1. Enrique Llamas Martínez, Santa Teresa de Jesús y la Inquisición española (Madrid: CSIC, 1972), 228.

2. Nicolau Eymerich and Francisco Peña, Le manuel des inquisiteurs [Directorium Inquisitorurn ], trans. and introd. Louis Sala-Molins (Paris: Mouton, 1973), 47. The Directorium , a widely copied manuscript by the fourteenth-century Aragonese Inquisitor Eymerich, was first printed in 1503, then revised by Peña and republished in Rome in 1578 (Edward Peters, Inquisition [1988; Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 1989], 60, 68).

3. Claire Guilhem, "L'Inquisition et la dévaluation des discours féminins," in Bartolomé Bennassar, ed., L'Inquisition espagnole: XV-XIX siècle (Paris: Hachette, 1979), 229; Caroline Walker Bynum, Jesus as Mother: Studies in the Spirituality of the High Middle Ages (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 1982), 135-136.

4. Eymerich and Peña, Directorium , 48; Virgilio Pinto Crespo, "Institucionalización inquisitorial y censura de libros," in Pérez Villanueva and Bartolomé Escandell Bonet, eds., La Inquisición española , 533-535.

5. Stephen Haliczer, "The First Holocaust: The Inquisition and the Converted Jews of Spain and Portugal," in Stephen Haliczer, ed. and trans., Inquisition and Society in Early Modern Europe (Totowa: Barnes and Noble, 1987), 7-18; José Martínez Millán, "Aportaciones a la formación del estado moderno y a la política española a través de la censura inquisitorial durante el período 1480-1559," in Pérez Villanueva, La Inqnisición española , 537; Henry Kamen, Inquisition and Society in Spain in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1985), 30.

6. Jaime Contreras, "The Impact of Protestantism in Spain, 1520-1600," in Haliczer, Inquisition and Society , 56.

7. Alonso de la Fuente, "Primer Memorial," in Llamas Martínez, Santa Teresa de Jesús , 400. Fuente reviewed the first edition of Teresa's works, which were edited by Luis de Léon under the title Los libros de la Madre Teresa de Jesús, Fundadora de los monesterios de monjas y frayles Carreeletas Descalzos de la primitiva Regla ... En Salamanca, pot Guillermo

Fóquel, 1588 . León included the Life , the Road to Perfection , the Interior Castle , the Exclamations , and the Avisos . He declined to publish the Foundations , giving as his reason the fact that many of the people it names were still living, and he omitted Meditations on the Song of Songs without comment (294-295).

8. In a related context, Alison Weber remarks that Fuente was "a very good reader of Teresa, alert to her ambiguities and rhetorical strategies" ( Teresa of Avila and the Rhetoric of Femininity , 161).

9. E. Allison Peers, trans. and ed., The Complete Works of Teresa of Avila (London: Sheed and Ward, 1944), 1: 55.

10. Américo Castro, Teresa la santa y otros ensayos (Madrid: Alianza, 1982), 24.

11. Ricardo Senabre, "Sobre el género literaro del Libro de la vida ," in CIT , 2: 776.

12. Ibid., 773-774; Fernando Lázaro Carreter, "Santa Teresa de Jesús, escritora (El 'Libro de la vida')," in CIT , 1: 11-27; Antonio Carreño, "Las paradojas del 'yo' autobiográfico," in STLMH , 255-264.

13. Weber, Teresa of Avila and the Rhetoric of Femininity , 43 passim; Francisco Márquez Villanueva, "Santa Teresa y el linaje," in Espiritualidad y literatura en el siglo XVI (Madrid, Alfaguara, 1968), 141-205; Sol Villacèque, "Rhetorique et pragmatique: La transformation du code dans le Libro de la vida de Thérèse d'Avila," Imprévue 2 (1985): 21.

14. On the definition of dialogized heteroglossia and its distinction from polyphony and dialogicity, I follow Gary Saul Morson and Caryl Emerson, Mikhail Bakhtin: Creation of a Prosaics (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990), 142-145.

15. Mikhail M. Bakhtin, Problems of Dostoevsky's Poetics , ed. and trans. Caryl Emerson, introd. Wayne C. Booth, Theory and History of Literature, no. 8 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1984), 202.

