1. See, for example, DeVane (1965), Kohlstedt (1985), Jarausch (1983), Larson (1977), Light (1983), Vesey (1965), Abbott (1988), and Geiger (1986).

2. On the historical development of professionalized sciences in the United States, see, for example, Kohlstedt (1976, 1985), Kohlstedt and Rossiter (1986), and Rothblatt (1983). On the question of what constitutes a profession, Freidson (1970:4, xvii) observes that it is "folly to be dogmatic about any definition"; at its most basic level, a profession is "an occupation which has assumed a dominant position in a division of labor, so that it gains control over the determination of the substance of its own work." Unlike most occupations, professions have strong (though never completely) autonomous and self-directing attributes (e.g., Hirsch 1974; Restivo 1974). Professionals have both social/cultural and scientific authority as experts over their jurisdictional domains; strength and stability characterize their preeminence, once achieved (Freidson 1970, 1994; Strauss 1971). For further discussion of professionalization processes as more analytically useful than lists of attributes of professions, see Bucher and Strauss (1961), Strauss (1971), and Abbott (1988).

3. Though there is general accord that the sciences were professionalized by the early twentieth century, there has been debate over whether the sciences as disciplines and scientific research as an occupation were/are professions per se. Contributors to this debate include Beer and Lewis (1974), Farber (1982a,b), Freidson (1968), Geison (1981 1983), Gerson (1983), Hughes (1971), Larson (1977), Rosenberg (1979b), and Strauss (1971).

4. See Strauss (1971). Herbst (1983:201) also stresses the impacts of extrauniversity organizations such as private industry and government on the profession, such as influencing pay scales within the university. Abbott (1988) and Freidson (1994) provide important comparative work.

5. Such lay "demand" for services has recently been addressed. See Geison on professions (1983) and Riessman (1983) on women's activities in the medicalization of women's bodily processes.

6. See, for example, Freidson (1970), Geison (1983), Gieryn (1983), Herbst (1983), Light (1983), Rosenberg (1976), and Strauss (1971).

7. For discussion of the origins and development of the term biology, see, for example, Coleman (1971:1-3) and Pauly (1984:370).

8. Research on the institutionalization of professional biology in the late nineteenth century has been ambitious over the past decade or so. See Allen (1981), Churchill (1981), Maienschein (1985a,b,c,d), Pauly (1984), Mitman (1992), Kay (1993b), and the collections edited by Rainger, Benson, and Maienschein (1988), Benson, Maienschein, and Rainger (1991), and Mitman, Clarke, and Maienschein (1993).

9. See Pauly (1984:371), Rainger, Benson, and Maienschein (1988:3-10), and Pauly (1987).

10. Corner (1960:181) notes similar processes on the medical side in anatomy. These students were exposed to a unique combination of faculty at Johns Hopkins: H. Newell Martin offering physiology in a medical framework (prior to the development of a medical school) and W. K. Brooks offering evolutionary morphology and comparative anatomy (Benson 1981, 1985, 1989; Gilbert 1978:308). As Pauly (1984:381) put it, "Their students began to take seriously their pursuit of biology—seen as an intermingling of animal (largely invertebrate) physiology and morphology."

11. On Whitman, see especially Maienschein (1988) and Pauly (1994).

12. Handwritten on University of Chicago Stationery (emphasis in original); undated (ca. 1891 or 1892). UChiA PP1:B18, F6.

13. For accounts of some of these departments, see Pauly (1984), Benson (1981, 1985), and Mitman, Clarke, and Maienschein (1993).

14. See Churchill (1981:189), Cravens (1978:25), Rosenberg (1967:38-40), Pauly (1984:371), Rainger, Benson, and Maienschein (1988:3-11), and Kimmelman (1987, 1992).

15. See, for Woods Hole, Cravens (1978), Lillie (1944), Maienschein (1985a,b,c, 1991b), Werdinger (1980), and Pauly (1988). On Cold Spring Harbor, see Allen (1986) and Cravens (1978).

16. See Churchill (1981:188), Cravens (1978:28-29), Kohlstedt (1976, 1985), Kiger (1963:265), and Appel (1987).

17. There is a vast historical and sociological literature on the development of a medical monopoly through professionalization and specialization processes (e.g., Berlant 1975; Brown 1979; Conrad and Kern 1981; Freidson 1970, 1975, 1994; Larson 1977; Starr 1982; Stevens 1971; Markowitz and Rosner 1979; Numbers 1980; Cangi 1982; Harvey 1981; Sabin 1934; Oakley 1984; Stevens 1971; Sturdy 1993; Halpern 1988; and Digby 1994).

