1. Doc. 1-10-55 [1828/11], Hayashi-ke monjo, Yoichi cho shi: Shiryohen , ed. Yoichi cho shi hensanshitsu (Yoichi: Yoichi cho, 1986), 1:182-83 (hereafter cited as Hayashi-ke monjo, YCS).

2. When referring to the Tokugawa period, I will use "Hokkaido" to refer to the islands included in the present Hokkaido prefecture, including Hokkaido, nearby islands, and the so-called Northern Territories of Kunashiri, Etorofu, Shikotan, and the Habomai Islands; "Wajinchi" to refer to that part of southern Hokkaido open to non-Ainu Japanese (Wajin) settlement; and "Ezochi" to refer to the remainder of Hokkaido, which was, in principle, not open to permanent Japanese settlement until 1853. I prefer "Ezochi'' to "Ezo" ("Yezo"), which is frequently used in Western accounts of Hokkaido before 1869, because "Ezo" was usually used in Matsumae to refer to the Ainu people, not their homeland, and in any case "Ezo" as a geographical term implies all of Hokkaido, whereas "Ezochi" refers to a specific portion of it. A fuller discussion of the Wajinchi/ Ezochi dichotomy will follow. I will use "Matsumae" to designate the domain. The Matsumae domain's castle town, Fukuyama, is now (and was sometimes during the Tokugawa period) called Matsumae, but, for the sake of simplicity, I will use only Fukuyama.

3. Although it was generally treated as a 10,000-koku domain, Matsumae never participated directly in the kokudaka system, in which the productivity of a domain's landholdings was expressed in terms of fictive rice yields. Because the land surveys ( kenchi ) that formed the basis for official yield assessments were never conducted in Matsumae, neither peasant tax obligations nor retainer stipends were expressed in terms of koku of rice (one koku equals approximately 180 liters). See the discussion in Kaiho, Bakuhansei kokka to Hokkaido, pp. 14-16, 135-46, 151-80. In this Matsumae differed even from the Tsushima domain, whose economy was based almost entirely on trade with Korea. A common misperception is that Tsushima's landholdings outside of mainland Kyushu were never surveyed and were thus without kokudaka ; in fact, a survey conducted in 1627 yielded an assessment of about 17,560 koku. See Moriyama Tsuneo, "Tsushima han," in Nagasaki ken shi: Hansei hen , ed. Nagasaki ken shi henshu iinkai (Tokyo: Yoshikawa kobunkan, 1973), pp. 813-19, 856-59, 884-87. Another misperception is that the bakufu, in recognition of Tsushima's economic and diplomatic importance, officially accorded it status as a 100,000-koku domain. In fact, the domain in effect treated itself that way, even after the bakufu expressly denied its request for 100,000-koku status. See Shin Tsushima-to shi henshu iinkai, ed., Shin Tsushima-to shi (Izuhara: Shin Tsushima-to shi henshu iinkai, 1964), pp. 354-55. I am indebted to Professor Tashiro Kazui for guiding me to these sources.

4. Kaiho, Bakuhansei kokka to Hokkaido, pp. 23-24. Financial problems led to infighting among domain elders so severe that the bakufu issued a stern warning to the domain in 1681.

5. For general overviews of Meiji development policies, see Harrison, Japan's Northern Frontier , and Augustin Berque, La riziére et la banquise: Colonisation et changement culturel à Hokkaidô (Paris: Publications Orientalistes de France, 1980).

6. Kaiho Mineo, "Hokkaido ni okeru hokensei shodankai settei e no ichi shiron," Chihoshi kenkyu 119 (October 1972): 46-47.