16. Ibid., 106; Bakhtin, "The Problem of Speech Genres," in Speech Genres and Other Late Essays , trans. Vern W. McGee, ed. Caryl Emerson and Michael Holquist (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1986), 60.

17. Mikhail M. Bakhtin, The Dialogic Imagination: Four Essays , ed. Michael Holquist, trans. Caryl Emerson and Michael Holquist (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1981), 276. Bakhtin explains the interaction of each word in a text as follows: "The word, directed toward its object, enters a dialogically agitated and tension-filled environment of alien words, value judgments and accents, weaves in and out of complex interrelationships, merges with some, recoils from others, intersects with yet a third group: and all this may crucially shape discourse, may leave a trace in all its semantic layers, may complicate its expression and influence its entire stylistic profile."

18. Many feminist critics have noticed the applicability of Bakhtin's theories to women's writing. See Dale M. Bauer and S. Jaret McKinstry, eds., Feminism, Bakhtin, and the Dialogic (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991). Josephine Donovan points out both the benefits and the limitations of feminist applications of Bakhtin, the most significant drawback being the fact that he does not mention women novelists,

in "Style and Power," in Bauer and McKinstry, Feminism, Bakhtin, and the Dialogic , 85-94.

19. Jean Pierre Dedieu, in Gustav Henningsen and John Tedeschi with Charles Amiel, The Inquisition in Early Modern Europe: Studies on Sources and Methods (Dekalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1986), 179.

20. Antonio Gómez-Moriana, "Problemática de la confesión autobiográfica destinada al tribunal inquisitorial," in L'Autobiographie en Espagne , Actes du IIe Colloque International de la Baume-les-Aix, 23-24-25 May 1981 (Aix-en-Provence: Université de Provence, 1982), 72; Weber, Teresa of Avila , 43 n. 4.

21. Louis Sala-Molins, trans. and ed., Le Dictionnaire des inquisiteurs: Valence 1494 [ Repertorium inquisitorum haereticae pravitatis ] (Paris: Editions Galilée, 1981), 221-222. The Repertorium was first published anonymously in Valencia in 1494. Its republication in Venice in 1575 and in Rome in 1578, as well as Peña's references to it in his glosses of Eymerich's Directorium , attest to its widespread authority. The prologue states the purpose of the manual as collecting information about the juridical structure of the Inquisition otherwise inconveniently dispersed in many texts. With regard to the organization and logic of the work, Sala-Molins, who in translating the work from the Latin reorganized it according to alphabetization of the words in French, observes, "We are a long way from the meticulous rigor of Eymerich" (47). In his introduction and notes, Sala-Molins provides an appropriately caustic commentary on the Repertorium , as, for example, "I hope I have translated the Repertorium with enough rigor to render it readable, the nausea notwithstanding" (47).

22. "Quisiera yo que, como me ban mandado y dado larga licencia para que escriva el modo de oración y las mercedes que el Señor me ha hecho, me la dieran para que muy por menudo y con claridad dijera mis grandes pecados y ruin vida. Diérame gran consuelo. Mas no han querido, antes atádome mucho en este caso" ( Vida , prólogo 1).

23. Thomas N. Tender, Sin and Confession on the Eve of the Reformation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977), 86. Although some priests did question confessants, the practice was controversial, particularly on sexual matters, because some claimed that it put new sinful ideas in the confessant's mind.

24. In addition to leading her readers down several generic pathways, Teresa also stratifies her language by social and ideological layers. For example, the reference to her "great sins and wretched life" can be considered a form of what Ernst Robert Curtius calls the "devotional formula," the protestation of sinfulness that amplifies her praise of God, or as a concession of social authority, what Curtius calls the "submission formula'' ( European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages , trans. Willard R. Trask [1953; New York: Harper and Row, 1963], 407-410).

25. "Y por esto pido, por amor del Señor, tenga delante de los ojos queen este discurso de mi vida leyere, que ha sido tan ruin que no he hallado santo, de los que se tornaron a Dios, con queen me consolar. Porque considero que, después que el Señor los llamaba, no le tornaban a ofender. Yo

no sólo tornaba a ser peor, sino que parece traía estudio a resistir las mercedes que Su Majestad me hacía, como quien se vía obligar a servir más, y entendía de sí no podía pagar lo menos de lo que devía.

