1. On the African-American migration, see Nicholas Lemann, The Promised Land: The Great Black Migration and How It Changed America , reprint (New York: Vintage Books, 1991). Local wartime references to rising black consciousness included "Negro Legion Post to Be Formed Here," Riverside Daily Press , June 10, 1940, 2: 1; "Colored Soldiers Reception Guests," ibid., March 26, 1941, p. 10; "Veto Defeats Council's Move to Aid Settlement," ibid., August 19, 1941, p. 4; "Race Bans in Defense Denied,'' ibid., October 21, 1941, p. 2; "Riverside Men and Women on the Honor Roll of Air Raid Wardens in the Fourth Ward," ibid., May 18, 1942, p. 9; "Eighty Negro Soldiers Guests at Lincoln Park," ibid., January 14, 1943, p. 4; "Race Relations to Be Discussed by NAACP," ibid., July 19, 1943, p. 5; "Equal Opportunity for Whites and Negroes [editorial]," ibid., February 24, 1944, p. 16; "Race Problems Have Discussion," ibid., March 4, 1944, p. 8; "The Negro Vote as a Factor in the November Elections [editorial]," ibid., August 30, 1944, p. 14; "Negro Residents Active in Sales of War Bonds," ibid., June 24, 1944, p. 3.

2. John Hope Franklin, From Slavery to Freedom: A History of Negro Americans , 3d ed. (New York: Vintage Books, 1969), 572-607, and Richard Polenberg, War and Society: The United States, 1941-1945 (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1972), 99-130.

3. Robert C. Weaver, The Negro Ghetto , reprint with a new preface (New York: Russell & Russell, [1948] 1967), 77-98, 99-138. "The Negro lost" quoted from ibid., p. 104. Statistics on Detroit housing and population from ibid., p. 86; on Detroit's housing during wartime, see also ibid., pp. 114-116. For the statistics on African-American percentages of priority wartime housing, see ibid., pp. 144-145. See also Dominic J. Capeci, Jr., Race Relations in Detroit: The Sojourner Truth Housing Controversy, 1937-1942 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1984); Arnold R. Hirsch, Making the Second Ghetto: Race and Housing in Chicago, 1940 to 1960 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983); and Allan H. Spears, Black Chicago: The Making of a Negro Ghetto, 1890-1920 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1967).

4. Bredemeier, The Federal Public Housing Movement ; Fish, The Story of Housing ; Keith, Politics and the Housing Crisis ; and May, Homeward Bound , 168-69. May locates the social forces that precipitated the federal policies favoring suburban family homes in the cold war, rather than in the depression of the 1930s; see ibid., pp. 169-172.

5. Findlay does not mention federal interference with local social control as a reason for the postwar panic of "cities out of control"; see John M. Findlay, Magic Lands: Western Cityscapes and American Culture after 1940 (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 1993), 33-51.

6. "If a neighborhood" quoted from Federal Housing Administration, Underwriting Manual , par. 937; see also, pars. 973, 1032. For racial covenant requirements, see par. 980.3.

7. Weaver, The Negro Ghetto , 166-170.

8. Ibid., pp. 148-154, 157-164; Eunice Grier and George Grier, Privately Developed Interracial Housing: An Analysis of Experience , Special Research Report to the Commission on Race and Housing (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1960), 143-155.

9. "One of the most" quoted from U.S. Committee on Civil Rights, Charles E. Wilson, Chairman, To Secure These Rights (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1946), 68; see also pp. 84-85, 89; "The right to housing" discussed, pp. 18-19, 40-47, 68, 83-87, 169. On

Truman's motivation, see William E. Leuchtenburg, "The Conversion of Harry Truman," pp. 274-288 in Leonard Dinnerstein and Kenneth T. Jackson, eds., American Vistas, vol. 2: 1877 to the Present , 7th ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995); see also Kluger, Simple Justice , 249-253; Robert H. Ferrell, Harry S. Truman and the Modern American Presidency (Boston: Little, Brown, 1983), 96-99; Chafe, Unfinished Journey , 88-91; Hamby, Liberalism and Its Challengers , 66-69; William C. Berman, The Politics of Civil Rights in the Truman Administration (1970), as excerpted in Alonzo L. Hamby, ed., Harry S. Truman and the Fair Deal (Lexington, Mass.: D. C. Heath, 1974), 184-187; and David McCullough, Truman (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1992), 588-593.

