1. Sherman Hall to Laura D. Hall, 20 February 1833, Sherman Hall Papers (hereafter cited as SH), Minnesota Historical Society.

2. The British-based New England Company supported missionaries to native communities from the 1640s on. Until the American Revolution forced the English to leave the colonies, the Church of England's Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts accepted Indians into their schools in an effort to compete with the Presbyterians and Congregationalists for adherents. David Brainerd was notable for his activities in Stockbridge, as were the Mayhews in Martha's Vineyard; see Chaney, Birth of Missions , 70-71, 104-10; Ernest Hawkins, Historical Notices of the Missions of the Church of England in the North American Colonies, previous to the Independence of the United States: Chiefly from the M. S. Documents of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts (London: B. Fellowes, 1845), 342; Henry Warner Bowden, American Indians and Christian Missions: Studies in Conflict (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981), 136; William G. McLoughlin, Jr., Modern Revivalism: Charles Grandison Finney to Billy Graham (New York: Ronald Press, 1959), 23-24, 120-21; Timothy L. Smith, Revivalism and Social Reform: American Protestantism on the Eve of the Civil War (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1980), 58-62; John Webster Grant, Moon of Wintertime: Missionaries and the Indians of Canada in Encounter Since 1534 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1984), 72-75.

3. Chaney, Birth of Missions , 98, 154; Wade Crawford Barclay, History of Methodist Missions . Vol. 1: Early American Methodism 1769-1844 (New York: Board of Missions and Church Extension of the Methodist Church, 1949-50), 1:164-66; William R. Hutchison, Errand to the World: American Protestant Thought and Foreign Missions (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), 46, 58.

4. Norton, Catholic Missionary Activities , 44; A. G. Morice, History of the Catholic Church in Western Canada, from Lake Superior to the Pacific (1659-1895) , 2 vols. (Toronto: Musson, 1910), 1:132-36. The mission removed to the Red River (Fort Garry/Winnipeg) site. By 1791, fewer than six Protestant missionaries were known to be working in Upper Canada, a territory of seven hundred thousand square miles; see Barclay, Early American Methodism , 180.

5. [Stephen H. Long], Narrative of an Expedition to the Source of St. Peter's River, Lake Winnepeek, Lake of the Woods, &c. Performed in the Years 1823, by Order of the Hon. J. C. Calhoun, Secretary of War, Under the Command of Stephen H. Long, U.S.A. (1824), ed. William H. Keating (Minneapolis: Ross & Haines, 1959), 39.

6. Elliot Coues, ed., New Light on the Early History of the Greater Northwest: The Manuscript Journals of Alexander Henry and of David Thompson , 2 vols. (Minneapolis: Ross & Haines, 1965), 1:239-40. For more on Henry, see Barry M. Gough, "Alexander Henry," in Halpenny, Dictionary of Canadian Biography 5:418-19.

7. Long, Narrative , 69-70.

8. Barclay, Early American Methodism , 202; Walter N. Vernon and Ruth M. Vernon, "Indian Missions of North America," in Encyclopedia of World Methodism , ed. Nolan B. Harmon (Nashville: United Methodist Publishing House, 1974), 1211; Laura L. Peers, "Rich Man, Poor Man, Beggarman, Chief: Saulteaux in the Red River Settlement," in Papers of the Eighteenth Algonquian Conference , ed. William Cowan (Ottawa: Carleton University Press, 1987), 261-70.

9. John West, The Substance of a Journal During a Residence at the Red River Colony (London: Seeley, 1824; reprinted New York: Johnson Reprint, 1966), v.

10. Bishop, Northern Ojibwa and the Fur Trade , 348; Arthur J. Ray, Indians in the Fur Trade: Their Role as Trappers, Hunters, and Middlemen in the Lands Southwest of Hudson Bay, 1660-1870 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1974), 199-204; Edward S. Rogers, "Cultural Adaptations: The Northern Ojibwa of the Boreal Forest, 1670-1890," in Boreal Forest Adaptations: The Northern Algonkians , ed. A. Theodore Steegmann, Jr. (New York: Plenum Press, 1983), 85-142. While Bishop and Ray consider the period of fur trade dependency to have begun with the amalgamation of the HBC and the North West Company, Paul C. Thistle, Indian-European Trade Relations in the Lower Saskatchewan River Region to 1840 (Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 1986), maintains that Cree followed their own "Zen road to affluence," independent of European influence until the introduction of missionaries and government agents in the 1840s.