"Sea bendito por siempre, que tanto me esperó, a quien con todo mi corazón suplico me dé gracia para que con toda claridad y verdad yo haga esta relación que mis confesores me mandan; y aun el Señor sé yo lo quiere muchos días ha, sino que yo no me he atrevido; y que sea para gloria y alabanza suya, y para que de aquí adelante, conociéndome ellos mijor, ayuden a mi flaqueza, para que pueda servir algo de lo que devo al Señor, a quien siempre alaben todas las cosas, amén" ( Vida , prólogo 1, 2).

26. Kate Greenspan, "The Autohagiographical Tradition in Medieval Women's Devotional Writing," a/b:Auto/Biography 6, no. 2 (Fall 1991): 157-168.

27. Bakhtin, Problems of Dostoevsky's Poetics , 195.

28. Ibid., 196.

29. Linda H. Peterson, Victorian Autobiography: The Tradition of Self-Interpretation (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1986), 3-6. Anne Hunsaker Hawkins's definition of spiritual autobiography implies the reason it depends on biblical typology: "Spiritual autobiography is predicated on the relationship between a particular individual, living in a certain place and in a certain time, and a divine reality that is universal and timeless. This relationship between particular and universal tends to present events in an individual's life in a figurative way as signs of underlying archetypal 'things'" ( Archetypes of Conversion: The Autobiographies of Augustine, Bunyan, and Merton [Lewisburg, Pa.: Bucknell University Press, 1985], 24).

30. Enrique Llamas Martínez, "Teresa de Jesús y los alumbrados: Hacia una revisión del 'alumbradismo' español del siglo XVI," in CIT , 1: 138.

31. Juan de Avila spent about a year (1532-1533) in jail on charges of Illuminist practices and teachings. Although he avoided further prosecution, apparently by conducting his work within the framework of the Church, the Inquisition placed his Audi, Filia , a work of spiritual guidance that had been important in Teresa's spiritual development, on the 1559 Index (Kamen, Inquisition and Society in Spain , 68-69).

32. Melquíades Andrés Martín explains the shared premises of these movements: "Alumbrados, mystics, and 'Lutherans' invoked experience systematically, a new phenomenon in Spanish culture. Experience, the effort to penetrate into the 'I' and free it from itself, connects the mysticism of in-gathering with the Protestant theory of free inquiry, by way of which man can make immediate contact with God and His word" ("Common Denominator of Alumbrados, Erasmians, 'Lutherans,' and Mystics: The Risk of a More 'Intimate' Spirituality," in Angel Alcalá, ed. and trans., The Spanish Inquisition and the Inquisitorial Mind , Atlantic Studies on Society in Change, no. 49 [Boulder: Social Science Monographs; Highland Lakes, N.J.: Atlantic Research and Publications, 1987], 489).

33. Angela Selke also cites Germanic mysticism and Arabic sufism as sources of Illuminism in "El iluminismo de los conversos y la Inquisición: Cristianismo interior de los alumbrados, resentimiento y sublimación," in

Pérez Villanueva, ed., La Inquisición española , 617. Also see Antonio Márquez, Los alumbrados (Madrid: Taurus, 1972), chaps. 4, 5.

34. The first use of the label "Illuminist" was pejorative. Fray Melchor, the Franciscan who led the development of mental prayer, was described as "illumined [ alumbrado ] by Satan's darkness" (Antonio T. de Nicolás, Powers of Imagining: Ignatius de Loyola [Albany: State University of New York Press, 1986], 18; Marcel Bataillon, Erasmo y España: Estudios sobre la historia espiritual del siglo XVI , 1: 89).

35. Bernardino Llorca, La Inquisición española y los alumbrados, 1509-1667 (Salamanca: Universidad Pontífica, 1980), 72-73.

36. Fermín Caballero, Vida del Ilmo: Melchor Cano (Madrid, 1871), Appendix 58. Cited in Francisco de Osuna, Tercer abecedario espiritual , ed. Melquíades Andrís Martín (Madrid: BAC, 1972), 88. Known for his intellectual and technical approach to questions of faith, Cano played an important role in creating and sustaining the elitist, rationalist bias of the Church.

