1. For a general view of the political and social environment of early-nineteenth-century Mexico, see Michael Costeloe, The Central Republic in Mexico, 1835-1846: Hombres de Bien in the Age of Santa Ana (Cambridge, 1993); and Josefina Vázquez, "El federalismo mexicano, 1823-1847," in Federalismos latinoamericanos: México, Brasil, Argentina , ed. Marcelo Carmagnani (Mexico City, 1993), 15-50.

2. Justo Sierra, Evolución política del pueblo mexicano (Caracas, 1980), 287.

3. Regarding the regional and professional origins of this elite, as well as its political and economic unfolding, see François X. Guerra, México del antíguo régimen a la revolución , trans. Sergio Fernández Bravo, vol. 1 (Mexico City, 1988), 59-181; José C. Valadés, El porfirismo: Historia de un régimen , vol. 1 (Mexico City, 1987), 70-89; A. de Maria y Campos, "Porfirianos prominentes: Orígenes y años de juventud de ocho intelectuales del grupo de los científicos, 1846-1876," Historia Mexicana 34 (1985): 610-51.

4. For insights on the notion of aristocratic culture, see William H. Beezley, Judas at the Jockey Club and Other Episodes of Porfirian Mexico (Lincoln, Nebraska, 1987). See also the account of the nostalgia of the Porfirian belle époque in Carlos Tello Díaz, El exilio: Un relato de familia (Mexico City, 1993).

5. German Foreign Office papers, quoted by Friedrich Katz, "Mexico: Restored Republic and Porfiriato, 1867-1910," in The Cambridge History of Latin America , ed. L. Bethell, vol. 5 (Cambridge, 1986), 57.

6. By 1900, Guerra argues, 82 percent of the Porfirian elite were professionals: 57 percent, lawyers; 15 percent, medical doctors; and 10 percent, engineers. See Guerra, México , vol. 1, 65.

7. See Esther Acevedo, Catálogo del retrato del siglo XIX en el Museo Nacional de Historia (Mexico City, 1982); Enrique Krauze, Místico de la autoridad: Porfirio Díaz (Mexico City, 1987); and Alan Knight's comments on Diaz seen by foreigners as "probably all white" (Alan Knight, The Mexican Revolution , vol. 1 [Cambridge, 1986], 3-4).

8. For the emergence and significance of this group within the Mexican liberal tradition, see Hale, Transformation of Liberalism , 3-13, 20-24, and chap. 2.

9. Justo Sierra, Evolución política del pueblo mexicano (Caracas, 1980), 265.

10. See Hale, Transformation of Liberalism , 3-8, 25-36.

11. Knight, Mexican Revolution , vol. 1, 15.

12. DO, 15 May 1889, 1.

13. On the concept of atomization, see Guerra, México , vol. 1, 46.

14. Compare Guerra's characterization of social actors in the Porfirian regime and the two types of solidarities—modern and traditional (ibid., 127-80).

13. On the concept of atomization, see Guerra, México , vol. 1, 46.

14. Compare Guerra's characterization of social actors in the Porfirian regime and the two types of solidarities—modern and traditional (ibid., 127-80).

15. Regarding the belief in Mexico's beauty and natural wealth, see Moisés González Navarro, HMM, El porfiriato: Vida social , 135-48. See also Cosío Villegas's explanation of the liberal consensus in the prosperity of Mexican lands: Daniel Cosío Villegas, "La riqueza legendaria de México," in Extremos de América , ed. Daniel Cosío Villegas (Mexico City, 1949), 82-111. For an analysis of the influence of this belief on the creation of a national literature, see Jorge Rueda de la Serna, Los orígenes de la visión paradisiáca de la naturaleza mexicana (Mexico City, 1987), 65-89.

16. See Leopoldo Zea's classic account of Mexican positivism: El positivismo en Méx-ico (Mexico City, 1968), originally published in 1943. A different perspective is in William D. Raat, El positivismo durante el porfiriato, 1876-1910 (Mexico City, 1975). For a deeper understanding of positivism vis-à-vis Darwinism and sciences in Mexico, see Hale, Transformation of Liberalism , chap. 7; Roberto Moreno, La polémica del darwinismo en México, siglo XIX (Mexico City, 1989); and M. González Navarro, Historia y sociología (Mexico City, 1970).

17. David Brading has examined lucidly the notion of criollo patriotism. See David

Brading, The Origins of Mexican Nationalism (Cambridge, 1985); and David Brading, Prophecy and Myth in Mexican History (Cambridge, 1984), esp. 37-53.