18. See Harvey (1981:104-26) and Kiger (1963).

19. See Harvey (1981:78), Numbers (1980), Shryock (1947), and (Sabin 1934:303).

20. See Marks (1983) and Meldrum (1996).

21. See Lilienfeld (1980) and Brieger (1980).

22. The classic references include Brown (1979), Shryock (1947), Starr (1982), and Stevens (1971). Sabin (1934:251-80) provides an excellent insider history of the development of medicine as science in an elite institution in her biography of Franklin Paine Mall. Sabin (1934:255-58) chronicles earlier efforts in this direction by anatomy faculty at Chicago and Johns Hopkins. Such faculty in numerous instances led the way by seeing themselves as equally close to zoologists involved in the new experimental biology as they were to medicine (Blake 1980:41).

23. See Cangi (1982), Numbers (1980), and Sabin (1934). For accounts of the shift toward scientific medicine in each of the major medical disciplines, see Numbers (1980) and Vogel and Rosenberg (1979). Whether this was originally a two-track or a three-track segmentation is unclear. Certainly three distinctive lines of work developed in medical institutions over this century, with tensions among them: basic research, clinical research, and clinical teaching and practice (Geison 1979; Harvey 1981; Numbers 1980; Shryock 1947:183; Vogel and Rosenberg 1979; Warner 1980:70). There is not a single reference to a reproductive problem addressed by clinical research from ca. 1905 to 1945 in Harvey's (1981) classic work.

24. When he was young, he had wanted to become a zoologist, but this was not seen as an acceptable career in his family (Corner 1958a, 1981).

25. Unquestionably, links to the experimental sciences also gave medicine a new "culturally compelling basis for consolidating its status as an autonomous 'learned profession,' with all of the corporate and material advantages that such status implies" (Geison 1979:85). But whether the science was part of actual practice, "window-dressing," good training in the logics of the body, another terminology for bureaucratization, and/or something else are open questions, subject to multiple readings. Major contributors to this debate include Geison (1979, 1987), Warner (1985), Lawrence (1985), Pauly (1987), Sturdy (1993), and others. Cooter and Sturdy (1992) argue that the increasing emphasis on scientific medicine was part of a growing interest in scientific management more generally, what I have subsumed as industrialization.

26. The literature is ambitious (e.g., Antler and Fox 1978; Apfel and Fisher 1984; Bell 1986, Hiddinga 1987; Corea 1977; Dreifus 1978; Ehrenreich and English 1979; Gordon 1976; Leavitt 1986; Mohr 1978; Oakley 1984; Reed 1983; Scully 1980; Wertz and Wertz 1977; Dally 1992; Moscucci 1990; Riessman 1983; Apple 1990; and Digby 1994).

27. Due to a "jurisdictional battle over the abdomen with the general surgeons," the AMA section was renamed Obstetrics, Gynecology and Abdominal Surgery in 1912, reverting to Obstetrics and Gynecology alone in 1938. On early gynecologic surgery, see also McGregor (1989).

28. The emphasis on surgical solutions to reproductive problems during nineteenth-century gynecology is clear in the insider histories (e.g., Leonardo 1944; Speert 1980:37-71) and in recent secondary works (e.g., Moscucci 1990; and Dally 1992). See also the debate regarding J. Marion Sims's gynecologic surgery (Barker-Benfield 1976; McGregor 1989; Scully 1980), and accounts of early gynecologic surgery in Brieger (1980).

29. See Ludmerer (1983) on teaching hospitals, and see Leavitt (1986) and Miller (1979) on anesthesia. There is now an extensive literature on the elimination of midwives (e.g., Declercq and Lacroix 1985; Haller 1981; Leavitt 1986; Wertz and Wertz 1977, 1981; Wertz 1983; Oakley 1984; Apple 1990).

30. See Oakley (1984), Speert (1980:142-49), Stevens (1971:200), and Fildes, Marks, and Marland (1992).

31. On maternal health, see, for example, Antler and Fox (1978), Lansing, Penman, and Davis (1983), Wertz and Wertz (1977), and Stevens (1971:199-204).