7. My characterization of these newcomers from Honshu as Wajin follows conventional practice, but according to Kaiho Mineo, Retto hopposhi kenkyu noto (Sapporo: Hokkaido shuppan kikaku senta, 1986), pp. 76-78, it is not clear that the groups that later formed the Matsumae house and its retainer band considered themselves to be ethnically distinct from the Ainu at this time, though they certainly did by the end of the sixteenth century. Takeda Nobuhiro himself, however, was originally from the province of Wakasa and therefore clearly a Wajin. Kaiho has written extensively on the formative period of Hokkaido history; the discussion here largely follows his work in both substance and interpretation. Readily accessible treatments can be found in Kinsei no Hokkaido (Tokyo: Kyoikusha, 1979), and especially Chusei no Ezochi (Tokyo: Yoshikawa kobunkan, 1987); more specialized studies are contained in Nihon hopposhi no ronri (Tokyo: Yuzankaku, 1974); Bakuhansei kokka to Hokkaido; and, particularly, Kinsei Ezochi seiritsu shi no kenkyu (Tokyo: San'ichi shobo, 1984). In addition, he has edited a collection of pertinent documents, Chusei Ezo shiryo (Tokyo: San'ichi shobo, 1983). See also the summary of this period in Richard Louis Edmonds, Northern Frontiers of Qing China and Tokugawa Japan: A Comparative Study of Frontier Policy (Chicago: Department of Geography, University of Chicago, 1985), pp. 41-49.

8. For the documents, see the domain's official history, "Fukuyama hifu" [1776], comp. Matsumae Hironaga, book 8, in Shinsen Hokkaido shi , ed. Hokkaido cho (Sapporo: Hokkaido cho, 1936), 5: 80, 83 (hereafter cited as SHS). For a general discussion of Hideyoshi's so-called red-seal letters ( shuinjo), which provided the model for the black-seal letters ( kokuinjo) of leyasu, see Mary Elizabeth Berry, Hideyoshi (Cambridge: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1982), pp. 101-2.

9. Matsumae, "Fukuyama hifu," book 8, SHS, 5: 82. See the discussion of the significance of these documents in Kaiho, Chusei no Ezochi , pp. 254-69, 282-300.

10. On Ainu in Tohoku and their contacts with Hokkaido Ainu, see Namikawa Kenji, Kinsei Nihon to hoppo shakai (Tokyo: Sanseido, 1992), and Namikawa Kenji, "Kinsei zenki ni okeru Matsumae, Ezochi to kita Tohoku," Matsumae ban to Matsumae 24 (March 1985): 1-16. On the Tsugaru domain's attitude toward the rebellious Ainu, see Kikuchi Isao, Bakuhan taisei to Ezochi (Tokyo: Yuzankaku, 1984), pp. 59-61. For the 1833 episode, see "Zassho" [1833/12/3], book 16, Kikuchi-ke monjo, box 31, Aomori Prefectural Library. On Matsumae efforts to restrict Ainu trade before 1672, see Kaiho, Bakuhansei kokka to Hokkaido, pp. 20-24. One crude but effective technique used to keep the Ainu in the Ezochi was to threaten their lives when they tried to leave; see the discussion of Chikurage, chieftain of the Yoichi Ainu, in Emori Susumu, Hokkaido kinseishi no kenkyu: Bakuhan taisei to Ezochi (Sapporo: Hokkaido shuppan kikaku senta, 1982), p. 176.

11. The basic sources on Shakushain's War are: "Ezo hoki" [n.d.], in Nihon shomin seikatsu shiryo shusei, ed. Takakura Shin'ichiro (Tokyo: San'ichi shobo, 1969), 4: 639-50; Matsumiya Kanzan, "Ezo dan hikki" [1710], in ibid., 4: 387-400; and "Tsugaru ittoshi" [1731], book 10, in Shinpen Aomori ken sosho, ed. Shinpen Aomori ken sosho kankokai (Tokyo: Rekishi toshosha, 1974), 1: 263-407. See the analyses of the rebellion's significance in Kaiho, Nihon hopposhi no ronri , pp. 61-98; Kaiho, Kinsei Ezochi seiritsu shi no kenkyu, pp. 284-318; Kikuchi, Bakuban taisei to Ezochi , pp. 50-69; and Emori, Hokkaido kinseishi no kenkyu, pp. 183-89. See also two separatist histories of the Ainu (written, significantly, by non-Ainu): Ota Ryu, Ainu kakumei ron: Yukara sekai e no "taikyaku" (Tokyo: Ainu moshiri johobu, 1973), and Shin'ya Gyo, Ainu minzoku teiko shi , rev. ed. (Tokyo: San'ichi shobo, 1977).