18. This is an important point that is often overlooked. For Mexico, see Hale's discussion of the influence of Emilio Castelar and the concept of an "age of eloquence" in Transformation of Liberalism , 40-43; and Hale, "Political and Social Ideas in Latin America, 1870-1930," in The Cambridge History of Latin America , ed. L. Bethell, vol. 4 (Cambridge, 1986), 367-441, 637-643. For analyses of these aspects in other Latin American historiographical traditions, see A. Woll, Functional Past: The Uses of History in Nineteenth-Century Chile (Baton Rouge, 1982); and Germán Colmenares, Las convenciones contra la cultura (Bogotá, 1987). See also Hugh Cunningham, "The Language of Patriotism, 1750-1914,'' History Workshop , no. 12 (1981): 1-32; and Josep M. Fradera, Cultura nacional en una societat dividida (Barcelona, 1992), 127-234.

19. Luis González, La ronda de las generaciones (Mexico City, 1984), 32.

20. Lucas Ayarragaray, "Porfirio Díaz," Revista de Derecho, Historia y Letras 10 (1901):428.

21. See Eugène-Melchior de Vogüé's passionate discussion of the pavilions of war and social economy in "Á travers l'Exposition. VII. La Guerre.-La Paix sociale," Revue des Deux Mondes 95 (October 1889):677-93.

22. As in many other realms, the history of the Mexican economy has put a strong emphasis on the Revolution of 1910 as a watershed. New histories are beginning to break this historiographic-political belief. In this regard, see John Womack, "The Mexican Economy during the Revolution, 1910-1920: Historiography and Analysis," Marxist Perspective 1 (1978):80-123; and Stephen Haber, "The Industrialization of Mexico: Historiography and Analysis" (1992), manuscript.

23. See Stephen Haber, "Assessing the Obstacles to Industrialization: The Mexican Economy, 1830-1940" (1991), manuscript, 1-2.

24. For an account of the economic difficulties and of the political consequences of these difficulties in the aftermath of the González era, see Don M. Coerver, The Porfirian Interregnum: The Presidency of Manuel Gonzalez of Mexico, 1880-1884 (Fort Worth, 1979), 187-230, 243-70.

25. In this regard, see the interesting analysis of the Porfirian elite management of both American and British interests (in economic, financial, and diplomatic terms) in Paolo Riguzzi, "México, Estados Unidos y Gran Bretaña, 1867-1910: Una difícil relación triangular," Historia Mexicana 41 (1992):365-436.

26. See Hilda Sánchez Martínez, "El sistema monetario y financiero mexicano bajo una perspectiva histórica: el porfiriato," in La banca, pasado y presente: Problemas financieros mexicanos , ed. José Miguel Quijano (Mexico City, 1983), 21. The growth of the textile industry in the 1890s was especially impressive, as Stephen Haber observed in "Industrialization of Mexico," 18, and in "Industrial Concentration and the Capital Markets: A Comparative Study of Brazil, Mexico, and the United States, 1830-1930," Journal of Economic History 51 (1991):575.

27. For the generational, professional, and political structure of the Porfirian elite, see Guerra, México , vol. 1, 58-125, appendix.

28. Rafael de Zayas Enríquez, Les États-Unis Mexicains (Mexico City, 1891), 231.

29. See, for instance, the Annuaire de l'Économie Politique et de la Statistique (Paris, 1889-1901); the American almanac Appletons' Annual Cyclopaedia and Register of Im-

portant Events . . . 1889 (New York, 1890), 556-57; and the British one The Annual Register: A Review of Public Events at Home and Abroad, 1888 (London, 1889), 546.

30. See Riguzzi, "México, Estados Unidos y Gran Bretaña," 385-97, 420-27.

31. Archibald Dunn, Mexico and Her Resources (London, 1890), 3-4. For another example, see E. J. Howell, Mexico: Its Progress and Commercial Possibilities (London, 1892). For Howell's recommendations to British investors, see pp. 163-68.

32. HMM, El porfiriato: Vida política interior 1:690. See also José Luis Ceceña, Mé- xico en la órbita imperial (Mexico City, 1970), 49-101.

33. It was also influential in the agricultural sector, especially on sugar and rubber in Veracruz. See Sánchez Martínez, "El sistema monetario y financiero mexicano," 16-17. In 1938 Chávez Orozco estimated French investment in the oil and mining industries at 10,000 pesos for 1910, far below the 499,000 pesos invested by the United States and the 87,200,000 pesos invested by Great Britain. See Luis Chávez Orozco, Historia económica y social de México (Mexico City, 1938), 168.