37. "[El arrobamiento] deja grandes efectos en el alma; esotro [dejamiento] no más que si no pasase, y cansancio en el cuerpo" ( Fundaciones 6.14).

38. "Sabed, hijas, que no está la falta para ser u no ser oración mental en tener cerrada la boca; si hablando estoy enteramente entendiendo y viendo que hablo con Dios con más advertencia queen la palabras que digo, junto está oración mental y vocal" ( Camino , Valladolid, 22.1).

39. Cited in Kamen, Inquisition and Society in Spain , 120.

40. Selke, "El iluminismo," 621. A profile of the typical Illuminist in the sixteenth century included Jewish ancestry, residence in an urban rather than a rural location, a high level of education achieved largely through self-teaching, and lower-middle-class financial status.

41. Kamen remarks one of the ironies of the automatic association of conversos with Illuminism, that many conversos were "condemned for beliefs that orthodox Judaism would have regarded as heretical" (68).

42. Angel Alcalá, "Inquisitorial Control of Humanists and Writers," in Alcalá, The Spanish Inquisition , 326. When it emerged in the course of Luis de León's trial for translating the Song of Songs that his deceased grandfather had cooked "adafinas," the ritual dish prepared on Friday evening, and that he "gestured like a Jew," the Inquisition exhumed his bones and burned them in a public ceremony (Selke, "El iluminismo," 632 n. 22).

43. Archivo Histórico Nacional, Inquisición leg. 2.393, cited in Llamas Martínez, Santa Teresa de Jesús , 34.

44. While this report seems clearly to specify the order she has in mind as her own Barefoot Carmelites, Teresa's own sentence, which does not name the order, has also been considered to refer to other orders, including the Dominicans and the Jesuits, who disputed the matter for more than two centuries.

45. Eymerich and Peña, Directorium , 66.

46. Llamas Martínez, Santa Teresa de Jesús , 34.

47. Kamen, Inquisition and Society in Spain , 155. The Inquisition did not actually try Ignatius, but ecclesiastical judges repeatedly tried to estab-

lish the Illuminist cast of his theories by repeating a single question about their origin: "What you preach, is it the result of a learned doctrine or of the Holy Spirit?" (Nicolás, Powers of Imagining , 17). While there was compelling evidence for the Old Christian lineage of Ignatius, he angered authorities by mandating that Jesuit priests inform only their superior in the order, not the Inquisition, when a person admitted a heretical act or belief in the sacrament of confession.

48. Llamas Martínez, Santa Teresa de Jesús , 48.

49. Llamas Martínez, "Teresa de Jesús y los alumbrados," in CIT , 1: 141-142.

50. During the beatification process, Báñez testified that he recommended censorship of the Life because "it was not appropriate that this book should be made public during her lifetime; but preferable that it be kept in the Inquisition until it could be seen how this woman ended up" (Llamas Martínez, "Teresa de Jesús y los alumbrados," 153). More than one critic has seen misogyny in Báñez's Judgment ; see, for example, Ulrich Dobhan, "Teresa de Jesús y la emancipación de la mujer," in CIT , 1: 127.

51. Báñez's designation of the activity involved in producing the Life as "speaking" and his emphasis on sincerity reveals the close link between auricular confession and judicial confession. Oral language lends itself to the assessment of sincerity better than does written, as Walter J. Ong explains: "No matter what pitch of frankness, directness, or authenticity he may strive for, the writer's mask and the reader's are less removable than those of the oral communicator and his hearer. For writing is itself an indirection" ( Interfaces of the Word: Studies in the Evolution of Consciousness and Culture [Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1977], 80).

52. These two sentences appear in reverse order: "Yo, como hablava con descuido algunas cosas que ellos tomavan por diferente intención.... Preguntávanme algunas cosas; yo respondía con llaneza y descuido" ( Vida 28.17).

53. Cicero denominated the three levels of style according to their ends: the plain style to teach; the middle style to delight; the grand style to move the emotions. Debora K. Shuger defines this classical plain style as "unadorned, brief, and philosophical," at its best, "clear, urbane, natural, often witty and graceful, and persuasive." "Yet," Shuger continues, "it is suitable only for small, unimportant subjects; it seems commonplace and ordinary, often losing effective strength by seeking meticulous correctness" ( Sacred Rhetoric: The Christian Grand Style in the English Renaissance [Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988], 4, 31).