11. James Dixon, Personal Narrative of a Tour Through a Part of the United States and Canada: With Notices of the History and Institutions of Methodism in America (New York: Lane & Scott, 1849), pp. 422-24; Vernon and Vernon, "Indian Missions"; Donald B. Smith, Sacred Feathers: The Reverend Peter Jones (Kahkewaquonaby) and the Mississauga Indians (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987), 73-74.

12. G. G. Findlay and W. W. Holdsworth, The History of the Wesleyan Methodist Missionary Society , 5 vols. (London: Epworth, 1821), 1:387.

13. Extract from Meeting of General Committee, Wesleyan Missionary Society, 11 May 1831, Wesleyan Methodist Missionary Society Archives, London-North American Correspondence (microfiche), United Methodist Archives and History Center, Madison, N.J. (hereafter cited as WMMS), Box 100, 1837/38, 10C; Rev. Alexander Sutherland, "The Methodist Church in Relation to Missions," in Centennial of Canadian Methodism (Toronto: William Briggs, 1891), 253-60; Barclay, Early American Methodism , 97; D. A. Bacon, comp., "Wesleyan Methodist Church (Great Britain)," Vol. 1: "Foreign Missions: America. The British Dominions in North America. Correspondence 1791-1893." 4 vols., United Methodist Archives and History Center, Madison, N.J. (1973), 1:14-16; Findlay and Holdsworth, History 1:423-27.

14. Jurisdictional conflict raged again in 1839, with the Canada Conference insisting that the British had "no right to interfere" in Canadian missions; see Minutes of Canada Conference, 12 June 1839, Hamilton, Ont., WMMS Box 101, 1839/40, 11C; Stinson to Alder, 1 July 1839, WMMS, ibid. At one point, the Canadians—or Ryersonians, as they called themselves—locked the Salt Springs converts out of the chapel when the Mohawks announced their intention of remaining loyal to the British Wesleyans; see Moses Walker, William Hess, et al. to J. Stinson, 30 January 1841, WMMS Box 102, 1841/42, 12C. For a discussion of missionary politics, see Elizabeth Graham, Medicine Man to Missionary: Missionaries as Agents of Change Among the Indians of Southern Ontario, 1784-1867 (Toronto: Peter Martin, 1975), 23, 27, 47.

13. Extract from Meeting of General Committee, Wesleyan Missionary Society, 11 May 1831, Wesleyan Methodist Missionary Society Archives, London-North American Correspondence (microfiche), United Methodist Archives and History Center, Madison, N.J. (hereafter cited as WMMS), Box 100, 1837/38, 10C; Rev. Alexander Sutherland, "The Methodist Church in Relation to Missions," in Centennial of Canadian Methodism (Toronto: William Briggs, 1891), 253-60; Barclay, Early American Methodism , 97; D. A. Bacon, comp., "Wesleyan Methodist Church (Great Britain)," Vol. 1: "Foreign Missions: America. The British Dominions in North America. Correspondence 1791-1893." 4 vols., United Methodist Archives and History Center, Madison, N.J. (1973), 1:14-16; Findlay and Holdsworth, History 1:423-27.

14. Jurisdictional conflict raged again in 1839, with the Canada Conference insisting that the British had "no right to interfere" in Canadian missions; see Minutes of Canada Conference, 12 June 1839, Hamilton, Ont., WMMS Box 101, 1839/40, 11C; Stinson to Alder, 1 July 1839, WMMS, ibid. At one point, the Canadians—or Ryersonians, as they called themselves—locked the Salt Springs converts out of the chapel when the Mohawks announced their intention of remaining loyal to the British Wesleyans; see Moses Walker, William Hess, et al. to J. Stinson, 30 January 1841, WMMS Box 102, 1841/42, 12C. For a discussion of missionary politics, see Elizabeth Graham, Medicine Man to Missionary: Missionaries as Agents of Change Among the Indians of Southern Ontario, 1784-1867 (Toronto: Peter Martin, 1975), 23, 27, 47.

