1. See Chung-li Chang 1955; Yung-teh Chow 1966, 244; Ping-ti Ho 1962, 162-165; Kracke.

2. See Beattie 1979b, 8-9, 129; Dennerline 1986; Hartwell, 417-420; Hymes 1986a, 34-61; Twitchett 1959; Walton, 35-77; Odoric Wou 1979.

3. Ping-ti Ho 1962, 92-125; Kracke.

4. Hymes 1986a, 34-41; Hartwell, 418. See also Odoric Wou.

5. In addition to Hymes 1986a, see Beattie 1979b; Dennerline 1986; Walton.

6. Beattie 1979b.

7. Walton, 36.

8. On effects of partible inheritance in China generally, see Philip Huang, 78, 117; Myers 1970, 125, 160—162; Fei Hsiao-t'ung and Chang Chih-i, 19-20, 117.

9. See Le Roy Ladurie, 43-44; Netting; Stone and Stone.

10. Rubie Watson 1982, 1985.

11. Beattie 1979b.

12. Ruble Watson 1985, 137-168.

13. In this study xiang refers to a formal subdivision of the county. Until the 1950s this formal unit coincided with the area of Deng control.

14. On higher-order lineages, see James L. Watson 1982, 608-609.

15. Rubie Watson 1985, 128.

16. Rubie Watson 1981, 593-615.

17. For disscussion and examples of lineage land, see Ebrey 1986, 40-44; Twitchett 1959, 1960-61.

18. For a discussion of tang , see Kuhn 1970, 168-171; Sangren.

19. Twitchett 1959, 1960-61. For another example of yizhuang , see Dennerline 1979-80.

20. For a discussion of entail and "strict settlement," see Stone and Stone, 48-55.

21. Brim, 34.

22. Baker 1968, 171.

23. James L. Watson 1975, 36.

24. Potter, 96.

25. Chen Han-seng, 34—35.

26. In 1905 the Deng had a total of eighty-two ancestral estates in Ha Tsuen xiang .

27. Potter, 97.

28. See Grant, 56.

29. For a discussion of landownership and tenancy in Ha Tsuen, see Rubie Watson 1985, 61-72.

30. C. K. Yang, 47.

31. Dennerline 1979-80, 1986.

32. Dennerline 1986, 187.

33. On the difference between Dennerline's estates and Rubie Watson's estates in the New Territories, see ibid., 187.

32. Dennerline 1986, 187.

33. On the difference between Dennerline's estates and Rubie Watson's estates in the New Territories, see ibid., 187.

34. Quoted in Freedman, 52.

35. Potter, 104.

36. On the importance of personal wealth, see also Beattie 1979b, 117.

37. See Chen Han-seng, 42. Hui-chen Wang Liu, 106.

38. See also Potter, 105.

39. Ibid., 107.

38. See also Potter, 105.

39. Ibid., 107.

40. Rubie Watson 1985, 75-77.

41. For a detailed discussion of this case see Palmer, 40-52.

42. Ibid.

41. For a detailed discussion of this case see Palmer, 40-52.

42. Ibid.

43. Rubie Watson 1985, 62.

44. The penetration of colonial legal procedures into the lives of New Territories residents may, however, have set this region off from its neighbors across the border. It is clear that previously disenfranchised satellite villagers used the new legal struc-

ture to their advantage as did the new urban elite. The extent to which the old rural elite of wealthy landowners used this structure in the early twentieth century is unclear at this point.

45. Kung-chuan Hsiao 1960; Kuhn 1970.

46. Rankin 1986, 166.

47. Cole 1986, 166; Mann 1987.

48. For a discussion of the Rural Committee system, see Miners 1979.

49. Ruble Watson 1985, 91-93. See also Baker, 52; Potter, 29.

50. See James L. Watson 1987.

51. Hayes, 38.

52. For a discussion of violence in the New Territories, see Ruble Watson 1985, 85-88.

53. See James L. Watson 1977, 169, 172; James L. Watson 1988.

54. James L. Watson 1988.

55. Elvin 1973, 258. See also Ping-ti Ho 1962, 257.

56. Philip Huang, 78. On this point, see also Myers 1970, 125. I have already noted (see above) that the effects of inheritance were not uniform, although in general inheritance did contribute to mobility patterns.

57. See Philip Huang, 29-30, 65-66, 223-254, 232, 234; Myers 1970, 125-126, 234; Buck 1937, map 3; Perkins, 90-91; Wilkinson, 6-13.

58. Myers 1970, 125.

59. Ibid., 126.

58. Myers 1970, 125.

59. Ibid., 126.

60. Gamble 1963, 33, 35, 54.

61. Ibid., 49-51.

60. Gamble 1963, 33, 35, 54.

61. Ibid., 49-51.

62. See Rankin 1986.

63. See Myers 1970, 234-235. Elvin 1973, 254-255. Buck 1930, 145.

64. Esherick 1981, 401.

65. See Perkins, 87.

66. See Philip Huang, 82n.

67. See Perkins, 88-91.

68. Chen Han-seng, 3.

69. Ibid., viii.

68. Chen Han-seng, 3.

69. Ibid., viii.

70. C. K. Yang, 46.

71. Potter, 80.

72. It is important to note that although tenancy and landless rates tend to be higher in Guangdong than in the north, high rates of private and corporate landlord-ism are not found in all southeastern villages. Both Edgar Wickberg (1981, 31) and C. K. Yang (42) report a lower rate of corporate property than Ha Tsuen's 50 percent or Ping Shan's 93 percent: Wickberg gives a corporate rate of 35 percent for Pat Hueng (an area near Ha Tsuen), and Yang provides a rate of 6.2 percent for Nanching. A comparison between those Pearl River delta villages that have high rates of corporate property and those that do not would be illuminating, especially with regard to elite dominance and leadership. Perkins (90) has argued that the level of commerce is a major factor in explaining the differing rates of landlessness and tenancy.

73. The comparison between Tongcheng and Wuxi on the one hand and Ha Tsuen on the other cannot produce definitive answers to the questions discussed here.

The works of Beattie and Dennerline have been used because, among the historical work on Lower Yangzi lineages, they deal most explicitly with questions of corporate property, landownership, and elite leadership.

74. Beattie 1979b, 135.

75. Dennerline 1979-80, 54; on the period from 1745-1878, see Dennerline 1986, 188.

76. Dennerline 1979-80; 64n. See also Chen Han-seng, 31.

77. See Potter, 96.

78. See Dennerline 1986, 187.

79. See Dennerline 1979-80.

80. Perkins, 88-91.

81. Ibid., 91.

80. Perkins, 88-91.

81. Ibid., 91.

82. Buck 1937, 58. For more figures on Wuxi land distribution, see China Industrial Handbooks: Kiangsu , 31.

83. Mazumdar, 221. On this general point, see also Esherick 1981, 405; Grove and Esherick.