1. The full title read, To the Most Mighty and Enlightened Nobility of the German Nation, That they Protect the Christian Faith Against the Destroyer of the Faith of Christ, Martin Luther, a Seducer of Simple Christians . Its author, as we shall see in a moment, was Thomas Murner.

2. Ein Christenliche vnd briederliche ermanung zu * dem hoch gelerten doctor Martino luther Augustiner order zu * Wittemburg (Das er etlichen reden von dem newen testament der heillgen messen gethon) abstande, vnd wider mit gemeiner christenheit sich vereinige (Strasbourg: Grüninger, 1520).

3. Von Doctor Martinus luters leren vnd predigen. Das sie argwenig seint, vnd nit gentzlich glaubwirdig zu * halten . (Strasbourg: Grüninger, 1520).

4. Martini Luthers der waren götlichen schrifft Doctors, Augustiner zu * Wittenbergk, mancherley büchlin vnnd tractetlin . . . (Strasbourg: Schürer Erben, 1520). This collection was first published by Andreas Cratander in Basel in May 1520. See Laube 1:512. The title of the revised second edition runs: Schutzred vnnd christeliche * antwurt ains erbern liebhabers gotlicher warhayt. der heyligen schrifft. auff etlicher vermaint widersprechen. mit anzaygug * warumb Doctor Martini Luthers leer nit als vnchristenlich verworffen. sonder mer fur christenlich gehalten werde * sol. yetz widerumb corrigirt vn * mit ainem newen Dyalogo gebessert . It was published in Nuremberg by Jobst Gutknecht in 1520. The Strasbourg collection reproduced the first edition. I have not been able to determine the exact title used in the Strasbourg edition.

5. Von dem Babstenthum das ist von der höchsten oberkeyt Christlichs glauben wyder doctor Martinum Luther (Strasbourg: Grüninger, 1520). According to Pfeiffer-Belli, this treatise left Grüninger's press on 13 December 1520. The first half was a reply to Luther's Resolutiones Lutheriana de potestate Papae (1519) with a brief digression concerning Luther's To the Christian Nobility . The second half deals with Luther's invective against Alveldt, Von dem Bapstum zu Rom widder den hochberumpten Romanisten zu Leiptzk . It is the "driest" of Murner's treatises and does not go beyond glossing Luther. In the first half, Murner plays Luther's rapidly evolving position on the papacy against itself, quoting from Luther's earlier Resolutiones , in which Luther gives arguments (although Murner considers them weak and designed to enfeeble the true scriptural basis for papal authority), against Luther's later highly critical remarks about the papacy. Murner's central claim or accusation is that Luther is taking this position to promote rebellion and that there are certain matters of belief that should not be discussed because even opening the question promotes rebellion. Luther's position, according to Murner, is designed to create favorable attitudes among the common people to error and falsehood that is contrary to Christian faith. Murner particularly wants to attack the notion of communal authority (or congregational authority) within the church.

6. An den Großmechtigsten vnd Durchlüchtigsten adel tütscher nation das sye den christlichen glauben beschirmen, wyder den zerstorer * des glaubens christi, Martinum luther einen verfierer der einfeltigen christen (Strasbourg: Grüninger, 1520).

7. Wie doctor M. Luter vß falschen vrsachen bewegt Das geistlich recht verbrennet hat (Strasbourg: Grüninger, 1521).

8. Eyn sermon * von dem newen Testament, das ist von der heyligen Messe D M L A [after the end of April 1520]. According to Benzing, the one Strasbourg reprint was done by Martin Flach and appeared in 1520. It was also published in Drey Biechlin , mentioned below.

9. See the discussion in chapter 2.

10. Von de * Bapstum zu * Rom Wider den Hochberümpten Romaniste * zu Leiptzck [after 26 June 1520, reprinted in Drey Biechlin in 1521 or 1522].

11. (A)N den Christelichen * Adel teütscher Nation [Benzing 2, Chrisman 4 editions, after 18 August 1520).