54. Juan de los Angeles, for example, treats plainness as a stylistic choice he makes in accordance with the nature of his audience: "I never tired of communicating good and healthy doctrine ... sometimes writing in a less rustic and more difficult style for enlightened intellects ... other times plainer [ llano ] and simpler for the smaller minds" ( Diálogos de la conquista del reino de Dios [1595], cited in Alberto Porqueras Mayo, El prólogo en el renacimiento español [Madrid: CSIC, 1965], 146).

55. Tomás Ramón considers that this plain style requires not an

education in doctrine or rhetoric but perfection of the preacher's own interior life through grace: "[The apostles] received the gift of language, but not so that they might preach with a rhetorical and elegant style, nor so that their listeners might be charmed by their compositions and conclusions, but so that with a plain [ llano ] and ordinary style, they might plainly [ llanamente ] and simply teach the true doctrine of heaven" ( Flores nuevas, cogidas del vergel de las divinas y humanas letras [Barcelona, 1611-1612], 1: 241, cited in Hilary Dansey Smith, Preaching in the Spanish Golden Age: A Study of Some Preachers of the Reign of Philip III [Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1978], 93).

56. Sebastián de Cobarruvias Horozco, comp., Tesoro de la lengua castellana o española (1611; Madrid: Turner, 1979), s.v. "llano." Published fewer than thirty years after Teresa's death, this dictionary serves well for establishing public definitions of the words Teresa uses.

57. Cobarruvias, s.v. "llano": "Metafóricamente se toma por la cosa que no tiene estropieço ninguno, sino llaneza y verdad. Hombre llano, el que no tiene altivezes ni cautelas. Confessar de plano, que es lo mesmo que llano, es dezir luego todo lo que passa. Llano es el carnero castrado, a diferencia del cojudo.... Allanarse es convencerse y ajustarse a la voluntad del otro."

58. Henry Charles Lea, A History of the Inquisition of Spain (1906-1907; New York: American Scholar, 1966), 2: 573-575.

59. Opus tripartitum , II, Du Pin, I, 446A, cited in Tentler, Sin and Confession , 109.

60. Robert Ricard, "Notas y materiales para el estudio del 'socratismo cristiano' en Santa Teresa yen los espirituales españoles," in Estudios de literatura religiosa española , trans. Manuel Muñoz Cortés (Madrid: Editorial Gredos, 1964), 27.

61. Cited in Emilio Orozco Díaz, Expresión, comunicación y estilo en la obra de Santa Teresa (Granada: Bolsillo, 1984), 34; E. Allison Peers, "Saint Teresa's Style: A Tentative Appraisal," in Saint Teresa of Jesus and Other Essays and Addresses (London: Faber and Faber, 1953), 82.

62. Ramón Menéndez Pidal, "El estilo de Santa Teresa," in La lengua de Cristóbal Colón y otros estudios sobre el siglo XVI , 4th ed. (Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1958), 124; Felicidad Bernabéu Barrachina, "Aspectos vulgares del estilo teresiano y sus posibles razones," Revista de espiritualidad 22 (1963): 359-375; Elías Rivers, "The Vernacular Mind of Saint Teresa," in John Sullivan, ed., Carmelite Studies: Centenary of St. Teresa , 127; Weber, Teresa of Avila , 11 et passim.

63. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae , pt. 1, question 13, art. 4.

64. Paul Tillich, Systematic Theology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951), 1: 239.

65. "Havré de aprovecharme de alguna comparación, aunque yo las quisiera escusar por ser mujer, y escrivir simplemente lo que me mandan; mas este lenguaje de espíritu es tan malo de declarar a los que no saben letras, como yo, que havré de buscar algún modo, y podrá ser las menos

veces acierte a que venga bien la comparación; servirá de dar recreación a vuestra merced de ver tanta torpeza" ( Vida 11.6).

This apology contrasts markedly with the confidence with which John of the Cross launches into the use of metaphor, here in the prologue to Spiritual Canticle [Cántico espiritual]: "Who, finally, can explain the desires He gives them? Certainly, no one can! As a result these persons let something of their experience overflow in figures and similes, and from the abundance of their spirit, pour out secrets and mysteries rather than rational explanations" (Prologue 1).