10. Clement E. Vose, Caucasians Only: The Supreme Court, the NAACP, and the Restrictive Covenant Cases (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1959). Federal participation discussed, pp. 168-174. See also Kluger, Simple Justice , 250-255. "Both Presidents" quoted from the federal amicus brief, published as Prejudice and Property: An Historic Brief Against Racial Covenants, Submitted to the Supreme Court By Tom C. Clark and Philip B. Perlman (Washington, D.C.: Public Affairs Press, 1948), 70. "[Racially restrictive covenants] are responsible" quoted from ibid., p. 23. On the social disintegrative effects of covenants on African-Americans, see ibid., p. 14. On the role of covenants in barring minorities from modern postwar housing, see ibid., pp. 18-19.

11. Robert Weaver prepared the sociological data on the social and economic effects of racial covenants presented by NAACP lawyers to the Supreme Court. The sociological brief was drawn from materials published in 1948 as Robert C. Weaver, The Negro Ghetto ; see Vose, Caucasians Only , 163-163.

12. Weaver, The Negro Ghetto , 66-138. See also Gunnar Myrdal, An American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy , with the assistance of Richard Sterner and Arnold Rose (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1944), 618-627.

13. On the Court's decision, see Vose, Caucasians Only , 205-210. On the FHA's eligibility rule of 1950, see ibid., pp. 225-227.

14. See Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier , 224-228, for an overview of the history of public housing that focuses on the siting issue. See also Huthmacher, Senator Robert Wagner and the Rise of Urban Liberalism , 205-216, 299-302, 322-325, 335-336. Riverside's local press followed the national events. A few of the articles from the Riverside Daily Press , which establish continuity in local attention to the issue are D. Harold Oliver, "Slum Clearance Measure [the Wagner Act] Signed," September 2, 1937, p. 2; "Coalition Kills Housing Bill Too," August 3, 1939, p. 1; "Truman Housing Bill [Wagner-Ellender-Taft bill] Shelved by Congress," July 30, 1946, p. 2; "Low-Income Family Housing Problem Recognized in New Senate Bill [editorial]," March 21, 1947, p. 18; "Truman Outlines Vast Low-Rent Housing Plan,'' February 23, 1948, p. 1; "Failure of Housing Legislation Sure to Be Warm Campaign Issue [editorial]," June 28, 1948, p. 20; "Are Political Considerations, or Facts, to Govern the Housing Problem? [editorial]," July 20, 1948, p. 30; "Truman Signs Housing Bill," August 10, 1948, p. I [the bill referenced had been sponsored by Republican party opponents of publicly assisted low-rent housing and slum clearance and did not contain funding for these programs]; "Dewey Says New Deal Caused Housing Woes," October 8, 1948, p. 1; "Truman Awaits Recommendations on New Home, Foreign Policies," November 26, 1948, p. 1 [reviews legislation that would be part of Truman's Fair Deal]; "Housing Measure Goes to Senate Floor Tomorrow," February 24, 1949, p. 1 [unsuccessful effort of liberals to amend a housing bill to prohibit racial segregation in public housing projects]; "Truman Thinks Most of Program Will Pass; Pleas for Housing," March 21, 1949, p. 1; "Contractors Join

Demand to Kill Federal Housing," April 4, 1949, p. 20 [concerning support of Riverside chapter of Building Contractors' Association for efforts of congressional Republicans to defeat public housing bill]; "Housing Bill Passed by Senate," April 22, 1949, p. 1 [further efforts to amend bill to prohibit racial discrimination in public housing failed]; "Trumanites Exult as Housing Passes," June 30, 1949, p. 1; "Housing Bill Most Striking Action of This Session [editorial],'' July 13, 1949, p. 24; "Slum Clearance Work May Start Here Soon," July 22, 1949, p. 9.