32. See also Riessman (1983), and Edwards and Waldorf (1984).

33. A specialists' text of the era was Hamblen's Endocrine Gynecology (1939). Medical researchers focused largely on the female cycle up to ca. 1940 and then added phenomena of pregnancy to their problems; they did not particularly attend to male reproductive phenomena until long after 1940, though biological and agricultural reproductive researchers did (American Foundation 1955 2:139-40).

34. See Longo (1980:218-19, 1981) and Hahn (1987).

35. See Reed (1983:164); Williams also noted the characteristic lack of clinical opportunities for obstetrics students during the late nineteenth century (Reed 1983:163; Ludmerer 1983). See also Longo (1980, 1981).

36. See Geison (1979) for specific contrasts between the earnings of physician researchers and practitioners.

37. See Corner (1958a:27) and Ramsay (1994:63). See also Sabin (1934:254) for another version of Mall's views on basic research. Mall subsequently became head of the Carnegie Institution of Washington's Department of Embryology at Johns Hopkins.

38. See Apfel and Fisher (1984), Bell (1986), and Borell (1985). J. B. Collip (Hamblen 1939:ix, emphasis added) stated, for example: "Quite irrespective, then, of the degree of clarity that has been obtained in the elucidation of the physiological or pharmacologic properties of chemically pure hormones or extracts of hormones, the clinical value—if any—of such work must be determined by clinical experiment by clinicians working alone or with their colleagues of the laboratory." This text included clinical studies of endocrine therapies; the commercial preparations used were provided by major American pharmaceutical companies (Hamblen 1939:xiii).

39. There is a superb if small secondary literature on the history of American agriculture and agricultural research. See Busch (1981, 1982), Busch and Lacey (1983), Kimmelman (1983, 1987, 1992), Rosenberg (1976), Rossiter (1975, 1976, 1979), Marcus (1985, 1988), and Volberg (1983). Indeed, Rosenberg's (1976) analysis of the situation of agricultural experiment stations and their scientists in relation to the conflicting demands of their audiences, consumers, and professions informs my own. Regrettably, with some exceptions, little has been done on the early development of animal (especially mammalian) agricultural research (Asdell 1977; Byerly 1976; Rossiter 1979). See also Brown (1979), Randolph and Sachs (1981:96), and Lewontin (1982). Randolph and Sachs (1981:96-97) emphasize a contrast between physicians, who were trained in science, and farmers, who were not, creating a need for agricultural science to be "translated" for farmers, largely by agricultural extension workers. I would argue, in contrast, that these were and remain differences in degree rather than in kind. Certainly during the pre-World War II era, many practicing physicians also needed lay translations of developments in medical science. See Harrower (1917) and Robinson (1934) for examples. Moreover, as more and more farmers were educated in agricultural schools and the sciences became specialized, differences likely diminished further. Specialization may not have been as extensive as supposed, however (Gregson 1993).

40. See Rosenberg (1976:135-52), Rossiter (1975), Krohn and Schafer (1976), Fitzgerald (in progress), and Marcus (1985).

41. See Rosenberg (1976:148). True and Clark (1900) offer a full report on the status of the experiment stations to date; see Dupree (1957) for analyses of the origins of the USDA and experiment stations, and Knoblauch, Law, and Meyer (1962) for the centennial insider history of agricultural experiment stations. See also Willham (1986).

42. See Rosenberg (1976:148), Marcus (1985), and Dupree (1957:170).

43. Pursell (1968) provides an intriguing analysis of innovation and rearticulation of goals under duress in agricultural research.

44. See Rosenberg (1976:151). Several efforts in the late nineteenth century failed to establish engineering research stations modeled on those developed in agriculture (Busch and Lacey 1983:14). Busch and Lacey (1983:8) attribute the success of agriculturalists to their pragmatic, problem-focused, Baconian model of corporate research for the public weal, a new and different model of science than had formerly been promoted.

45. See Kohler (1979:50), Rossiter (1975), and Marcus (1985, 1988).

46. See Busch and Lacey (1983), Kimmelman (1983, 1987), and Rosenberg (1976, 1979a). See especially the graphic presentation by Busch and Lacey (1983:12).

47. In many agricultural institutions today these divisions remain lively, reflecting continued commercial interest in their viability. Interviews conducted at the University of California, Davis, and H. H. Cole's (1977) oral history.

48. Where two association names are connected by >, the name was changed to the latter in the year noted after the latter name. See Busch and Lacey (1983), Rossiter (1979), and True and Clark (1900).

49. In 1905, there were 7 zoologists and biologists employed, compared with 143 animal husbandmen, poultrymen, dairymen, and veterinarians (Rossiter 1979:217).