15. J. T. [Stinson], Secretary, to Rev. William Case, 13 June 1831, WMMS Box 100, 1837/38, 10C.

16. Turner to James, 7 March 1833, WMMS Box 98, 1833/34, 8C.

17. Turner to Alder, 15 January 1834, WMMS Box 98, 1833/34, 8C.

18. Stinson to Alder, 18 February, 2 April 1835, WMMS Box 99, 1835/36, 9C.

19. Christian Advocate and Journal , 4 January 1828, 70; and Methodist Missionary Notices , 15 December 1840; both cited in Graham, Medicine Man to Missionary , 53.

20. Stinson to Alder, 4 July 1838, WMMS Box 100, 1837/38, 10C; 2 April 1835, WMMS, Box 99, 1835/36, 9C; Evans to Rev. John Beecham, 1 September 1835, WMMS Box 99, 1835/36, 9C.

21. Jones to Rev. John Beecham, 16 February 1836, WMMS Box 99, 1835/36, 9C.

22. Ibid.

21. Jones to Rev. John Beecham, 16 February 1836, WMMS Box 99, 1835/36, 9C.

22. Ibid.

23. Evans to Stinson, 4 August 1838, in James Evans, "Letters of Rev. James Evans, Methodist Missionary, Written During His Journey to and Residence in the Lake Superior Region, 1838-39," ed. Fred Landon, Ontario History 28 (1932): 54.

24. Evans to Mrs. Evans, 2 October 1838, in ibid., 61.

25. Ibid.

23. Evans to Stinson, 4 August 1838, in James Evans, "Letters of Rev. James Evans, Methodist Missionary, Written During His Journey to and Residence in the Lake Superior Region, 1838-39," ed. Fred Landon, Ontario History 28 (1932): 54.

24. Evans to Mrs. Evans, 2 October 1838, in ibid., 61.

25. Ibid.

23. Evans to Stinson, 4 August 1838, in James Evans, "Letters of Rev. James Evans, Methodist Missionary, Written During His Journey to and Residence in the Lake Superior Region, 1838-39," ed. Fred Landon, Ontario History 28 (1932): 54.

24. Evans to Mrs. Evans, 2 October 1838, in ibid., 61.

25. Ibid.

26. Stinson to Alder, 17 June 1835, WMMS Box 99, 1835/36, 9C.

27. Evans to Stinson, 31 December 1840, WMMS Box 101, 1839/40, 11C.

28. R. Alder to Lord Glenely, Secretary of State for Colonies, December 1837, WMMS Box 100, 1837/38, 10C.

29. Ibid.

28. R. Alder to Lord Glenely, Secretary of State for Colonies, December 1837, WMMS Box 100, 1837/38, 10C.

29. Ibid.

30. John Sunday to Alder, 7 April 1841, WMMS Box 102, 1841/42, 12C. For a discussion of mission boarding school routines, see Robert F. Berkhofer, Jr., Salvation and the Savage: An Analysis of Protestant Missions and American Indian Response, 1787-1862 (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1965), 37-38.

31. Enoch Wood to Alder, 19 March 1848, WMMS Box 104, 1846/48, 14C(2); W. Case to Alder, 2 April 1849, WMMS Box 105, 1849/51, 15C.

32. Alder to Glenely, December 1837, WMMS Box 100, 1837-38, 10C.

33. Peter Jacobs, Journal of the Reverend Peter Jacobs, Indian Wesleyan Missionary, from Rice Lake to the Hudson's Bay Territory, and Returning. Gommencing May, 1852. With a Brief Account of His Life and a Short History of the Wesleyan Mission in That Country (New York: Printed by the author, 1857), 3-5.

34. Isham, Observations , xxviii-xxix.

35. West, Substance of a Journal , 13.

36. Norman James Williams, "Abishabis the Cree," Studies in Religion/Sciences religieuses 9, no. 2 (1980): 217-45; E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (New York: Vintage Books, 1966), chap. 11.

37. John McLean, James Evans: Inventor of the Syllabic System of the Cree Language (Toronto: Methodist Mission Room, 1890), 191.