66. Terence Hawkes, Metaphor (London: Methuen, 1972), 2.

67. "Some children complained to their father that they had not eaten, and they cried sadly for something to eat. A neighbor told the father, 'Let those boys have something to eat.' And the father said, 'Why should they eat? I give my word as a gentleman that each one has tripe [ entrañas , a word meaning the human intestines or a dish made from the stomach lining of a cow] in his body. Truly they always have it, since they live.' The deception, that they had eaten tripe and that they asked to eat out of gluttony not necessity, was believed" (Covarrubias, s.v. "metáphora").

68. Eymerich and Peña, Directorium , 126.

69. Ibid., 127.

70. José Rico Verdú, La retórica española de los siglos XVI y XVII (Madrid: CSIC, 1973), 268.

71. John Freccero, "Medusa: The Letter and the Spirit," in Dante: The Poetics of Conversion , ed. and introd. Rachel Jacoff (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1986), 120.

72. Freccero, "Medusa," in Dante , 133.

73. Robert Bell, "Metamorphoses of Spiritual Autobiography," ELH 44(1977): 108-126.

74. Robert M. Durling, " The Ascent of Mount Ventoux and the Crisis of Allegory," Italian Quarterly 18(1974): 21.

75. Llamas Martínez, Santa Teresa de Jesús , 470, 476.

76. Ibid., 398.

77. Ibid., 400.

78. Bernardino de Laredo, The Ascent of Mount Sion, being the third book of the treatise of that name [Subida del Monte Sión, por la vía contemplativa], trans. and introd. E. Allison Peers (London: Faber and Faber, 1950), 14. After ordering revisions of the first edition (1535), the Inquisition permitted several reprintings of the second edition during the sixteenth century: Sevilla, 1538; reprinted in Sevilla, 1540; Medina del Campo, 1542; Valencia, 1590. Teresa's marked copy of the Ascent has not been found, but Peers and others consider that she designated parts of the third book, a series of essays on the stages of contemplation leading to mystical union. Fidèle de Ros maintains that she used the second edition in Le Frère Bernardin de Laredo (Paris: Librairie Philosophique, 1948), 334.

79. Don Salcedo's wife (Doña Mencía del Aguila) was the daughter of Teresa's uncle, Ruy Sánchez de Cepeda. Although Teresa labels Salcedo a

"pious gentleman" ( caballero santo ), Jodi Bilinkoff speculates that if he did have standing as a gentleman, he held it by legal decree ( hidalgo de ejecutoria ) rather than by hereditary claim. After his wife died in 1570, Salcedo entered the priesthood of Teresa's Barefoot Carmelites ( The Avila of Saint Teresa: Religious Reform in a Sixteenth-Century City [Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1989], 66-68).

80. Mary Elizabeth Perry, Gender and Disorder in Early Modern Seville (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990), 82-83.

81. Ibid., 83.

82. Gaspar Daza, who favored Erasmian educational methods in Spain, gained some renown in Spain for effective preaching, charitable works, and administrative talent. Bilinkoff relates that "little is known of Daza's life" and suggests that he may have been of converso descent (84-86). Daza later supported the foundation at Avila, officiating at the clothing ceremony and reserving the Sacrament, events narrated in Life 36.18.

83. Teresa states that she wrote an account of her life, for which she uses the judicial term discurso de mi vida , for Cetina ( Life 23.15). Whatever she wrote in this confession, which does not survive, Cetina judged her experience to derive from God, and he encouraged her to continue in the discipline of prayer.

84. Luis de León called these short works Teresa's "papers" ( papeles ) in his edition of her works, while the title that appears on many copies of the manuscript is "accounts of conscience" ( cuentas de conciencia ). These are addressed to many different audiences, including several priests, confessors, and Inquisitors. In the nineteenth century, they were published under the title Spiritual Testimonies (Relaciones espirituales); in this century, Silverio de Santa Teresa divided these accounts into two categories, which he entitled Relaciones (Testimonies) and Mercedes (Mercies). Contemporary editions use either or both of these designations. I have chosen to use spiritual testimony in English, and in Spanish, cuenta de conciencia. On the spiritual testimonies, see María-Paz Aspe, "Las relaciones espirituales de Teresa de Jesús," in STLMH , 291-295.