15. On the East Side housing survey of 1948 by the Riverside Council of Church Women, see "Forum to Feature Housing, Slum Clearance Films," Riverside Daily Press , October 19, 1948, p. 5. The report of results of the survey is in the Riverside Public Library Local History Collection. "Slum Clearance Work May Start Here Soon," ibid., July 22, 1949, p. 1; "Council Moves Toward Securing Housing Aid," ibid., August 16, 1949, p. 1.

16. "'The members walked'" quoted from "Colored People Ask for Private Plunge," Riverside Enterprise , May 24, 1922, p. 1. On the local hearings requirement of the 1937 and 1949 housing acts, see Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier , 224-225.

17. For the history of the Riverside County Housing Authority, see "County Housing Authority Urged," Riverside Daily Press , November 19, 1942, p. 1; "Housing Authority Organized for County," ibid., November 23, 1942, p. 8; "County Housing Authority Will Operate in City," ibid., April 27, 1943, p. 5. On privately constructed defense housing, see "Two City Projects Announced," ibid., September 23, 1942, p. 7. For the expectation that defense housing was temporary, see "Public, War Housing on Temporary Basis," ibid., April 24, 1943, p. 5. On local results in the 1948 California housing initiative, see "City Landlords Enter Public Housing Battle," ibid., December 3, 1949, p. 9. The story of Riverside's realty industry's effort to obtain a city housing authority can be followed in "Realtors Request Separate City Housing Authority," ibid., May 19, 1949, p. 1; "Realtors Urging Separate Local Housing Authority," ibid., August 25, 1949, p. 6; "City Landlords Enter Public Housing Battle," ibid., December 3, 1949, p. 9; "Landlords Prepare Attack on Public Housing Council," December 5, 1949, p. 13; "City Council Firm on Public Housing Plans," ibid., December 6, 1949, p. 13; "Housing Aid Foes Move to Kill Program Here," ibid., December 15, 1949, p. 6. On the estimate of federal funds that might come to the city, see "Housing Requests Go to Capital Soon," ibid., August 17, 1949, p. 9.

18. The Riverside Daily Press editorially summarized the opposition to public housing during the controversy over the November 1948 California public housing initiative, which would have authorized state loans to local housing authorities and was partly justified to provide housing for veterans; "No. 11 Promises Great Expense, But No Additional Housing," editorial, Riverside Daily Press , October 21, 1948, p. 32; see also "Are Political Considerations, or Facts, to Govern the Housing Problem," editorial, ibid., July 22, 1948, p. 30, which claimed that 75 percent of American families could afford housing in the private marketplace. The housing initiative is explained in "Initiative to Alleviate Housing Lack Explained," ibid., June 30, 1948, p. 5. Voters defeated the housing initiative—Proposition 11 on the California November 2 ballot—by better than 2 to 1; see table in "State Vote on Propositions," ibid., November 4, 1948, p. 4. On the continued contest over the New Deal, see "Is There Any Demurrer in the Resolution of the Election for the Nation's Press?" ibid., November 16, 1948, p. 24. The characterization of public housing as "socialistic" originated with its supporters, such as the city mayor, William C. Evans, but was soon repeated with acerbity by opponents; see the city council exchange between a Democratic councilman and Evans, "Council Votes to Seek Low-

Rent Housing Aid," ibid., November 29, 1949, p. 13, and "Tilden Says Beware of Housing Program Here," ibid., December 2, 1949, p. 9. For the eruption of anticommunism issues within the controversy over federal public housing in southern California, see Donald Craig Parson, "Urban Politics During the Cold War: Public Housing, Urban Renewal, and Suburbanization in Los Angeles'' (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles, 1985).