38. Findlay and Holdsworth, History 1:466-67.

39. George Barnely [to the Secretaries of the Wesleyan Missionary Society], 23 February 1846, WMMS Box 104, 1846/48, 14G. Barnley, in fact, came into open conflict with the post factor over the housing problem; see J. Grant, Moon of Wintertime , 106-7, on the relationship between the HBC and the WMMS.

40. Ephraim Evans to Enoch Wood, 11 April 1859, WMMS Box 108, 1858/63, 18C(1). Although Ephraim Evans was writing from a later mission than that of his brother, his guidelines fit any of the WMMS missions.

41. Barbara Welter, "She Hath Done What She Could: Protestant Women's Missionary Careers in Nineteenth-Century America," American Quarterly 30 (1978): 624-638; Barbara Welter, "The Cult of True Womanhood: 1820-1860," American Quarterly 18 (1966): 151-74.

42. Barnley [to the Secretaries of the Wesleyan Missionary Society], 20 January 1846, WMMS Box 104, 1846/48, 14G; Steinhauer to Mrs. E. Hoole, 6 May 1861, WMMS Box 108, 1858/63, 18G. For biographical information on Eliza Jones, see Smith, Sacred Feathers , 130-49; Elizabeth Muir, "The Bark School House: Methodist Episcopal Missionary Women in Upper Canada, 1827-1833," in Canadian Protestant and Catholic Missions, 1820s-1960s: Historical Essays in Honour of John Webster Grant , ed. John S. Moir and C. T. McIntire (New York: Peter Lang, 1988), 23-74.

43. Sinclair to Mrs. Elijah Hoole, 16 December 1867, WMMS Box 109, 1864/67, 19G.

44. McLean, James Evans , 166-67; George Barnley [to the Secretaries of the Wesleyan Missionary Society?], 23 February 1846, WMMS Box 104, 1846/48, 14G.

45. Hurlburt to Alder, 9 October 1843, WMMS Box 103, 1843/44, 13G.

46. Hurlburt to Robert Alder, 11 January 1841, WMMS Box 102, 1841/42, 121.

47. Steinhauer to Evans, 7 December 1840, WMMS Box 101, 1839/40, 11G.

48. Jacobs to the Secretaries of the Wesleyan Missionary Society, 4 May 1841, WMMS Box 102, 1841/42, 121. See also William Mason to the Secretaries, 9 June 1841, WMMS Box 102, 1841/42, 121.

49. Jacobs to the Secretaries of the Wesleyan Missionary Society, 21 July 1848, WMMS Box 104, 1846/48, 14G.

50. Ibid.

49. Jacobs to the Secretaries of the Wesleyan Missionary Society, 21 July 1848, WMMS Box 104, 1846/48, 14G.

50. Ibid.

51. Jacobs to the Secretaries of the Wesleyan Missionary Society, 10 December 1849, Box 105, 1849-51, 15G.

52. Ibid.

51. Jacobs to the Secretaries of the Wesleyan Missionary Society, 10 December 1849, Box 105, 1849-51, 15G.

52. Ibid.

53. Jacobs to Robert Alder, 6 March 1846, WMMS Box 104, 1846/48, 14G.

54. Jacobs to the Secretaries of the Wesleyan Missionary Society, 21 July 1848, WMMS Box 104, 1846/48, 14G.

55. Jacobs to Robert Alder, 10 February 1850, WMMS Box 419, 1849/51, 15G.

56. Hurlburt to the Secretaries of the Wesleyan Missionary Society, 29 June 1841, WMMS Box 102, 1841/42, 12I.

57. Mason journal, 13 January 1849, WMMS Box 105, 1849/51, 15G.

58. Mason journal, 14 April 1849, WMMS Box 105, 1849/51, 15G; Barnley [to ?], 23 September 1843, WMMS Box 103, 1843/44, 13G. Quote from Mason to the General Secretaries of the Wesleyan Missionary Society, 21 June 1850, WMMS Box 105, 1849/51, 15G. See also McLean, James Evans , 166-67; Mason journal, 31 May 1849, WMMS Box 105, 1849/51, 15G.

59. Graham, Medicine Man to Missionary , 87-88.

60. William Mason to the Secretaries of the Wesleyan Missionary Society, 9 June 1841, WMMS Box 102, 1841/42, 121; Jacobs to Sir George Simpson, 2 July 1849, WMMS Box 105, 1849/51, 15G.