50. On breeding, see Allen (1991), Byerly (1976), Lush (1951), Reingold (1982), Kimmelman (1987:chapter 5), Provine (1986:98-160, 317-26), and Chapman (1987). Bugos (1992) discusses unique intellectual property issues in the history of chicken breeding. Cooke (1997) discusses innovations in chicken breeding linked to statistics.

51. See Powell (1927:19), and also Wiser (1987), Wiser, Mark, and Purchase (1987), and Byerly (1986). On contagious abortion, see Wilkinson (1992).

52. For example, agricultural breeding specialist Jay Lush wrote his 1925 doctoral dissertation on "sex control by artificial insemination with centrifuged spermatozoa," under L. J. Cole of the University of Wisconsin's Department of Experimental Breeding (Chapman 1987:280).

53. Interview with A. V. Nalbandov, April 7, 1984, Urbana, Illinois. See Herman (1981) for a history of artificial insemination in farm animals.

54. Specialization was not the refined process it is today. This does not mean that there was no competition between groups with different emphases. See, for example, Dodds (1941) and Parkes (1963).

55. Charles Otis Whitman's report on "The Hull Zoological Laboratory" in The President's Report, University of Chicago, 1898-99:182.

56. Debate focused on whether the shift was revolutionary or evolutionary, whether there was a revolt from the morphological approaches that characterized nineteenth-century life sciences (Allen 1978, 1979, 1981; Coleman 1971:162; 1985) or a more gradual shift to incorporate the new approaches (Benson 1981, 1985, 1989; Farber 1982a,b; Maienschein 1981, 1983, 1985a,b,d; Maienschein, Rainger, and Benson 1981). Churchill (1981) offers an excellent summary of debate to that date. More recent work (Rainger, Benson, and Maienschein 1988; and Benson, Maienschein, and Rainger 1991) argues for diversity and multiplicity of approaches to the shift.

57. See Allen (1978), Churchill (1970, 1973), Oppenheimer (1967:188-205), Gilbert (1987, 1991), Clarke (1991a), and Maienschein (1991a).

58. See, for example, Maienschein (1991b), and Mayr and Provine (1980). That is, for example, while histology and cytology in medicine were generally "part of" anatomy, anatomy was itself becoming increasingly physiological and biochemical in its approaches to research; many anatomists saw themselves as experimental zoologists in medical institutions (Blake 1980; Corner 1958a,b, 1960), discussed further below. Workers from varying perspectives also had differing definitions of the scope of cytology (cf. Allen 1978; Bourne and Danielli 1952; Corner 1958a,b, 1960; and Farley 1982).

59. See Kohler (1979, 1982), Rossiter (1975), and Cranefield (1959:264).

60. See Beer and Lewis (1974), Jarausch (1983), Kohlstedt (1985), Vesey (1965), and Geiger (1986).

61. University of Chicago President's Reports, 1892-1902:53.

62. See DeVane (1965), Jarausch (1983), Light (1983), Vesey (1965), and Geiger (1986). Both Geiger and the monograph edited by Jarausch (1983) engage many of Vesey's (1965) analyses in fresh debate, beyond the present scope.

63. See Jarausch (1983:13). A reliable estimate of the proportion in relation to population enrolled in colleges and graduate schools is 5 percent in 1900, 5.6 percent in 1910, 9 percent in 1920, and 15 percent in 1930. These are based on age-appropriate cohorts by Burke (in Jarausch 1983:14-16). Coben (1979:229) notes 4.0 percent in 1900 to 12.42 percent in 1930.

64. See DeVane (1965:81) and Machlup (1962:77-78, 91). In 1900, there were 5,688 students; in 1910, there were more than 6,000; in 1930, there were 47,225; and in 1950, there were 233,786 (DeVane 1965:51).

65. See DeVane (1965:42) and Barrow (1990:60-95). Vesey (1965:267-68) notes the paucity of data on the origins of these organizational schema. Only the details, he found, appear in the record, with no discussion of the larger issues and assumptions about the nature of organizational changes that were so similar across divergent institutions that they could not be local variations. Vesey (1965) and DeVane (1965) largely attribute the shift in approach to a corporate model of organization to the replacement of clergymen on university boards of trustees with businessmen.

66. Borell (1989) points to the similar physical organization of university laboratories and factories in photos of the era.

67. In 1920, there were about three hundred industrial research laboratories, growing to over one thousand in 1927 (Coben 1979:229). By 1940, more than two thousand corporations reported laboratories employing about seventy thousand people (Birr 1979:199).