19. "Housing Bill Goes to Senate," Riverside Daily Press , August 25, 1949, p. 1. Public housing supporting coalition cited in "City Council Firm on Public Housing Plans," ibid., December 6, 1949, p. 13; "City's Ministers Okay Housing Plan," ibid., December 21, 1949, p. 13; "Labor Council of AFL Endorses Housing Program," ibid., January 11, 1950, p. 16. See also Patterson, Colony for California , 299-300.

20. Quotations from "Pro and Con on Housing Was Sharp," Riverside Daily Press , December 7, 1949, p. 13, and "Scott Defends Public Housing for Riverside," ibid., December 8, 1949, p. 5.

21. "Slum Clearance Work May Start Here Soon," Riverside Daily Press , July 22, 1949, p. 9. "Tilden Says Beware of Housing Program Here," ibid., December 2, 1949, p. 9; "Tilden Proposes Substitute for Federal Housing," ibid., December 15, 1949, p. 6; "Baltimore Plan Urged for Riverside's Slums," ibid., December 29, 1949, p. 9. "'You may have'" quoted from "Property Owner Group Blasts Housing Project," ibid., December 20, 1949, p. 18. "Public housing" quoted from "Proposition No. 10," ibid., October 30, 1950, p. 28. The editorial recommended a favorable vote on a November 1950 California statewide initiative to require approval of a majority of voters before a federal public housing project could be located in a community. Political alignments over slum clearance somewhat similar to Riverside were established in the 1930s in New York City; see Deborah S. Gardner, "Site Selection and the New York City Housing Authority, 1934-1939," Journal of Urban History 12 (1986): 334-352.

22. On receipt of grants by other cities, see "Beaumont Gets $4800 for Loan for Public Housing," Riverside Daily Press , August 24, 1950, p. 13, and "SB County Gets Big Housing Loan," ibid., October 30, 1950, p. 19. On statewide realty leadership, see "Contractors Ask Stop on U.S. Housing Plea," ibid., April 29, 1950, p. 7 (Marshal Tilden was president of the Building Contractors' Association); "Builders Hit Public Housing, Tighe Woods," ibid., November 18, 1950, p. 9. On the shift to defense housing, see "U.S. Housing Program Shifting Toward War," ibid., December 26, 1950, p. 6. See also Peter Kivisto, "A Historical Review of Changes in Public Housing and Their Impacts on Minorities," in Jamshid A. Momenti, ed., Race, Ethnicity, and Minority Housing in the United States (New York: Greenwood Press, 1986), 1-18.

23. "Home Building Boom Strong in Third Year," Riverside Daily Press , October 20, 1948, p. 7B; "Biggest Building Year in History," ibid., January 1, 1949, p. 3. "The area" and "should plan" quotations from "City Planners to Hear Multiple Dwelling Petition," ibid., April 6, 1949, p. 11; "Planners O.K. Housing Zone," ibid., April 8, 1949, p. 9; "Big Multiple Housing Area Created in City," ibid., April 20, 1949, p. 13, mentions that a new industrial zone had been created to the north of the rezoned area and workers in industries there would also probably rent in the newly rezoned area.

24. The minority enrollment statistics for Longfellow school were provided by the Eastside Settlement House to a newspaper reporter; see Beth Teters, "Fundamentals of Negro Life Probed in Series," Riverside Daily Press , February 15, 1950, p. 4. The publication of this series of articles on Riverside's African-American community in itself revealed the turmoil generated by local redistribution of minority population. The point

made about lack of wholesale white flight from North East Side is made only on the basis of racial identification. It does not address the question of shifting class composition of the area. Considering the long-term declining proportion of owner-resident, single-family houses, it is likely that the income level of Anglo residents declined. Huang brings forward evidence from the 1960 census—though block statistics are not available—that North East Side represented nearly the poorest census districts of the city, save only the poverty of the old East Side. See Hongwei Huang, "Historic Preservation at Eastside" (M.A. field report for the Program in Historic Resources Management, Department of History, University of California, Riverside, 1992). For a later assessment of subsequent progress in residential racial integration in Riverside, see "Integration in Riverside: What the Numbers Say," Riverside Press-Enterprise , August 27, 1989, B: 1. See also, Michael N. Danielson, The Politics of Exclusion (New York: Columbia University Press, 1976), 27-129.

