1. Braj is the region around the city of Mathura in the modern Indian state of Uttar Pradesh where Krishna is supposed to have spent his infancy and youth. It is a major center of pilgrimage for Vaishnavas.

2. My dissertation focuses on temple organization and worship in Pushti Marg (Bennett 1983). Barz (1976) is an excellent study of the sect. Other works in English include Bhatt (1979), Jindel (1976), Marfatia (1967), Parekh (1943), Shah (1969), and Toothi (1935).

3. See Wach (1948: 128) and Barz (1976:39-41) for definitions of the Hindu sampradaya and Burghart (1978) for an explanation of its structure.

4. Vallabhacarya is generally regarded as an incarnation of Lord Krishna, or more specifically as an Incarnation of the Mouth of Krishna ( Mukhavatara ) and an Essential Form of Agni ( Agnisvarupa ). His male descendants are also revered as incarnations of Krishna, although their spiritual standing has been ambiguous and controversial (Bennett 1983:78-128).

5. The Bhagavata-Purana^{[ *]} is a ninth-century South Indian Sanskrit epic that describes the earthly life of the cowherd god Krishna during his sojourn in Braj. The Rasapancadhyayi^{[ *]} , or the five chapters of the tenth book which cover the Rasa Lila , is a particular favorite of the Krishnaite sects and cults.

6. The appearance of the image of Sri Nathji and its early history are recorded in a popular sectarian chronicle written in the Braj language and translated as "The Account of the Manifestation of Sri Nathji" (Harirayji 1968), the first part of which has recently been translated into English by Vaudeville (1980).

7. The original deities along with their present locations are as follows: Sri Nathji (Nathdwara), Sri Navanitpriyaji (Nathdwara), Sri Mathureshji (Kota), Sri Vitthalnathji^{[ *]} (Nathdwara), Sri Dvarakanathji (Kankaroli), Sri Gokulnathji , (Gokul, Braj), Sri Gokulcandramaji (Kamavan), Sri Mukundrayji (Varanasi), Sri Balkrsnaji^{[ *]} (Surat), and Sri Madanmohanji (Kamavan). It should be noted that, although temple worship is relatively standardized, there are nevertheless significant variations in ritual style affected partly by the different regions where temples have proliferated and partly by the segmentary structure of the sampradaya . For example, initiates of the fourth house assert a far greater degree of independence than their cosectaries in other houses by revering their own preceptors (descendants of Vitthalnatha's fourth son, Gokulnathji) as the only legitimate spiritual successors to Vallabhacarya. They reinforce this distinctiveness by slight variations in ritual practice, in the sectarian mark painted on the forehead, and in the wording of the Brahma-sambandha initiation formula.

8. There are two rites. The first, which normally takes place during the candidate's infancy as a prelude to full initiation, is popularly known as Taking the Name or Taking the Necklace ( nam-lena, kanthi-lena^{[ *]} ). Positioning himself or herself crosslegged upon the floor with the guru to the right he or she repeats after the guru three times the eight-syllabled formula translated "Lord Krishna is My Refuge," after which he or she wears a necklace of wooden beads cut from thin stems of the holy basil ( tulasi ). The second rite is normally performed before marriage. The candidate fasts for a period of twenty-four hours at the end of which he or she takes a ritual bath. Then, standing before an image of Krishna and clutching a tulasi leaf in the right hand the candidate repeats after the guru the Brahma-sambandha mantra . Having uttered this dedication the initiate places the tulasi leaf at the foot of the image and assumes the status of an adhikari , or one entitled to follow the Path of Grace. English translations of the initiation formula can be found in Mulji (1865:121), Growse (1883:287), and Barz (1976:85).

9. There are interesting parallels between seva in the devotional context and in political life, particularly with regard to the ideals of humility, selfless service, and anonymity; see Mayer (1981).

10. Giriraja is worshiped in the form of a small stone from Govardhan hill dressed in a yellow smock and adorned with a tiny flower garland. The svarupa stands on a shelf in his room, and devotees approach it by performing an obeisance ( caranasparsa^{[ *]} ).

11. It is significant that the word darsana implies the subject, the "seer" ( drsta^{[ *]} ), rather than the object, that which is seen (Bhatt 1979:18). In a philosophical context it implies the realization of, or an insight into, the nature of reality.

12. Priests are known as bhitariyas because they perform seva in the inner ( bhitari ) rooms of the temple. Traditionally, they belong to one of three Brahman jatis: Audicha, Sanchora , or Girinara .

13. Srngara , meaning "adornment," also denotes the rasa of erotic love which is a principal sentiment of bhakti . The beautiful adornment of the deity is both an expression of the devotee's passionate love for Krishna and a spectacle that is capable of amusing feelings of love in the hearts of those who attend this darsana .

14. Most pada sung in temples are attributed to four disciples of Vallabhacarya, including the great bhakti poet Surdas, and four disciples of Vitthalnatha. With reference to their literary skills they are known as the Eight Seals ( Astachapa^{[ *]} ), but more significantly they are known by their divine identities as manifestations of the eight cowherd companions of Krishna Gopala ( Astasakha^{[ *]} ). Moreover, by virtue of their pure devotion, these poets were able to participate in the secret nighttime lilas as the eight intimate female companions ( Astasakhi^{[ *]} ) of Krishna (Barz 1976:12-13).

15. Arati is the waving of one or more burning cotton wicks ( batti ) dipped in a pot ( divara^{[ *]} ) of thee in a circular motion before the image. In this context atati is performed to remove the harmful effects of the evil eye ( nazar utarna ) to which beautiful babies are particularly susceptible. Yashoda is concerned to dispel any envious feelings that might have been directed toward her beautiful child while he was tending the cows.