12. Kaiho, Bakuhansei kokka to Hokkaido, pp. 21-23.

13. "Ezo hoki," p. 643.

14. On Ainu troops, see ibid., p. 647; on Ainu spies in the employ of the Tsugaru domain, see Asakura Yuko, "Ezo ninshiki no keisei: Toku ni keiki to shire no joho o megutte," in Kita kara no Nihonshi , ed. Hokkaido, Tohoku shi kenkyukai (Tokyo: Sanseldo, 1990), 2: 126-51; on Shodayu (who was burned at the stake for his role in the conflict), see Matsumiya, "Ezo dan hikki," p. 398.

15. Kaiho, Bakuhansei kokka to Hokkaido, pp. 21-23. For an analysis critical of Kaiho, see Oi Haruo, "'Shakushain no ran (Kanbun 9-nen Ezo no ran)' no saikento," Hoppo bunka kenkyu 21 (1992): 1-66.

16. See Kaiho, Bakuhansei kokka to Hokkaido, pp. 20-24, and Emori, Hokkaido kinseishi no kenkyu, pp. 186-87.

17. The use of the term "Wajinchi" here is anachronistic, as it was rarely if ever used before the nineteenth century. Emori, Hokkaido kinseishi no kenkyu, pp. 75-81, notes that domain documents usually refer to the area simply as the zaigo, a generic term for domain territories outside a castle town. Visitors used terms like "Shamochi" ( shamo is a Japanese corruption of the Ainu term for Wajin), "Nipponchi," or simply "Matsumaechi" or ''Matsumaeryo." My use of "Wajinchi" follows contemporary scholarly practice.

18. Kaiho, Kinsei no Hokkaido, pp. 72-73, 75; Suzue Eiichi, Hokkaido choson seidoshi no kenkyu (Sapporo: Hokkaido daigaku tosho kankokai, 1985), pp. 76-77. On the Ainu in the Wajinchi, see Emori, Hokkaido kinseishi no kenkyu, pp. 74-139. See also Edmonds, Northern Frontiers of Qing China and Tokugawa Japan , pp. 85-112, 122-33.

19. Emori Susumu, Shinpen monogatari banshi: Matsutnae , as cited by Suzue, Hokkaido choson seidoshi no kenkyu, p. 13. Kamiya, "Nihon kinsei no toitsu to Dattan," p. 170, takes a view similar to Emori's.

20. See Emori Susumu, Ainu no rekishi (Tokyo: Sanseldo, 1987), pp. 66-105, and Howell, "Ainu Ethnicity and the Boundaries of the Early Modern Japanese State." For a similar instance of outside manufactures taking on an increasingly important cultural role, see Richard White, The Roots of Dependency: Subsistence, Environment, and Social Change among the Choetaws, Pawnees, and Navajos (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1983).

21. A list of posts and the retainers who held them as of the late eighteenth century can be found in Shirayama Tomomasa, Matsutnae Ezochi basho ukeoi seido no kenkyu, rev. ed. (Tokyo: Gannando shoten, 1971), pp. 35-40.

22. Kaiho, Retto hopposhi kenkyu noto p. 82.

23. See Kaiho, Chusei no Ezochi , chaps. 3 and 4, for a discussion of medieval Tohoku society.

24. Kanno Wataro, Omi shonin no kenkyu (Tokyo: Yuhikaku, 1941), chap. 8.

25. Western studies have tended to focus on large tozama domains, which enjoyed an unusual degree of political and economic autonomy. For instance, Albert Craig, Choshu in the Meiji Restoration (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1961), writes of domain "nationalism" in Choshu, and Luke S. Roberts, "The Merchant Origins of National Prosperity Thought in Eighteenth Century Tosa" (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 1991), very deliberately refers to "national'' prosperity thought and "international" (i.e., interdomainal) trade in Tosa. The cumulative effect of such studies has been to make large, unitary domains seem more typical than they really were. For a case study that focuses on an area outside of a major domain, see Wigen, The Making of a Japanese Periphery . On the relationship between the bakufu and domains in general, see Conrad Totman, Politics in the Tokugawa Bakufu (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1967), which emphasizes the power of the bakufu, and Harold Bolitho, Treasures among Men (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1974), which stresses the daimyo's loyalty to their own domains.