68. See, for example, DuPree (1957), Shryock (1947), Geiger (1986:2), and Clarke (1993).

69. See Clarke (1987, 1995b), Shapin (1988), and Gossel (1992).

70. See, for example, Aberle and Corner (1953), Nagi and Corwin (1972:15), Abir-Am (1982), Haraway (1989), Kohler (1976, 1978, 1991), and Geiger (1993). Clarke (1993) provides a case study in the reproductive sciences.

71. Program in Experimental Biology, April 17, 1935. RAC RF RG1.1 S216 B8 F103.

72. To Frank R. Lillie from Warren Weaver, October 6, 1933. RAC RF RG1.1 S216d B8 F105.

73. Regrettably, Gregg does not provide Cannon's response. To Dr. Yerkes, November 23, 1942. RAC RF RG1.1 S200 B39 F443.

74. There is general accord on this point in the secondary literature and in ''insider histories." See Asdell (1977), Borell (1985), Corner (1981), Evans (1959), Medvei (1982), and Parkes (1966a,b). Pressman (1991, 1997) takes up the timing of the development of psychiatry in America in similar ways.

75. To Col. A. Woods, Rockefeller Foundation, April 12, 1928. RAC RF RG1.1 S200 B40 F453.

76. See especially Aberle and Corner (1953) and Corner (1981) for this perspective.

77. Asdell's (1977:8, emphasis added) second argument is most intriguing. Here he addresses the problem structure that life scientists had constructed and themselves confronted around the turn of the twentieth century: "In fact, the physiology of reproduction was investigated very slowly. After the initial discoveres [of ova and sperm], the attention of biologists seems to have been diverted in the direction of working out the changes that take place in the cell nucleus during division, and in the study of embryological development. Eventually, both of these led back to reproduction, in the case of embryology because of the demand for more accurately aged material." Asdell's description of what scientists did attend to is certainly accurate: heredity and evolution were central. Moreover, researchers' demands for more accurately aged embryonic material did lead back to reproductive research problems in ironic ways. The irony is that a key piece of research in the United States that promoted the development of reproductive research as a major line of work was not in pursuit of a reproductive problem. Charles R. Stockard and George Papanicolaou (1917a) published on the estrus cycle of the guinea pig as a scientific by-product of their attempt to date guinea pig embryos (Oppenheimer 1984); see also Pauly (1996). This research was followed by parallel work dating the estrus cycle via vaginal smears by Joseph A. Long and Herbert M. Evans's work on the rat (1922), Edgar Allen's on the mouse (1922), George W. Corner's on the monkey (1923), and Evans and Cole's (1931) on the dog (which did not work well), all projects central to the reproductive sciences (discussed in chapter 4). I discuss these researches in some detail in chapter 4. Studer and Chubin (1976:12) offer interesting citation analyses on these key articles.

78. There is an ambitious literature on eugenics. See especially Bajema (1976), Haller (1963), Kevles (1981, 1985), Ludmerer (1972), Pickens (1968), Searle (1981), Soloway (1982, 1990), and Pauly (1993). For intensive analysis of the relations between the eugenics and birth control movements, see Gordon (1975, 1976/1990) and Chesler (1992).

79. See, for example, Kevles (1985), Ludmerer (1983), Soloway (1995) and Pauly (1984:395, 1996).

80. For an explicit articulation of criteria, see H. Laughlin's Model Eugenical Sterilization Law, first published in 1922, in Bajema (1976:139-45).

81. See, for example, Pickens (1968), Reed (1983), Sanger (1971), Chesler (1992), and McCann (1994).

82. See MacKenzie (1981a), and Haraway (1995). There had, of course, been earlier forms of population-based science centered on census data and other similar approaches (MacKenzie 1981a,b; Provine 1986).

83. See Kevles (1981, 1985), MacKenzie (1981a), Allen (1991), and Porter (1995).

84. See Borell (1987a), Ledbetter (1976), Maas, (1974), Marks (1982), Osborn (1967), Reed (1983:202-6, 301, 337), and Harr and Johnson (1988:452-67). On the history of demography, see Hodgson (1983, 1988, 1991) and Greenhalgh (1996).

85. Minutes of the Preliminary Conference on a Population Association for the United States. New York University, December 15, 1930, with the cooperation of the Milbank Memorial Fund. RAC BSH SIII-2 B9 F191.