34. L. N. D'Olwer, "X. Las inversiones extranjeras," in HMM, El porfiriato: Vida económica , 1018-23. See also J. Lejeune, Au Mexique (Paris, 1892). The author describes the significance of French people and investment in Mexico's urban life. The so-called almacenes de novedades were monopolized by French merchants: in 1891 they owned 70. French investment and imports, as well as Mexico's exports to France, presented a decreasing tendency throughout the Porfirian period. See A. Genin, Les Français au Mexique (Mexico City, 1910); and Rosenzweig, in HMM, El porfiriato: Vida económica , 635-720.

35. F. Bianconi, Le Mexique a la portée des industriels, des capitalistes, des négotiants, importateurs et exportateurs et des travailleurs avec une carte du Mexique commerciale, boutiére, miniére et agricole (Paris, 1989), 7-10.

36. See Haber, "Industrialization of Mexico," 10-11.

37. See Ricardo de Maria y Campos, Datos Mercantiles, compilados por Ricardo de Maria y Campos (Mexico City, 1889). De Maria y Campos revised this study for the 1900 Paris fair as Renseignements commerciaux sur les États-Unis Mexicains (Mexico City, 1899). The revision was better organized and more comprehensive (see pp. 51-214).

38. See chapter 10; and González Navarro, HMM, 102-33.

39. México, Secretaría de Fomento, Memoria, 1877-1882 , vol. 1; Coerver, Porfirian Interregnum , 210-16; and González Navarro, HMM 4:134-52. For a recent account of the complex role played by land-survey companies, see Robert Holden, Mexico and the Survey of Public Lands: The Management of Modernization, 1876-1911 (DeKalb, Illinois, 1994).

40. In his book for Mexico's display at Paris 1889, García Cubas gave examples of successful colonias . See Antonio García Cubas, Étude géographique statistique descriptive et historique des États-Unis Mexicains (Mexico City, 1889).

41. González Navarro estimated that 48,000 foreigners resided in Mexico in 1895; by 1910 there were 116,527, of which only 9 percent were in the agricultural sector. Hence immigration was never as expected, and it was especially insignificant in Mexico's agricultural development. See González Navarro, HMM 4:184.

42. See, as an example, Zayas Enríquez, Les États-Unis Mexicains .

43. García Cubas, Etude géographique , 650, an updated version in French of Antonio García Cubas, Cuadro geográfico y estadístico, descriptivo e histórico de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos (Mexico City, 1884), which was prepared for the 1884 New Orleans

fair. See also the favorable opinion of Mexico's condition for investment in Dreyfus's article on Mexico and Chile in Paris 1889 in L'Économiste Français , 23 August 1890.

44. Clement Bertier-Marriot, Un parisien au Mexique (Paris, 1886), 59-61. The author was the envoy of LeFigaro at the inauguration of the railroad line between Mexico City and New York City. The book included some presumed salaries offered in Mexico for workers: for example, 7 francs for a carpenter, and 2.50 francs for a female dressmaker.

45. Dunn, Mexico and Her Resources .

46. See, for example, Eugenio Martuscelli, Apunti sul Messico (Naples, 1892). See also E. Chabrand, De Barcelonette au Mexique (Paris, 1892), in which the author glorifies Mexico's progress in only a few years; and A Gringo, Through the Land of the Aztecs or Life and Travel in Mexico (n.p., 1892).

47. See Justo Sierra's commentary on the proposal made by Zayas Enríquez for a Memoria , EXP, Box 18, Exp. 8. In it, Sierra stated that Mexico's display ought to show that Mexico had come to " el fin de nuestra primera gran etapa en el camino del progreso positivo. "

48. See González Navarro, HMM 4:134-84.

49. Francisco Pimentel, "La colonización negra," in Obras completas , vol. 5 (Mexico City, 1904), 511, 513.

50. See Moisés González Navarro, "Las ideas raciales de los científicos, 1890-1910," Historia Mexicana 37, 4 (1988):575.

51. See the study by José Maria Romero, Dictamen del vocal ingeniero . . . encargado de estudiar la influencia social y económica de la inmigración asiática en México (Mexico City, 1911). In 1889 a Tratado de amistad, navegación y comercio was signed with China, and more immigration was allowed. Chinese immigration increased, and in 1904 a commission assigned to study it, headed by José Covarrubias, concluded that Chinese immigrants would never assimilate into the Mexican nationality. Overall, there was a consensus on the inferiority of the Chinese race. See González Navarro, HMM 4:166-68; and González Navarro, "Las ideas raciales," 576.

52. See the pamphlet, Argentina, République Argentine: La Vie sociale et la vie légale des étrangers (Paris, 1889). This book was for sale in the Argentine pavilion.

53. For Vasconcelos, Argentina and the United States were more successful than Mexico was in attracting immigrants, largely because of their more democratic regimes. See José Vasconcelos, Breve historia de Mexico (Mexico City, 1937), 501-19.