61. William Mason to the Secretaries of the Wesleyan Missionary Society, 11 August 1848, WMMS Box 104, 1846/48, 14G. See also George Barnley [to the Secretaries of the Wesleyan Missionary Society], 23 September 1843, WMMS Box 103, 1843/44, 13G. Similar instances of chiefs and shamans renouncing traditional religion are found in the following: Enoch Wood to Robert Alder, 17 February 1851, WMMS Box 105, 1849/51, 15C; Peter Jacobs to the Secretaries of the Wesleyan Missionary Society, 10 December 1849, WMMS Box 105, 1849/51, 15G; William Mason to the Secretaries of the Wesleyan Missionary Society, 19 August 1852, WMMS Box 106, 1852/54, 16G; Thomas Woolsey to Elijah Hoole, 1 March 1862, WMMS Box 108, 1858/63, 18G; Thomas Woolsey to Elijah Hoole, 5 September 1864, WMMS Box 109, 1864/67, 19G.

62. Mason to the Secretaries General of the Wesleyan Missionary Society, [September 1851?], WMMS Box 105, 1849/51, 15G.

63. Evans to Gov. George Simpson, 10 June 1845, WMMS Box 103, 1844/45, 13G; Mason to the Secretaries of the Wesleyan Missionary Society, 11 August 1848, WMMS Box 104, 1846/48, 14G; Mason to

Gov. George Simpson, 20 June 1849, WMMS Box 105, 1849/51, 15G; William Case to Superintendent of Missions, Canada West [Enoch Wood], 31 July 1852, WMMS Box 106, 1852/54, 16C.

64. Mason to the Secretaries of the Wesleyan Missionary Society, 19 August 1852, WMMS Box 106, 1852/54, 16G.

65. Jacobs to the Secretaries of the Wesleyan Missionary Society, 4 May 1841, WMMS Box 102, 1841/42, 121.

66. James Hope to Mason, April 1852, WMMS Box 106, 1852/54, 16G; Enoch Wood to Robert Alder, 17 February 1851, WMMS Box 105, 1849/51, 15C.

67. John S. Long, " Manitu , Power, Books, and Wiihtikow : Some Factors in the Adoption of Christianity by Nineteenth-Century Western James Bay Cree," Native Studies Review 3, no. 1 (1987): 1-30, accepts earlier historians' claims of speedy conversions among Cree during the nineteenth century. While justly insisting that Indians be viewed as active participants in missionization who used Christianity to meet their own needs, he neglects a consideration of gender in his analysis.

68. Carroll Smith-Rosenberg and Charles Rosenberg, "The Female Animal: Medical and Biological Views of Woman and Her Role in Nineteenth-Century America," Journal of American History 60 (1973): 332-56; Barbara Leslie Epstein, The Politics of Domesticity: Women, Evangelism, and Temperance in Nineteenth-Century America (Middletown, Conn: Wesleyan University Press, 1981), 85-87.

69. Barbara Ehrenreich and Deirdre English, Complaints and Disorders: The Sexual Politics of Sickness (Old Westbury, N.Y.: Feminist Press, 1973), 30-31; Sally Kitch, Chaste Liberation: Celibacy and Female Cultural Status (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1989), 34, 39; Sarah Stage, Female Complaints: Lydia Pinkham and the Business of Women's Medicine (New York: Norton, 1979), 71-72.

70. Philip Greven, The Protestant Temperament: Patterns of Childrearing, Religious Experience, and the Self in Early America (New York: Meridian, 1977), 13, 65, 73-74, 124-25; E. P. Thompson, Making of the English Working Class , chap. 11.

71. Evans to John Beecham, 29 March 1836, WMMS Box 99, 1835/36, 9C. Peter Jones held similar views; see Jones to John Beecham, 16 February 1836, WMMS Box 99, 1835/36, 9C.

72. Dixon, Personal Narrative , 384-85.

73. Secretaries of the Wesleyan Missionary Society to Barnley, 11 March 1840, WMMS Box 101, 1839/40, 11G.

74. Woolsey to Elijah Hoole, 2 March 1862, WMMS Box 108, 1858/63, 18G.

75. Stringfellow to Elijah Hoole, 30 August 1867, WMMS Box 109, 1864/67, 19G; Joseph Stinson to Robert Alder, 15 December 1840, WMMS Box 101, 1839/40, 11C.