16. Devotees often point out that their deities are only smeared with sandalwood paste during the summer and never in winter because in cold weather the cooling properties of sandalwood would cause them considerable distress. They add that such care is seldom shown in other Hindu temples where priests blindly follow ritual procedure by using sandalwood throughout the year without a thought for the deity's comfort.

17. Those ritual acts that involve the touching of the image constitute the most intimate form of worship and hence are reserved for the chief priest and his immediate assistants.

18. The Rahasya Bhavana-Nikunja Bhavana (Prabhu 1968) is an intriguing exposition of the bhavana associated with the articles of worship in which nothing is too trivial for the attribution of aesthetic significance.

19. The temple is divided into inner ( bhitari ) and outer ( bahari ) rooms; the former includes the deity's private apartments and the kitchens which only priests may enter, and the latter includes the various courtyards where devotees assemble. The word aparasa is probably derived from the Sanskrit asprsya^{[ *]} , meaning "not to be touched." Priests enter khasa or "strict" aparasa as distinct from a lesser state of purity known as sevaki aparasa , which enables lay devotees to prepare betel, milk-sweets, and flower garlands for the deity.

20. The three principal temple kitchens are Dudh Ghar (reserved for foods prepared from milk and excluding grains), Ansakhari Ghar or Balabhoga (for preparations derived from grains or vegetables which are cooked by frying in clarified butter, being less resistant to impurity than milk preparations), and Sakhari Ghar (for preparations derived from grains and vegetables, boiled in water, dry-roasted on a griddle, or fried in vegetable oil, being highly susceptible to impurity). Sakhari and ansakhari approximate to kacca and pakka , the terms popularly used in northern India to denote categories of prepared food.

21. Aspects of culinary style reinforce the maternal approach to seva . Many preparations are prepared as if for a young child and hence are known as "baby food" ( balabhoga ). Like all babies Krishna is particularly fond of milk, curd, butter, sweets, and rice pudding. Hot spicy foods are used sparingly. Savory wheatcakes ( puri ) are prepared with copious amounts of ghee so that they are soft and easy to chew. Betel nut is ground to an unusually fine consistency for the same reason.

22. Harper (1964) has argued that the priest, the offerings, and the deity's surroundings must be kept pure in order w prevent the deity sustaining impurity. But in Pushti Marg there is no sense in which it is conceived that the deity can be polluted, as I suspect is the case with Hindu deities in general; see Fuller (1979:469).

23. The sequence has an interesting secular parallel in pati-seva , the selfless devotion of a wife toward her husband, demonstrated by the wifely custom of taking meals after the husband has eaten. This is not a form of "respect pollution," serving to reinforce the inferior hierarchical status of a wife vis-à-vis her husband, as Harper (1964) understood it. Indeed, the food remains she consumes do not necessarily comprise food polluted by the husband's touch or saliva ( jutha^{[ *]} ) because traditionally they remain within the ritually pure cooking area. Rather they are "leftovers" inasmuch as the meal is prepared for her husband so that any remains become a token of his replenishment. More important, the devoted wife cooks solely for the pleasure and well-being of her husband and not selfishly as a means of satisfying her own appetite. Some devotees describe their relationship with Krishna in terms of a wifely model. One interpretation of the bhava of the sectarian mark worn on the forehead is that it is like the bindi worn by women as a sign of their happily married state ( saubhagini ).

24. Unfortunately, I do not have the space here to elucidate this area of sectarian food ritual (see Bennett 1983:227-234). It is interesting that certain foods are prohibited or discouraged in seva "because they are red—like blood." This category includes the seemingly innocuous watermelon. It was pointed out to me that the manner by which the watermelon is carved with a knife to reveal the red fleshy interior strongly suggests animal sacrifice. Thus, by disemboweling the melon it is likely that the devotee would compare his actions with the blood sacrificer. Such thoughts are repulsive and would render the watermelon unsuitable as an offering to Krishna. For the same reason, devotees engaged in the cutting of vegetables prior to cooking avoid the verb katna^{[ *]} , "to cut," owing to its associations with the carving of meat; instead they prefer the verb samvarna^{[ *]} which is free from such unpleasant associations.

25. See Harirayji (1970:93).

26. See Harirayji (1970:181).

27. Whenever the deity is offered bhoga the containers should be completely full, expressing the devotee's overflowing bhava .

28. Devotees of Vallabhacarya Sampradaya locate the "lotuslike mouth" ( mukharavind ) of Krishna at Jatipura; it is a simple cleft in the rock on the lower slopes of Govardhan hill. At Annakuta the village is packed with pilgrims who come to see the mouth soaked in libations of milk and presented with a grand feast.

29. The word pusti is derived from the Sanskrit verbal root pus^{[ *]} . which expresses the action of thriving, increasing, prospering, and of being nourished, well fed, and healthy (Barz 1976:86). Hence pusti is synonymous with divine grace which nourishes the soul. Pushti Marg is the path of spiritual nourishment through grace. Nevertheless, there have been critics of the sect for whom pusti has meant sensual nourishment, the condition of being well fed and prosperous. The reference to sectaries as the "Epicureans of India" cited at the outset of this essay typifies this view. I noted a similar play on the word among nondevotees in Ujjain when they referred derisively to devotee businessmen. For them, pusti implied the hoarding of wealth, or, with reference to shopkeepers of somewhat obese form, a condition of being sated with the sacred food. In fact I have shown that there appears to be a marked correspondence between physical and spiritual nourishment in the sampradaya 's tradition with food serving as the chief mediator. Whereas food provides for the sustenance of the body, grace provides for the sustenance of the soul. Food and grace are subtly commingled in prasada . On tasting prasada the devotee is nourished by the grace of Krishna.