12. Von der Babylonischen gefengknué der Kirchen [Benzing 3, Chrisman 2 editions, after 6 October 1520].

13. Sometime in the late fall there also appeared two Strasbourg printings of Doctor Martin Luther's Renewed Appeal or Petition to a Free Christian Council [Doctoris Martini Luther Appelation o ¶ berüfung an eyn Christlich frey conciliu * [2 editions, after 17 November 1520].

14. Drey Biechlin zuletst * von dem Hochberumbtenn * vnnd Ewangelischen Lerer Doctor Martin Luther außgangenn. Nemlich von dem Deütschen Adel. der heilige * Mess dem Babstumb zu * Rom . (Strasbourg: Schürer Erben, 1520 or 1521-1522). Chrisman has 1520, Benzing has 1521-1522.

15. Von der Freyhayt Aines Christenmenschen [Chrisman 2 editions in 1520, Benzing 1 in 1520; after 16 November 1520]. I discuss this treatise in the next chapter.

16. Pfeiffer-Belli 6:31.

17. Pfeiffer-Belli 6:91.

18. Karsthans ["Hans Hoe," Karst = hoe] was Murner's derogatory designation for the typical peasant. This name would later be taken up by Murner's opponents and turned against him, as we shall see in the next chapter.

19. Pfeiffer-Belli 6:91; cf. Pfeiffer-Belli 6:31.

20. Pfeiffer-Belli 6:92.

21. Pfeiffer-Belli 6:40-41.

22. Pfeiffer-Belli 6:113.

23. Pfeiffer-Belli 6:114.

24. Pfeiffer-Belli 6:114-115.

25. Pfeiffer-Belli 6:42.

26. See the discussion of Catholic publicists in chapter 1 and the fuller discussion in David V. N. Bagchi, Luther's Earliest Opponents: Catholic Controversialists, 1518-1525 (Minneapolis, 1991).

27. In concluding each treatise Murner informed Luther and his readers that he had given his name to the bishop of Strasbourg so that his treatise could not be stigmatized as an anonymous libel (Pfeiffer-Belli 6:87). In the earlier treatises he also announced that he was not giving his name to show that he was not seeking fame in responding to Luther (Pfeiffer-Belli 6:31-32). He claimed, for example, that it was only the truth of the gospel that he sought to secure when he defended the papacy against Luther's attack. He neither received nor did he expect to receive payment from the papacy for such defense

nor had the papacy commanded him to answer Luther (Pfeiffer-Belli 7:53). The impression of himself that he wished to convey, it seems clear, was of one concerned only for the truth of Christianity.

28. Ein christliche vnd briederliche ermanung zu * dem hoch gelerten doctor Martino luter Augustiner orde * zu * Wittemburg (Dz er etliche * reden von dem newe * testamet * der heillge * messen getho * abstande, vn * wi ¶ mit gemeiner christenheit sich vereinige (Strasbourg: Grüninger, 11 November 1520). A second edition, with some changes, appeared on 21 January 1521. Scholars now recognize that this treatise was a reply in large part to Luther's Sermon on the New Testament, That is, the Holy Mass , his To the Christian Nobility of the German Nation , and his Concerning the Papacy in Rome Against the Famous Romanist at Leipzig . Contemporaries would not necessarily be aware of the treatises to which this was a reply. In fact, this treatise may have provided the first orientation to the dispute.

