothy M. Brown, Setting a Course: American Women in the 1920s , 34.

62. Reis, interview with Vivian Perlis, 21 January 1976.

63. The Philharmonic's auxiliary had been founded during the 1921-22 season, although its roots reached back at least to 1909. See Howard Shanet, Philharmonic: A History of New York's Orchestra [New York: Doubleday, 1975], 207-8, 245. Reis herself joined the Philharmonic's auxiliary board during its second year, but she later recalled, "I never felt that I was needed. But I did feel I was needed in the League, and therefore I had a greater sense of wanting to do what I could" (Reis, interview with Vivian Perlis, 3 March 1976). In organizing the league's auxiliary, however, Reis turned to some Philharmonic stalwarts, including especially Countess Mercati, chair of the league's auxiliary, who had also served on the executive committee for Varèse's New Symphony Orchestra (Louise Varèse, Varèse , 1: 140), and Mrs. Charles Guggenheimer—or Minnie Guggenheimer, as she was better known—who had not only had helped with Varèse's early orchestra but in 1918 also founded the famous Lewisohn Stadium Concerts, an inexpensive and popular summer series by the Philharmonic that she directed for some fifty years. See Sophie Guggenheimer Untermeyer and Alix Williamson, Mother Is Music (New York: Doubleday, 1960).

64. Varèse , 1: 140.

65. Claire R. Reis, Composers, Conductors, and Critics (New York: Oxford University Press, 1955; reprint, Detroit: Detroit Reprints in Music, 1974), 73.

66. Claire Reis, American Composers of Today (New York: International Society for Contemporary Music, U.S. Section, 1930); Reis, American Composers: A Record of Works Written Between 1912 and 1932 , 2d ed. (New York: United States Section of the International Society for Contemporary Music, 1932); Reis, Composers in America: Biographical Sketches of Living Composers with a Record of Their Works, 1912-1937 (New York: Macmillan, 1938); and Reis, Composers in America: Biographical Sketches of Contemporary Composers with a Record of Their Works , revised and enlarged edition (New York: Macmillan, 1947). Reis's other achievements include founding New York's Walden School, a private school for children, in the 1910s; later she also played a prominent role in establishing the New York City Center.

67. Copland, "Claire Reis (1889 [ sic ]-1978)," and Cowell, "Program Note."

68. Lederman, stated in a private conversation with the author.

69. Charles Ives, Memos , ed. John Kirkpatrick (New York: Norton, 1972), 130. The complexities of Ives's attitude toward women are explored in Judith Tick's "Charles Ives and the 'Masculine' Ideal," in Musicology and Difference: Sexuality and Gender in Musical Scholarship , ed. Ruth A. Solie (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1993), 83-104.

70. Editorial, "Music and Manliness," Musical America (2 February 1924): 20; as cited by Mary Herron DuPree in "The Failure of American Music: The Critical View from the 1920s," Journal of Musicology 2, no. 3 (Summer 1983): 311-12. Since many young composers of the 1920s were homosexual, women did not present the only threat to "manliness." Decades later, Louis Gruenberg would rue to Claire Reis, "I know I am in a perpetual stew and rage over my inability to transfer my feelings and impressions to paper, the sad state of music in America today since the politicians and homosexuals are dominating it" (letter, 1 December 1951, Reis-NN, box 2).

71. Nicolas Slonimsky, "The Patient, the Doctors, the Verdicts," Boston Globe , undated clipping (probably January 1929), Slonimsky-DLC. This was a review of Paul Rosenfeld's An Hour with American Music .

72. Rosenfeld, "Musical Chronicle: The New, or National, Symphony Orchestra," The Dial 69 (December 1920): 670.

73. Paul Rosenfeld, "Thanks to the International Guild: A Musical Chronicle," in By Way of Art (New York: Coward-McCann, 1928), 14. Rosenfeld's statement, when coupled with ones such as the following, suggest that the league—at least occasionally—was perceived as being more lightweight than the guild. Perhaps having a leadership that was mostly female contributed to this attitude: "The league seems to entertain a rather good-humored, even indulgent, notion of its responsibilities to the public. In making up its programs, it favors music which is fanciful and entertaining, rather than that which is intellectual and uncompromising" ("Modern Music Guilds and Their Messages," Christian Science Monitor , May 15, 1926, 16).

74. Copland, party list now attached to an undated letter (before 16 March 1930), "Monday," Walton-NN. A page in a scrapbook compiled by Claire Reis even includes clippings for such events at her house, including "a companionable tea" for the Pro Arte Quartet, a reception for Frederick Jacobi, and "an amazing party" after a league concert. All are unidentified and undated (Reis-NN, box 1a).

75. Deems Taylor, "Music," in Civilization in the United States: An Inquiry by Thirty Americans , ed. Harold E. Stearns (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1922; reprint, Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1971), 205-6.

76. W.J. Henderson, "The Modern Music Jag," New Yorker , 21 February 1926, 21. This article is included among Claire Reis's papers (Reis-NN, box 1).

77. Vanity Fair 31 (February 1929): 54.

78. Jerome Moross to Catherine Parsons Smith, 20 July 1981. Quoted with Smith's permission.

1. The original is in Walton-NN.

2. It is also possible, however, that this party followed the previous concert on 16 March 1930, for an undated letter from Copland to Blanche Walton, now housed with the guest list in Walton-NN, states: "Our concert is scheduled for March 16, Sunday evening. I'll be able to send you a list of people to ask before the week is out. You might word it: To meet composers and assisting artists after the C-S Concert" (n.d., written on stationery for the Copland-Sessions Concerts).

3. Beginning in November 1924, the League of Composers had given approximately one concert per year of music by young Americans, although as the 1920s passed such works were increasingly integrated into its programs. The quotation about the Copland-Sessions Concerts comes from its manifesto, as found in its first program, "The Copland-Sessions Concerts of Contemporary Music" (22 April 1928), Walton-NN. For more information on the concert series, see Carol J. Oja, "The Copland-Sessions Concerts and Their Reception in the Contemporary Press," Musical Quarterly 65 (1979): 212-29.

4. It is interesting that Copland felt the need to identify Jacobi to Walton as an "American composer," suggesting that her world and Jacobi's were quite separate. Copland also misspelled the name of Temple Emanu-El, the famous Reform synagogue.