85. Efrén and Steggink attribute the document to Padre Ibáñez and identify it as a response to Spiritual Testimony 1. They do not name the persons who convened to discuss the Judgment , except to quote Teresa's niece, who characterized them as "serious and learned men" ( TVST , 189).

86. "La manera de proceder en la oración que ahora tengo, es la presente: Pocas veces son las que estando en oración puedo tener discurso de entendimiento, porque luego comienza a recogerse el alma y estar en quietud u arrobamiento, de tal manera que ninguna cosa puedo usar de las potencias y sentidos, tanto que, si no es oír—y eso no para entender—, otra cosa no aprovecha" ( Cuenta de conciencia 1.1).

87. "Estas cosas y razones de tantos santos me esfuerzan cuando trayo estos temores de si no es Dios, siendo yo tan ruin. Mas cuando estoy en oración, y en los días que ando quieta y el pensamiento en Dios, aunque se junten cuantos letrados y santos hay en el mundo y me diesen todos los

tormentos imaginables, y yo quisiere creerlo, no me podrían hacer creer que esto es demonio, porque no puedo" ( Cuenta de conciencia 1.35).

88. The Tesoro gives clean the connotation of "the Old Christian, without the race of Moor or Jew" (Covarrubias, s.v. "limpieza").

89. "Havrá como trece años, poco más a menos, que fue allí el obispo de Salamanca, que era inquisidor, creo en Toledo, y lo havía sido aquí. Ella procuró de hablarle para asegurarse más, y diole cuenta de todo. El le dijo que todo esto no era cosa que tocava a su oficio, porque todo lo que vía y entendía siempre la afirmava mas en la fe católica.... Dijole—como la vio tan fatigada—que escriviese a el maestro Avila, que era vivo, una larga relación de todo—que era hombre que entendía mucho de oración—, y que con lo que la escriviese se sosegase" ( Cuenta de conciencia 57a.7).

90. Juan de Avila's letter to Teresa of 12 September 1568 not only assures her about the divine provenance of her experience but also makes editorial suggestions apparently designed to protect the work from the Inquisition: "This book should not get out into the hands of many, because it is necessary to revise some words in some parts; in other parts to clarify or explain them. Other things may be beneficial to you but may not be to others who follow them; because the particular things whereby God carries some persons are not for others. These things, or most of them, I have left noted there, to put them in order when I could (and a way to send them to you will not be lacking)" (Juan de Avila, Obras completas , vol. 1, ed. Luis Sala Balust [Madrid: Editorial Católica, 1959.], 12 Sept. 1568).

91. "While in St. Joseph's in Avila in the year 1562, the same year in which that monastery was founded, I was ordered by Fr. García de Toledo, a Dominican, who at the time was my confessor, to write of that monastery's foundation, along with many other things; whoever sees that work, if it is published, will learn there of those events" ( Foundations , Prologue 2).

92. Arthur Darby Nock, Conversion: The Old and the New Religion from Alexander the Great to Augustine of Hippo (London: Oxford University Press, 1933), 7.

93. William James, The Varieties of Religious Experience: A Study in Human Nature , introd. Reinhold Niebuhr (1902; New York: Macmillan, Collier, 1961), 169.

94. Starobinski, "The Style of Autobiography," in Olney, Autobiography , 78.

95. Freccero, "Medusa," in Dante , 133.

96. Víctor García de la Concha, El arte literario de Santa Teresa (Barcelona: Ariel, 1978), 56; Alberto de la Virgen del Carmen, "Presencia de San Agustín en Sta. Teresa y San Juan de la Cruz," Revista de espiritualidad 14 (1955): 175; TVST , 147-148. I presented early versions of this section to the International Conference on Patristic, Mediaeval, and Renaissance Studies at Villanova University in 1988 and the Subject of Autobiography conference at the University of Southern Maine in 1989.

97. John Freccero, "Autobiography and Narrative," in Reconstructing

Individualism: Autonomy, Individuality, and the Self in Western Thought , ed. Thomas C. Heller, Morton Sosna, and David E. Wellbery (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1986), 19.

98. Caroline Walker Bynum, Holy Feast and Holy Fast: The Religious Significance of Food to Medieval Women (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 1987), 25.