26. Asao Naohiro, Sakoku ( Nihon no rekishi , vol. 17) (Tokyo: Shogakukan, 1975).

27. Kaiho, Bakuhansei kokka to Hokkaido, pp. 14-16.

28. Toby, State and Diplomacy in Early Modern Japan ; Arano, Kinsei Nihon to higashi Ajia .

29. Arano, Kinsei Nihon to higashi Ajia , pp. i-xvi, 3-28. For a discussion of the concepts of the "civilized" and the "barbarian" as they relate to Tokugawa Japan, see Wakabayashi, Anti-foreignism and Western Learning in Early-Modern Japan , pp. 17-57.

30. Arano, Kinsei Nihon to higashi Ajia , pp. 43-44. See also the discussion in Kamiya, "Nihon kinsei no toitsu to Dattan," pp. 166-71.

31. See Wakita Osamu, "The Kokudaka System: A Device for Unification," Journal of Japanese Studies 1:2 (Summer 1975): 297-320, for an overview of the origins of the kokudaka system.

32. Kaiho, Bakuhansei kokka to Hokkaido, pp. 14, 151-80, discusses Matsumae's kokudaka . During the seventeenth century Matsumae was treated inconsistently: at Edo castle the daimyo was at times relegated to sit with bannermen ( hatamoto ) with 7,000-koku fiefs, while at the same time the domain's military obligations were equivalent to those of a 45,000-koku domain. In 1716 its status was finally set as equivalent to 10,000 koku.

33. Kitajima Masamoto, "Kan'ei-ki no rekishiteki ichi," in Bakubansei kokka seiritsu katei no kenkyu, ed. Kitajima Masamoto (Tokyo: Yoshikawa kobunkan, 1978), pp. 3-9.

34. Kaiho, Bakuhansei kokka to Hokkaido, p. 14.

35. Matsumae, "Fukuyama hifu," book 24, SHS, 5: 202-3.

36. See the sample contracts in Shirayama, Matsumae Ezochi basho ukeoi seido no kenkyu, pp. 87-96.

37. The tshikari fishery in the west was actually a conglomerate of thirteen small parcels on the Ishikari River, but it is counted as one fishery here because the entire group usually went to one contractor. It produced salmon, not herring, almost exclusively.

38. Shirayama, Matsumae Ezochi basho ukeoi seido no kenkyu, fig. 3, following p. 264, and pp. 98-109.

39. See Hauser, Economic Institutional Change in Tokugawa Japan , pp. 126-32, and Walthall, Social Protest and Popular Culture in Eighteenth-Century Japan , pp. 88-89, 93, for accounts of the impact of rising fertilizer prices on cotton cultivation in the Kinai region.

40. Arai, Kinsei no gyoson , pp. 495-501; Arai Eiji, Kinsei Nihon gyosonshi no kenkyu (Tokyo: Shinseisha, 1965), pp. 539-59; "Osaka koemonosho kumiai enkakushi" [1901], in Osaka keizai shiryo shusei, ed. Osaka keizai shiryo shusei kanko iinkai (Osaka: Osaka shoko kaigisho, 1974), 5: 115, 163. The word for dried sardines ( hoshika ) was also used as a generic term for any commercial fertilizer made from processed fish or fish by-products. Thus references to dried sardines in discussions of fertilizer use, such as Smethurst, Agricultural Development and Tenancy Disputes in Japan , p. 199, or Smith, Native Sources of Japanese Industrialization , p. 177, should probably be interpreted to include herring meal.