25. William H. Chafe, The Unfinished Journey: America since World War II , 2d ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), 80; Kluger, Simple Justice , 253. "Consumer spending" quoted from Carolyn Shaw Bell, Consumer Choice in the American Economy (New York: Random House, 1967), 34. On President Truman's support for the Rooseveltian public power position, see John Richard Waltrip, Public Power during the Truman Administration (New York: Arno Press, 1979), 30-35, 79-81, 85-86. On Elaine May's thesis in Homeward Bound, see note 4, this chapter.

26. "It is especially" quoted from U.S. Housing and Home Finance Agency, Housing of the Nonwhite Population, 1940-1950 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1951), 14; see also pp. 13-14. Owner occupancy rates from table 7, "Condition and Plumbing Facilities by Occupancy and Color of Occupants, for the United States, Urban and Rural: 1950," pp. 1-4, Bureau of the Census, Census of Housing: 1950, Volume 1, General Characteristics, Part 1, United States Summary (Washington, D.C., 1953); 1960 calculated from absolute data in table 9, "Tenure, Vacancy Status, and Condition and Plumbing Facilities for the United States, Inside and Outside SMSA's, Urban and Rural: 1960," p. 1-40, Bureau of the Census, 1960: Census of Housing, Volume 1, States and Small Areas, Part 1, United States Summary (Washington, D.C., 1961). Home ownership rate of nonwhite households, 1940-1960, calculated from table 16, U.S. Housing and Home Finance Agency, Housing of the Nonwhite Population , p. 38; table 24, "Selected Population and Housing Characteristics By Color For The United States: 1950 and 1960," table 32, "Selected Characteristics of Urban Housing By Color of Occupants, United States: 1950 and 1960,'' table 33, "Selected Characteristics of Housing United By Color Of Occupants, For The United States, Urban and Rural: 1960," U.S. Housing and Home Finance Agency, Our Nonwhite Population and Its Housing: The Changes Between 1950 and 1960 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, May 1963). Urban housing quality for nonwhite households, 1950 and 1960, from table 24, "Selected Population and Housing Characteristics By Color For The United States: 1950 and 1960," U.S. Housing and Home Finance Agency, Our Nonwhite Population and Its Housing .

27. FHA and VA housing starts, 1935-1960, from cols. 2, 3: Series N 180-185, "Private Owned Housing United in Major Federal Programs: 1935 to 1970," Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics of the United States (1976), 2:641. Col. 4: Series N 157, "New Housing Units Started, by Ownership, Type of Structure, Location, and Construction Cost: 1889-1970," ibid., p. 639.

28. See table 1.1, chapter 1.

29. My inspiration for this view is Thomas S. Kuhn, "The Invisibility of Revolu-

tions," in Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions , 2d ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970), 136-143.