29. Pfeiffer-Belli 6:31-33.

30. Pfeiffer-Belli 6:31.

31. Pfeiffer-Belli 6:31-32.

32. Pfeiffer-Belli 6:34-36.

33. Pfeiffer-Belli 6:39.

34. Pfeiffer-Belli 6:40.

35. Pfeiffer-Belli 6:43.

36. Pfeiffer-Belli 6:48; cf. Pfeiffer-Belli 6:49-50.

37. Pfeiffer-Belli 6:51.

38. Pfeiffer-Belli 6:54.

39. Pfeiffer-Belli 6:54.

40. Pfeiffer-Belli 6:58-59.

41. Pfeiffer-Belli 6:64-65.

42. Pfeiffer-Belli 6:71.

43. Pfeiffer-Belli 6:75, 80.

44. Luther summarized his position as follows:

There is, first, the testator who makes the testament, [namely] Christ. Second, the heirs to whom the testament is assigned, which are we Christians. Third, the testament itself, which is the words of Christ when he says, 'This is my body which is given for you. This is my blood which is shed for you, a new eternal testament,' etc. Fourth, the seal or sign of authenticity [ wartzeychen ] is the sacrament [of] the bread and wine, under which are his true body and blood. . . . Fifth, there is the assigned good that the words signify, namely, remission [ ablas ] of sins and eternal life. Sixth, the duty, remembrance, or memorial, which we should do for Christ; that is, that we should preach his love and grace, hear and contemplate it, so that we are incited and maintained in love and hope in him (WA 6:359; StA 1:294; LW 35:86-87).

45. WA 6:369; StA 1:303; LW 35:99.

46. WA 6:370; StA 1:304; LW 35:100-101.

47. Pfeiffer-Bell 6:59-60.

48. WA 6:370; StA 1:304; LW 35:101.

49. WA 6:407; StA 2:99; LW 44:127.

50. WA 6:408; StA 2:101; LW 44:129.

51. Pfeiffer-Belli 7:61.

52. Pfeiffer-Belli 7:115-116.

53. WA 6:292; W2 18:1013; LW 39:65.

54. WA 6:296; W2 18:1017; LW 39:69.

55. WA 6:297; W2 18:1017; LW 39:70.

56. WA 6:296; LW 39:69-70.

57. Pfeiffer-Belli 6:80.

58. WA 6:288; W2 18:1007; LW 39:59.

59. For example, WA 6:288-289; LW 39:59-61.

60. WA 6:288; W2 18:1008; LW 39:60.

61. WA 6:307-308, 309-313; LW 39:84, 91.

62. WA 6:316; W2 18:1044; LW 39:95.

63. WA 6:407; StA 2:99; LW 44:127.

64. WA 6:411-412; StA 2:104-105; LW 44:134-135.

65. WA 6:413; StA 2:106; LW 44:136.

66. WA 6:414; StA 2:107; LW 44:138.

67. WA 6:414-415; StA 2:108; LW 44:138-139.

68. In this recitation he touched on such matters as various reforms of the papacy, cardinals, and curial officials; on reforms of the mendicant orders and monasticism, which he suggested should be abolished; on clerical celibacy, which he also opposed; on endowed masses for the dead, which should be curtailed or eliminated; on what he saw as an overly complicated system regulating marriage within prohibited degrees; on miracles and pilgrimages; on begging, brotherhoods, and indulgences; and so on. This was a potentially revolutionary set of reforms that would fatally compromise the papacy and institutional church as it currently existed. Note also his comment about the Strasbourg bishop in StA 2:115, esp. note 164.

69. WA 6:427; StA 2:121; LW 44:156. Having achieved a head of steam on reforms of the papacy, Luther listed a veriety of abuses and appropriate reforms for the institutional church generally. Among the more drastic were suggestions that all pilgrimages be dropped, that monasticism and especially the mendicants be curbed and monastic life be made voluntary, that clerical celibacy be ended and priests allowed to marry, that endowed masses for dead be abolished, and that restrictions on marriage within prohibited degrees be relaxed. Among other things, he also made important suggestions about the reform of poor relief.

70. Pfeiffer-Belli 6:91.

71. Pfeiffer-Belli 6:92.

72. Pfeiffer-Belli 7:5.

73. Pfeiffer-Belli 6:43-44.

74. Pfeiffer-Belli 6:83.

75. Pfeiffer-Belli 6:40, 47, 83-87.

76. WA 6:322; W2 1051; LW 39:102. See also his prediction that if the German princes and nobles did not do something soon about papal exploitation of Germany, Germany would be desolated (WA 6:289; LW 39:60).