41. Arai, Kinsei Nihon gyosonshi no kenkyu, p. 543; Hasegawa Shinzo, "Kinsei koki ni okeru Ezochi-san gyohi no Kanto noson e no donyu," Matsumae ban to Matsumae 12 (July 1978): 14-26. For data on specific ports, see Kaitakushi, ed., "Tohoku shoko hokokusho" [1880], in Meiji zenki sangyo hattatsu shi shiryo, ed. Meiji bunken shiryo kankokai (Tokyo: Meiji bunken shiryo kankokai, 1959), vol. 2. In 1888 distribution patterns resembled those described here for the late Tokugawa period. See Hokusui kyokai, ed., Hokkaido gyogyo shiko, 1890, reprint of 1935 ed. (Tokyo: Kokusho kankokai, 19771, pp. 73-74. See also Katada Seishi, Hokkaido naikoku boeki shi no kenkyu ( Hokkaido chihoshi kenkyu special supplement 11) (Sapporo: Hokkaido chihoshi kenkyukai, 1965); Takase Tamotsu, "Kaga han ni okeru gyohi no fukyu," Nihon rekishi 354 (November 1977): 58-79.

42. Arai, Kinsei Nihon gyosonshi no kenkyu, pp. 540—41. See also Maeno Ryushin, Kitamaebune no jidai: Kinsei igo no Nibonkai kaiunsbi (Tokyo: Kyoikusha, 1979); Miyamoto Matao and Uemura Masahiro, "Tokugawa keizai no junkan kozo," in Keizai shakai no seiritsu ( Nihon keizai shi , vol. 1), ed. Hayami Akira and Miyamoto Matao (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1988), pp. 271-324; Robert G. Flershem, "Some Aspects of Japan Sea Trade in the Tokugawa Period," Journal of Asian Studies 23:3 (May 1964): 405-16.

43. Shirayama, Matsumae Ezochi basho ukeoi seido no kenkyu, pp. 133-47. For an account of a visit to his fishery in 1859 by Hayashi Chozaemon, see Yoichi cho shi hensanshitsu, ed., Yoichi onbasho mimawari nikki [1859] ( Yoichi cho shi shiryo sosho, vol. 3) (Yoichi: Yoichi cho shi hensanshitsu, 1973).

44. Hokkaido cho, ed. Hokkaido shi (Sapporo: Hokkaido cho, 1918), app. 3 (statistics), pp. 43-44; see also E. A. Hamreel, "A Glimpse into the Demography of the Ainu," American Anthropologist 90:1 (March 1988): 25-41. On the effects of smallpox on the Ainu, see, for example, two descriptions of late-eighteenth-century epidemics: Matsuda Denjuro, "Hokuidan" [n.d.], and Kushihara Shoho, "Igen zokuwa" [1793], in Nihon shomin seikatsu shiryo shusei, ed. Takakura Shin'ichiro (Tokyo: San'ichi shobo, 1969), 4:98-99 and 4: 490-91, respectively. The bakufu sent doctors to the Ezochi to inoculate some 6,400 Ainu against the disease in 1858; see the account by one of them, Kuwata Ryusai, ''Ezo no kyokai" [1859], Resource Collection for Northern Studies, Hokkaido University Library (hereafter RCNS). Smallpox also figures in the traditional Ainu oral literature, the yukar ; see, for example, "Lullaby," in Donald L. Philippi, trans. and ed., Songs of Gods, Songs of Humans: The Epic Tradition of the Ainu (Princeton: Princeton University Press; Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1979), pp. 240-42.

45. For an early example of "lending" Ainu workers, see docs. I-2-3 [1814/12], I-2-4 [1815/1], I-2-6 [1815/12], Hayashi-ke monio, YCS, 1: 20-23.

46. This discussion of Ainu labor is based largely on Takakura Shin'ichiro, Ainu seisakushi , rev. ed. (Tokyo: San'ichi shoho, 1972), pp. 287-314. See also Emori, Ainu no rekishi .

47. "Ezochi kinban kokoroekata" [1832], Okudaira-ke monjo, cited in Takakura, Ainu seisakushi , p. 292.

48. See, for example, the case of the Sakhalin Ainu Tokonbe, described by Kikuchi Isao, Hopposhi no naka no kinsei Nihon (Tokyo: Azekura shoho, 1991 ), pp. 279-301.

49. The following description of the Kunashiri-Menashi rebellion is based on ibid., pp. 302-37; Takakura, Ainu seisakushi , pp. 102-9; and Narumi Kentaro, "Ezochi, Hokkaido to Shimokita hanto no koryushi ko," in Ezochi, Hokkaido: Rekishi to seikatsu , ed. Chihoshi kenkyu kyogikai (Tokyo: Yuzankaku, 1981), pp. 146-64.