30. Best and Cuttle quoted from "Riversiders Vitally Interested in Proposal to Enlarge Supreme Court," Riverside Daily Press , February 10, 1937, p. 1 f.; "Riverside Votes 20 to 1 Against," ibid., February 24, 1937, p. 9; "Vote Still Stands Two to One Against Roosevelt's Supreme Court Program," ibid., February 25, 1937, p. 2; "East Votes Heavily Against Roosevelt Court Change,'' ibid., February 26, 1937, p. 8; "Final Vote Shows 2 to 1 Opposed to Court Change," ibid., March 1, 1937, p. 8. The survey is not a scientific poll of Riverside's or the nation's electorate. The disaffection of Orange County, California, with Roosevelt similarly began with reaction against the court plan; see Robert L. Pritchard, "Orange County During the Depressed Thirties: A Study in Twentieth-Century California Local History," in Bernard Sternsher, ed., Hitting Home: The Great Depression in Town and Country (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1970), 261. Also see William E. Leuchtenburg, "Franklin D. Roosevelt's Supreme Court 'Packing' Plan," [1969 paper] reprinted in Dubofsky, The New Deal , 271-304, esp. pp. 280, 291-294. The court-packing controversy generated a large, partisan literature, but no titles I located examined local political opinion over the controversy. I found useful Edward S. Corwin, Constitutional Revolution. Ltd. (Claremont, Calif.: Pomona College, Scripps College, Claremont Colleges, 1941), esp. pp. 39-79, 80-177; and Robert H. Jackson [appointed to the U.S. Supreme Court by Roosevelt in 1941], The Struggle for Judicial Supremacy: A Study of a Crisis in American Power Politics (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, [1941] 1949). C. Herman Pritchett, The Roosevelt Court: A Study in Judicial Politics and Values, 1937-1947 (New York: Macmillan, 1948), examines the Court after the court-packing controversy. For a historical reassessment of the "old Court," that sat before Roosevelt's Court appointments after 1937, defending the flexibility of the old Court on economic doctrine, see Arthur Shenfield, "The New Deal and the Supreme Court," in Eden, The New Deal and Its Legacy , 166-176. See Alan Brinkley, The End of Reform: New Deal Liberalism in Recession and War (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1995), on how the court-packing controversy and recession of 1937 changed the New Deal, esp. the overview, pp. 3-30.

31. On a related point, see Graham, Toward a Planned Society , 98-100.

32. For discussion of the collapse of labor-capital antagonism, see Steve Fraser, "The 'Labor Question,'" in Fraser and Gerstle, Rise and Fall of the New Deal Order , 55-84, and Nelson Lichtenstein, "From Corporatism to Collective Bargaining: Organized Labor and the Eclipse of Social Democracy in the Postwar Era," in ibid., pp. 122-152, both of which cite the relevant monographic literature. Cf. Gary Gerstle, Working-Class Americanism: The Politics of Labor in a Textile City, 1914-1960 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 263-264, 278-279, 310-330.

33. May, Homeward Bound , 162-182; Godfrey Hodgkin, America in Our Time (New York: Random House, 1978), 86-90; Lipsitz, Rainbow at Midnight , 252-278; Robert Eden, "Introduction: A Legacy of Questions," in Eden, The New Deal Legacy , 2-3; Charles R. Kesler, "The Public Philosophy of the New Freedom and the New Deal," in ibid., pp. 155-166; Morton J. Frisch, "An Appraisal of Roosevelt's Legacy: How the Moderate Welfare State Transcended the Tension Between Progressivism and Socialism," in ibid., pp. 190-198.

34. Brinkley, The End of Reform , 227-264, on the shift from state coordinated planning of investment and production of the 1930s for purpose of economic stabilization to state planning of national economic growth through regulating aggregate consumer demand in 1940s. See also Graham, Toward a Planned Society , 80-90.

35. Hodgkin, America in Our Time , 87. Hamby believes that since Roosevelt the institutional capability of the presidency for leadership has been tied to the broadcast media; see Alonzo L. Hamby, Liberalism and Its Challengers: FDR to Reagan (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), vii. Elizabeth A. Foner-Wolf, Selling Free Enterprise: The Business Assault on Labor and Liberalism, 1945-1960 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994).

36. Chafe, The Unfinished Journey , 112-113. Chafe does not make the point that home building represented a shift from a nation of renters to a nation of home owners as a policy goal of the New Deal and a Rooseveltian value. See also May, Homeward Bound , 167, 174-182. On the connection between automobiles, home ownership, and suburbia, see Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier , 246-271.

37. Fischer, America Calling , 175-192.

38. Cf. Albert Borgmann, Technology and the Character of Contemporary Life: A Philosophical Inquiry (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, [1984] 1987).

39. See Fischer's parallel, though not political, view; Fischer, America Calling , 265-268.