99. James, Varieties of Religious Experience , 168.

100. Erich Auerbach, Mimesis , trans. Willard R. Trask (1946; Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1953), 43.

101. "Pues ya andava mi alma cansada y, aunque quería, no la dejavan descansar las ruines costumbres que tenía. Acaecióme que, entrando un día en el oratorio, vi una imagen que havían traído allí a guardar, que se havía buscado para cierta fiesta que se hacía en casa. Era de Cristo muy llagado y tan devota, que en mirándola, toda me turbó de verle tal, porque representava bien lo que pasó por nosotros. Fue tanto lo que sentí de lo mal que había agradecido aquellas llagas, que el corazón me parece se me partía, y arrojéme cabe El con grandísimo derramamiento de lágrimas, suplicándole me fortaleciese ya de una vez para no ofenderle.

"Era yo muy devota de la gloriosa Magdalena, y muy muchas veces pensara en su conversión, en especial cuando comulgava; que como savía estaba allí cierto el Señor dentro de mí, poníame a sus pies, pareciéndome no eran de desechar mis lágrimas; y no sabía lo que decía (que harto hacía quien pot sí me las consentía derramar, pues tan presto se me olvidava aquel sentimiento) y encomendávame a esta gloriosa Santa para que me alcanzase perdón.

"Mas esta postrera vez de esta imagen que digo, me parece me aprovechó más, porque estava ya muy desconfiada de mí y ponía toda mi confianza en Dios. Paréceme le dije entonces, que no me havía de levantar de allí hasta que hiciese lo que le suplicava. Creo cierto me aprovechó, porque fui mijorando mucho desde entonces" ( Vida 9.1-3).

102. "En este tiempo me dieron las Confesiones de San Augustín, que parece el Señor lo ordenó, porque yo no las procuré ni nunca las havía visto. Yo soy muy aficionada a San Augustín, porque el monesterio adonde estuve seglar era de su Orden, y tambián por haver sido pecador, que en los santos que después de serlo el Señor tornó a Sí hallava yo mucho consuelo, pareciéndome en ellos havía de hallar ayuda; y que, como los havía el Señor perdonado, podía hacer a mí; salvo que una cosa me desconsolava, como he dicho, que a ellos sola una vez los había el Señor llamado y no tornavan a caer, y a mí eran ya tantas, que esto me fatigava. Mas considerando en el amor que me tenía, tornava a animarme, que de su misericordia jamás desconfié; de mí, muchas veces....

"Como comencé a leer las Confesiones , paréceme me vía yo allí. Comencé a encomendarme mucho a este glorioso Santo. Cuando llegué a su conversión y leí como oyó aquella voz en el huerto, no me parece sino que el Señor me la dio a mí, según sintió mi corazón. Estuve por gran rato que toda me deshacía en lágrimas y entre mí mesma con gran afleción y fatiga" ( Vida 9.7, 8).

Teresa leaves the circumstances of her introduction to the Confessions vague, possibly to emphasize her compliance with restrictions on women's reading, but most editors assume that confessors gave her the 1554 Spanish translation soon after its publication (Salamanca: Portonariis, 1554). The Portuguese Padre Sebastián Toscano dedicated his translation to Doña Leonor de Mascareñas (1503-1584), governess to Philip II and his son Carlos, whom Teresa mentions as a friend in Foundations 17.5 ( TVST , 148).

103. Pierre Courcelle points out that Teresa interprets the voices as interior words spoken by God, but unlike most other commentators, he considers Augustine's message also to be interior [ Les Confessions de Saint Augustin dans la tradition littéraire [Paris: Etudes Augustiniennes, 1963], 377; also see B. R. Rees, "The Conversion of Saint Augustine," Trivium 14 [19791: 1-17).

104. "'Ya no quiero que tengas conversacón con hombres, sino con ángeles.' ... Desde aquel día yo quedí tan animosa para dejarolo todo por Dios como quien havía querido en aquel memento—que no me parece fue más—dejar otra a su sierva" [ Vida 24.5, 7).

105. "'No hayas miedo, hija, que yo soy y no te desampararé, no temas'" [ Vida 25.18). Jane Tylus makes the connection between these words to Teresa and Christ's to Mary Magdalene in Writing and Vulnerability in the Late Renaissance (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 19931, 72.

106. TVST , 160-161.