50. John J. Stephan, "Ezo under the Tokugawa Bakufu , 1799-1821: An Aspect of Japan's Frontier History" (Ph.D. diss., University of London, 1969), is the most complete account of the first bakufu takeover of Hokkaido.

51. Sato Yusho, "Shimokita nogyomin no Ezochi dekasegi ni tsuite," in Hokkaido no kenkyu, ed. Kaiho Mineo (Osaka: Seibundo, 1982), 3: 260-64. On Ainu assimilation, see John J. Stephan, The Kuril Islands (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974), pp. 104-10, and Kikuchi Isao, "Gaiatsu to dokashugi," in Hokkaido no kenkyu, ed. Kaiho Mineo (Osaka: Seibundo, 1983), 4: 1-30. For a survey of Russo-Japanese relations in this period, see George Alexander Lensen, The Russian Push toward Japan (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1959); Harrison, Japan's Northern Frontier; and Keene, The Japanese Discovery of Europe , chaps. 3 and 6.

52. Stephan, "Ezo under the Tokugawa Bakufu ," pp. 70-72; Sato Yusho, "Ezochi bakuryoka seisaku no igi," in Hokkaido no kenkyu, ed. Kaiho Mineo Osaka: Seibundo, 1983), 4: 31-54.

53. Stephan, "Ezo under the Tokugawa Bakufu ," pp. 101-4.

54. For the Golovnin Incident, see Vasalii Golovnin, Memoirs of a Captivity m Japan during the Years 1811, 1812, and 1813; with Observations on the Country and the People , 2d ed., 3 vols. (London: Henry Colburn & Co., 1824). On the profitability of direct administration, see Stephan, "Ezo under the Tokugawa Bakufu ," p. 238. For Matsumae's samurai outplacement policy, see Kikuchi Isao, "Bakuhanseika Hokkaido dekasegi, iju no tenkai shojoken to dotai," in Bakuhansei kara kindai e , ed. Hayashi Hideo and Yamada Shoji (Tokyo: Kashiwa shobo, 1979), pp. 125-29.

55. Tabata Hiroshi, "Bakufu chokkatsu jidai," in Hokkaido daihyakka jiten , ed. Hokkaido shinbunsha (Sapporo: Hokkaido shinbunsha, 1981), 2: 372, and Kaiho Mineo, "Hakodate bugyo," in Hokkaido daihyakka jiten , ed. Hokkaido shinbunsha (Sapporo: Hokkaido shinbunsha, 1981), 2: 391-92. On the prostitutes, see "Hakodate omote inbaijo no ken" [1856/5/3], in Dai-Nippon komonjo: Bakumatsu gaikoku kankei monjo , ed. Tokyo teikoku daigaku bungakubu shiryo hensan gakari (Tokyo: Tokyo teikoku daigaku, 1922), 14: 99-101. On bakufu attempts to force the assimilation of the Ainu, see Kikuchi, Bakubansei kokka to Ezochi , pp. 153-76; Kikuchi, Hopposhi no naka no kinsei Nihon , pp. 252-78; and Howell, "Ainu Ethnicity and the Boundaries of the Early Modern Japanese State," pp. 89-91.

56. Suzuki Takahiro, "Bunkatsu shihaika no nishi Ezochi," in Hokkaido no kenkyu, ed. Kaiho Mineo (Osaka: Seibundo, 1983), 4: 201-35.

57. Ibid., p. 204.

58. Moriya Yoshimi, "Bakufu no Ezochi seisaku to zaichi no doko," Tohoku gakuin daigaku Tohoku bunka kenkyujo kiyo 16 (November 1984): 131-58; Moriya Yoshimi, "Hakodate sanbutsu kaisho to 'moto shiire shiho,'" in Hokkaido no kenkyu, ed. Kaiho Mineo (Osaka: Seibundo, 1983), 4: 161-200.

59. Tajima Yoshiya, "Bakumatsuki 'basho' ukeoiseika ni okeru gyomin no sonzai keitai: Nishi Ezochi Utasutsu Isoya ryobasho no baai." Shakai keizai shigaku 46:3 (1980): 69.

