1. Lloyd A. Free and Hadley Cantril, The Political Beliefs of Americans: A Study of Public Opinion (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1967), especially pp. 15-40.

2. Joe R. Feagin, Subordinating the Poor: Welfare and American Beliefs (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1975), chap. 4.

3. For arguments countering Murray's, see Christopher Jencks, "How Poor Are the Poor?" New York Review of Books , May 9, 1985; and Daniel Patrick Moynihan, Family and Nation (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1986), chap. 3.

4. Lawrence M. Mead, Beyond Entitlement: The Social Obligations of Citizenship (New York: Free Press, 1986).

5. Richard Burn, The History of the Poor Laws: With Observations (1764; rpt. Clifton N.J.: A. M. Kelley, 1973), quoted in Daniel P. Moynihan, The Politics of a Guaranteed Income: The Nixon Administration and the Family Assistance Plan (New York: Random House, 1973), pp. 159-60.

6. Harold L. Wilensky, The Welfare State and Equality: Structural and Ideological Roots of Public Expenditures (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975). Richard Rose has recently provided a different frame of reference for Wilensky's evidence: in comparison to the most advanced nations of Western Europe, the United States is laggard in these respects, but the United States is much more representative of other Pacific Rim nations. See Rose, "How Exceptional Is American Government?" Studies in Public Policy no. 150, Center for the Study of Public Policy, University of Strathclyde, Glasgow, Scotland, 1985.

7. On the distinctiveness of American political culture and values, see, for example, Norman Furniss and Timothy Tilton, The Case for the Wel- soft

fare State: From Social Security to Social Equality (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1977); Anthony King, "Ideas, Institutions, and the Policies of Governments: A Comparative Analysis," British Journal of Political Science 3 (July 1973): 291-313 and 3 (October 1973): 409-23; Samuel P. Huntington, American Politics: The Promise of Disharmony (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981). For contrasting views of differences between American and European values, compare Huntington, American Politics with Richard M. Coughlin, Ideology, Public Opinion, and Welfare Policy: Attitudes Toward Taxes and Spending in Industrialized Societies (Berkeley: Institute of International Studies, University of California, 1980). On the attitudes of American and European elites, see Charles Lockhart, "Values and Policy Conceptions of Health Policy Elites in the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Federal Republic of Germany," Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law 6 (Spring 1981): 98-119; Joel D. Aberbach, Robert D. Putnam, and Bert A. Rockman, Bureaucrats and Politicians in Western Democracies (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981), chap. 5, especially pp. 122-24.

8. See Theodore Lowi, The End of Liberalism: The Second Republic in the United States (New York: Norton, 1979); Grant McConnell, Private Power and American Democracy (New York: Knopf, 1960).

9. See Jule M. Sugarman, Gary D. Bass, and Matthew J. Bader, "Human Services in the 1980's—President Reagan's 1983 Proposals, White Paper no. 5: For Citizens and Public Officials" (Washington, D.C.: Human Services Information Center, 1983), pp. 6-7, 9, and 76, and the Social Security Bulletin 51 (July 1988). This level of spending for similar purposes is not new in the United States. Roughly similar levels were reached through Civil War pensions in the late nineteenth century; see Theda Skocpol and John Ikenberry, "The Political Formation of the American Welfare State in Historical and Comparative Perspective," Comparative Social Research 6 (Greenwich, Conn.: JAI Press, 1983), pp. 87-148, particularly p. 95.

10. Compare with Huntington, American Politics , p. 230, and with Carleton B. Chapman and John M. Talmadge, "The Evolution of the Right-to-Health Concept in the United States," in Maurice B. Visscher, ed., Humanistic Perspectives in Medical Ethics (Buffalo: Prometheus, 1972), p. 108.

11. On the creation of this public image, see Jerry R. Cates, Insuring Inequality: Administrative Leadership in Social Security, 1935-54 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1983). Much attention has been devoted to the question of why there is no socialism in the United States; for an early study, see Werner Sombart, Why Is There No Socialism in the United States? edited and introduced by C. T. Husbands (1906; rpt. continue

White Plains, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 1976). In a recent review of the literature Seymour Martin Lipset notes that a growing number of writers believe that socialism, in the form of extensive social programs, has made inroads; see his "Why No Socialism in the United States?" in Seweryn Bialer and Sophia Sluzar, eds., Radicalism in the Contemporary Age , vol. 1 of Sources of Contemporary Radicalism (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1977), pp. 31-149.

12. Compare this general process of tailoring public policy to cultural values with the argument of Iredell Jenkins, Social Order and the Limits of Law: A Theoretical Essay (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980), chap. 9, especially pp. 122-23, 139, and 154. For a similar example applied to a different cultural setting, see Daniel Levine, "Conservatism and Tradition in Danish Social Welfare Legislation, 1890-1933: A Comparative View," Comparative Studies in Society and History 20 (January 1978) 54-69, especially p. 54.

13. See Feagin, Subordinating the Poor , chap. 4; Natalie Jaffe, "A Review of Public Opinion Surveys, 1935-1976," in Lester M. Salamon, Welfare: The Elusive Consensus: Where We Are, How We Got There, and What's Ahead (New York: Praeger, 1978), pp. 221-28.

14. For a more encouraging view see Tom Campbell, The Left and Rights: A Conceptual Analysis of the Idea of Socialist Rights (Boston: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1983).

15. See T. H. Marshall, "Citizenship and Social Class," in Sociology at the Crossroads and Other Essays (London: Heinemann, 1963), pp. 67-127.

16. See David Miller, "Democracy and Social Justice," British Journal of Political Science 8 (January 1978): 1-19.

17. Alexander L. George and Richard Smoke, Deterrence In American Foreign Policy: Theory and Practice (New York: Columbia University Press, 1974), especially pp. 95-97. These case studies may also be examples of what Harry Eckstein has in mind when he uses the term "plausibility probes"; see his "Case Study and Theory in Political Science," in Fred I. Greenstein and Nelson W. Polsby, eds., Handbook of Political Science, Volume 7: Strategies of Inquiry (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1977), pp. 79-137, particularly pp. 108-13.

18. See Lipset, "Why No Socialism?"; Huntington, American Politics; Nathan Glazer and Irving Kristol, eds., The American Commonwealth—1976 (New York: Basic Books, 1976).

19. T. H. Marshall, Social Policy (London: Hutchinson, 1967), pp. 177-79.

20. Richard Sennett and Jonathan Cobb, The Hidden Injuries of Class (New York: Knopf, 1973). break