76. Benjamin Slight to the Revs. Beecham, Alder, and Hock, Secretaries of the Wesleyan Missionary Society, 30 August 1837, WMMS Box 100, 1837/38, 10C.

77. Stringfellow to Elijah Hoole, 26 December 1866, WMMS Box 109, 1864/67, 19G.

78. William Mason journal, 13 January 1849, WMMS Box 105, 1849/51, 15G; Charles Stringfellow to Elijah Hoole, 26 December 1866, WMMS Box 109, 1864/67, 19G.

79. Barnley [to the Secretaries of the Wesleyan Missionary Society], 23 September 1843, WMMS Box 103, 1843/44, 13G.

80. Ibid.

79. Barnley [to the Secretaries of the Wesleyan Missionary Society], 23 September 1843, WMMS Box 103, 1843/44, 13G.

80. Ibid.

81. Williams, "Abishabis the Cree." Williams contends that HBC officer James Hargrave at York Factory feared that Abishabis had begun a messianic uprising that threatened the company's security with the Home Guard and with Indians who trapped. Williams sees the movement as an expression of "Manitouism" and a call for a return to an older spiritual and social order. John Webster Grant, "Missionaries and Messiahs in the Northwest," Studies in Religion/Sciences religieuses , 9. no. 2 (1980): 125-36, insists, however, that what he terms ''unauthorized prophets"—such as Abishabis—represented an effort by Indians to open Christianity to Indians on Indian terms. He suggests that Indians wanted to be colleagues of the missionaries, rather than subjects, and that the prophetic movements were attempts to break into the leadership of Christianity in the northwest. Robert R. Janes and Jane H. Kelley, "Observations on Crisis Cult Activities in the Mackenzie Basin,'' in Problems in the Prehistory of the North American Subarctic: The Athapaskan Question , ed. J. W. Helmer, S. Van Dyke and F. J. Kense (Calgary: Archaeological Association of the University of Calgary, 1977), 153-64, although dealing with a different northwestern culture group, suggest that the prophetic or crisis cults continued precontact shamanistic practices and were in fact an adaptation to stress.

82. Pahtahsekash [Peter Jacobs] to Robert Alder, 13 December 1847, WMMS Box 104, 1846/48, 14G.

83. George Simpson to Robert Alder, 13 August 1846, WMMS Box 104, 1846/48, 14G; William Mason to Donald Ross, 20 April 1847, ibid.; Ross to Mason, 24 April 1847, ibid.

82. Pahtahsekash [Peter Jacobs] to Robert Alder, 13 December 1847, WMMS Box 104, 1846/48, 14G.

83. George Simpson to Robert Alder, 13 August 1846, WMMS Box 104, 1846/48, 14G; William Mason to Donald Ross, 20 April 1847, ibid.; Ross to Mason, 24 April 1847, ibid.

84. William Barnley to the Secretaries of the Wesleyan Missionary Society, 3 February 1846/47?, WMMS Box 104, 1846/48, 14G.

85. Jacobs to the Secretaries of the Wesleyan Missionary Society, 25 July 1848, WMMS Box 104, 1846/48, 14G; 10 December 1849, WMMS Box 105, 1849/51, 15G.

86. Wood to Elijah Hoole, 20 December 1860, Box 108, 1858/63, 18C(1).

87. George Simpson to Enoch Wood, 12 April 1852, WMMS Box 106, 1852/54, 16C; Wood to the Secretaries of the Wesleyan Missionary Society, 29 December 1853, WMMS Box 106, 1852/54, 16C.

88. The Church of England made several attempts to have WMMS missions transferred to its jurisdiction; see, for example, Bishop Anderson to the Secretaries of the Wesleyan Missionary Society, 14 October 1853, WMMS Box 106, 1852/54, 16G; Wood to Bishop Anderson, 2 June 1854, WMMS Box 106, 1852/54, 16C.

89. Woolsey to Elijah Hoole, 1 January 1863, WMMS Box 108, 1858/63, 18C(2).

90. Findlay and Holdsworth, History 1:471-75.