77. WA 6:404; StA 2:96; LW 44:123.

78. WA 6:413; StA 2:106-107; LW 44:137.

79. Pfeiffer-Belli 6:31.

80. For Luther's change, see WA 10/2:227; Murner's admission and Stifel's accusation are reproduced in WA 6:488. I consulted several printings reproduced in the Tübingen collection. The quotations are from Tü 1679-1680/4341, which, from the evidence of the woodcut, appears to be the edition published by J. Schott. I have identified the woodcut from the list in R. W. Scribner, For the Sake of Simple Folk: Popular Propaganda for the German Reformation (Cambridge, 1981), 251-256. Both Chrisman and Benzing give the publication date as 1520, but it seems more likely that it was first printed in 1521, since Murner makes no reference to the treatise in his own 1520 publications, or at least no reference that I identified.

81. Ibid.

82. Babilonischen , Tü 1679-1680/4341, Div(v).

83. Babilonischen , E.

84. Babilonischen , E(v).

85. Babilonischen , Fiii(v).

86. See, for example, Vadian's Karsthans , discussed in the next chapter.

87. The following summary is taken from Hubert Jedin, ''Die geschichtliche Bedeutung der katholischen Kontroversliteratur im Zeitalter der Glaubensspaltung," Historiches Jahrbuch 53 (1933):70-97, esp. 73-76. See also Bagchi, Luther's Earliest Opponents , chapter 8, which does a fine job of exploring the difficulties the Catholic publicists faced when seeking assistance from the Catholic establishment.

88. Johannes von Döllinger, ed., Beiträge zur Politischen, Kirchlichen und Cultur-Geschichte der Sechs Letzten Jahrhunderte (Vienna, 1892), 3:275.

89. Jedin, "Die geschichtliche Bedeutung," 73-74.

90. Döllinger, Beiträge , 3:247.

91. Jedin, "Die geschichtliche Bedeutung," 74-75.

92. Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland nebst ergänzenden Aktenstücken (Gotcha, 1892-1912, 1:319.

93. Nuntiaturberichte , 4:174, 2:178-179, 2:196.

94. Nuntiaturberichte , 2:63.

95. Ludwig Cardauns, ed., Zur Geschichte der Kirchlichen Unions- und Reformbestrebungen von 1538 bis 1542 (Rome, 1910), 144. Note that, as Fabri indicated, the Catholic controversialists generally had to pay to have their works printed, while the Evangelical publicists were largely printed for free because their works generally sold well. See the discussion in chapter 1.

96. Martin Spahn, Johannes Cochläus: Ein Lebensbild (Berlin, 1898), 188-190, 258.

97. Bachmann, Wider die Natterzungen . . . Antwort auff Constantini Donation (Dresden, 1538), Ai(v).

98. This summary is drawn from Jedin, "Die geschichtliche Bedeutung," 73.

99. On the replies by Catholic publicists to Pope Adrian's inquiry and the Pope's own efforts to support a Catholic counterattack, see Bagchi, Luther's Earliest Opponents , 222-227.

100. On this point see Bagchi, Luther's Earliest Opponents , 202-207, 211-214, 221.

101. Johannes Mensing, Von dem Opffer Christi yn der Messe (n.p., 1526), Aij(v).

102. Bachmann, Ein sermon . . . yn auffnhemung der Reliquien Sancti Bennonis (Dresden, 1527), Ai(v).

103. To those who reply that the Protestants do everything in German, Bachmann replies that "es ist nicht gut das mann alles in deutscher sprache handelt, zumal was die Sacrament vnd geheimnisse betrifft der heiligen Mess." In support of this view, he offered an example of shepherds who blasphemously went through a mock Mass (Paul Bachmann, Vonn Ceremonien der Kirchen . . . von Priesterlichem Celibat [Leipzig, 1537], C3). Johannes Mensing explained that "es haben auch, die heyligen tzwÖlff boten die worte, der wandelunge, heymlich haben wollen, als die dem gemeynen volcke nicht nÖttig tzuwissen gewesen. Solten auch noch pillich den heyden vnd Juden vorporgen sein. . . . Jha es were gut, das sie auch etlichen Christen, als nemlich, der vnuorstendigen, thollen vnd thummen Jugent vorporgen geblieben weren, auff das sie nicht, missbraucht wurden" (Johannes Mensing, Von dem Opfer Christi in der Messe [n.p., 1527], Dij(v)).

104. Bachmann, Von Ceremonienn der Kirchen , C3(v)—Cv.