60. Seki Hideshi, "Bakumatsu ni okeru Shonai han no Rumoi chiho keiei o roeguru shomondai (1)," Hokkaido chihoshi kenkyu 90 (February 1973): 94-99.

61. "Hamamashike yoyogaki tojikomi" [1865], Sato-ke monjo B10, RCNS.

62. Tabata Hiroshi, "Meiji shoki no gyogyo seido ni tsuite: Gyobamochi seido no kosatsu," Atarasbii doshi 41 (25 August 1970): 1-15.

63. Uemura Hideaki, Kita no umi no koekishatachi: Ainu minzoku no shakai keizaishi (Tokyo: Dobunkan, 1990), pp. 117-204.

64. See the discussion of treasures and indemnities in Kikuchi, Hopposhi no naka no kinsei Nihon , pp. 122-48.

65. Doc. 1-14-12 [1833/10], Hayashi-ke monjo, YCS, 1: 337-39.

66. Blakiston, Japan in Yezo , pp. 29-30.

67. Hayami Uichiro, "Kita Ezochi yo oboegaki" [1863], and Yoshida Setsuzo, "Hokuchi kaitaku shimatsu tairyaku" [c. 1881], RCNS.

68. Tabata Hiroshi, "Basho ukeoi seido hokaiki ni okeru ukeoinin shihon no katsudo: Nishikawa-ke monjo no bunseki," in Hokkaido no kenkyu, ed. Kaiho Mineo (Osaka: Seibundo, 19821, 3: 287-325.

69. "Hamamashike yoyogaki tojikomi" [1865], Sato-ke monjo.

70. See, for example, Seki Hideshi, "Imin to chiiki shakai no seiritsu: Tomamae chiho ni okeru gyogyo imin, dekasegi no doko to gyoson no seiritsu katei," in Hokkaido no kenkyu, ed. Seki Hideshi (Osaka: Seibundo, 1983), 5: 225-78; Seki Hideshi, "Rito shakai no keisei katei ni tsuite (1): Bunka nenkan-Meiji shoki ni okeru Rishiri-to no gyogyo to gyomin no doko," Hokkaido kaitaku kinenkan chosa hokoku 23 (19841: 7-16; Emori Susumu, "Meiji kaitakuki Nemuro chiho gyogyo kozo no shiteki tenkai," Hokkaido keizai shi kenkyu 19 (1965): 23-47.

71. By the 1880s agents were appearing in remote Ainu villages in eastern Hokkaido to recruit fishery workers in the same way they hired workers in Tohoku villages. See Watanabe Hitoshi, The Ainu Ecosystem: Environment and Group Structure (Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1972), p. 88.

72. As Elizabeth Fox-Genovese and Eugene D. Genovese, Fruits of Merchant Capital: Slavery and Bourgeois Property in the Rise and Expansion of Capitalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1983), pp. 6-7, put it: "Although [merchant capital] provided a powerful solvent to feudal and seigneuriai relations and contributed mightily to the emergence of a world market, it could not create capitalist social relations or a new system of production. To the extent that it remained commercial and money-dealing capital—to the extent that it escaped becoming an agent of industrial capital—it eventually became an impediment to the emergence of the capitalist mode of production. This paradox had in fact appeared as early as antiquity and had marked every age of European, as well as non-European, history." As Fox-Genovese and Genovese note, however, this is a point of long-standing contention among scholars.

73. Leupp, "'One Drink from a Gourd,'" pp. 500-508.

74. It is worthwhile to note, however, that the merchant overseeing a putting-out operation was just as interested as the proto-factory operator in getting the surplus value of peasant labor—rather than the use value of the commodities being produced—and thus equally fulfilled a key criterion of capitalist production. In other words, Leupp's distinction between putting-out and manufactures is more valuable when looking at labor than when considering the purposes of production. See the discussion of the so-called manufactures debate among pre-World War II Japanese Marxist historians and particularly the analysis of the work of Hattori Shiso, in Germaine A. Hoston, Marxism and the Crisis of Development in Prewar Japan (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), pp. 95-126.