1. GG 1013: pp. 64-67, from Rüstem to the Foreign Ministry, 20 Dec. 1879. For background on the berâts issued to religious dignitaries, see Inalcik, "The Status of the Greek Orthodox Patriarch." For a general discussion on the position of non-Muslims in the Ottoman State, see the Introduction in Braude and Lewis, eds., Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Empire , 1-34. On developments during the Tanzîmât era, see Davison, 114-135.

2. Harik, Politics and Change , 19, 79-80, 85-87, and 125-126; compare notes 3 and 5 below.

3. GG 1013: pp. 64-67.

4. Salibi, Modern History , 74-75, and Harik, Politics and Change , 120 ff.

5. GG 1013: pp. 64-67; and YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 72-73, 17 N 1307 (May 1890), Vasa's memorandum.

6. Kerr, 22-25, and Havemann, 223-243. Also see Chapter 1 above.

7. Spagnolo, France , 52-76, 84-85, and 97-115. Compare Chapter 2 above.

8. See Vasa's account: YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 72-73, 17 N 1307 (May 1890). Compare Spagnolo, France , 114. Franko was one of Fuad Pasha's assistants during the latter's special mission to Mount Lebanon in 1860. Franko's friendship with Bulus Mas'ad dated from those days; see Farah, "Problem," 294, and Khater, 36-37.

9. For Rüstem's account, see GG 1013: pp. 64-67, Dec. 1879. Compare YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 15-16, 24 Za 1303 (Aug. 1886); and YEE: 35/429/122/104, no. 143, 8 N 1309 (April 1892), for church-state relations during Rüstem's governorship. The Porte's approval is referred to retrospectively in GG 1016: 8 Z 1309 (July 1892) and 16 S 1311 (Aug. 1893). Also see the letter dated 5 M 1304 (Oct. 1886) in the same register.

10. See Chapter 2 (pp. 43-45) on the relations between Rüstem and the Maronite Church. Istafan 'Awad was still a bishop with full powers in 1891; see YEE: 35/429/122/104, varak 117 and its appendices.

11. Spagnolo mentions this incident in France , 185. The absence of any reference to this issue in Vasa's numerous letters, even when he talks about Zughbi's activities--as in YEE: 35/436/122/105, defter 2, pp. 38-39, 7 Za 1307--is meaningful. For Vasa's early hopes and later developments concerning his relations with the Church, see Chapter 2 (pp. 47-51).

12. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 57-58, and defter 2, p. 35, 6 Ca

1306; defter 1, p. 58, 18 C 1306; defter 2, pp. 40-41, and defter 1, pp. 66-67; and YEE: 35/429/122/104, nos. 90 and 121, 18 R-28 C 1307, and varaks 81-83, 19 Ca-15 B 1306 (Jan. 1889-Feb. 1890).

13. On the dioceses, see Harik, Politics and Change , 296. On the patriarch's response, see Spagnolo, France , 185-186.

14. YEE: 35/2332/43/110, no. Ie, 25 Sh 1307, and YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 70-71, and defter 2, pp. 40-41, 10 N 1307 (Apr. 1890). Also see Spagnolo, France , 186-187.

15. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 71-72, 11 N 1307, and pp. 72-73, 17 N 1307; and YEE: 35/429/122/104, nos. 96 and 122, 22 Ni. 1306 and 13 L 1307 (April-May 1890). Also see the documents mentioned in the previous note.

16. YEE: 35/429/122/104, no. 122, 13 L 1307 (June 1890), the Porte's inquiry; and YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 2, pp. 38-39, 7 Za 1307 (June 1890), Vasa's response.

17. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 75-76, 7 Za 1307, and defter 2, pp. 38-39, same date (June 1890).

18. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 2, pp. 38-39, 7 Za 1307 (June 1890), to the Palace.

19. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 75-77, and defter 2, pp. 38-39, 7-19 Za 1307 (June-July 1890). For relations between the Vatican and Paris, also see Spagnolo, France , 186-187.

20. YEE: 35/439/122/125, defter 1, pp. 78-79, and defter 2, pp. 39-40, 21 Sh-20 N 1308 (April 1891), Vasa's letters to the Porte and the Palace. Compare CL 1/35.

21. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 80-83, 27 N-18 L 1307, and YEE: 35/429/122/104, no. 123, 12 L 1308, and no. 113, 27 Mayis 1308 (May-June 1891). YEE: 35/429/122/104, nos. 130, 132, 133, 93, 143, 112, 113, and 115, 11 R 1309-19 Za 1309 (Nov. 1891-June 1892), Vasa's letters and telegrams to the Porte and the Palace. See Spagnolo, France , 187, on the pressure France put on Hajj, and the outspoken dissatisfaction of the consul with the small number of people cheering for him in his visit to the Patriarchate in February 1892, and how in May 1892 "he pointedly found a pretext for a second visit during which time he was pleased to observe the customary public manifestations of allegiance."

22. GG 1016: 8 Z 1309 (July 1892).

23. GG 1016: 8 Z 1309 and 3 S 1310 (July-Aug. 1892).

24. GG 1016: 16 S 1311 (Aug. 1893), Ahmed Cevad Pasha responding to Naum's letter of 10 M 1311 (July 1893). Ahmed Cevad was a military general by background and a centrist in his domestic policy.

25. For the correspondence between Naum and the Porte, see GG 1016: 9 L 1316 (Feb. 1899). On Huwayyik's election and Najm's supporters, see Spagnolo, France , 201-202 and 231. On the improvement in Ottoman-French relations during this period, see Chapter 3 (p. 59). The paucity of

documents on this issue dating from Naum's period is itself an indication of the good relations between the Church and the governor.

26. See al-Mallah, 372. Mallah thinks Muzaffer took the lead in the establishment of these societies. From other information he supplies, however, it is clear that the initiative was native, and Muzaffer simply encouraged the efforts.

27. CL 3/118: no. 37, 22 L 1322 (Dec. 1904). Compare no. 36, 18 N 1322 (Nov. 1904), and no. 25, 4 B 1322 (Sept. 1904). On relations between the Church and Muzaffer, also see Chapter 3.

28. On the patriarch's visit to Istanbul, see CL 3/144: nos. 1-35 (Sept. 1905-Jan. 1906).

29. Spagnolo, France , 232.

30. Harik, Politics and Change , 127-166; Salibi, House ; and Hourani, Emergence , 149-169.

31. Yusuf Dibs, the bishop of Beirut, comes to mind in this context.

32. See Patriarch Huwayyik's statement in al-Mallah, 392. This was the attitude of Patriarch Mas'ad as well. In fact, the Patriarchate's position on this matter seems to have changed little as late as the 1960s. See Michael Hudson, The Precarious Republic (New York, 1968), 130. Hudson's account shows clearly that the struggle between the government and the Church continued in the Republic along lines not dissimilar to the situation in the mutasarrifiyya . Compare Kawtharani, 308-309; and Meir Zamir, The Formation of Modern Lebanon (Ithaca, N.Y., 1985), 62-63. David Kerr's Ph.D. dissertation (Oxford University) seems to be the best study of relations between the patriarch and the president of the Republic, but this work was not available to me.

33. It is possible to trace this development in the petitions presented to the Porte. The earlier petitions were almost exclusively drafted by the clergy, and the clergy led the campaign for collecting signatures for them. Gradually, lay leaders initiated campaigns on their own account. The development of a secular concept of Lebanon in more recent petitions is unmistakable.

34. See Spagnolo, France , 233-235, 265-266, and 276, for the French diplomats' opinions of the "liberal" group and the Quai d'Orsay's policy of not receiving Maronites who had not made themselves known through the auspices of the Patriarchate. Also see al-Hakim, 24, who argues that Habib Sa'ad, one of the principal leaders of the liberal group, became fully committed to the French in 1913, in return for their support of his vice-presidency of the Council. Daud 'Ammun, another liberal councillor, like-wise became committed to the French.

35. See al-Hakim, 56, 100-102; compare 277-282. Hakim is clearly praising the Church dignitaries and the patriarch in language they would like to hear.

36. The biggest changes which the Ottoman government introduced

pertained to the judiciary organization. Isma'il Haqqi, 642, however, makes it clear that these changes were not yet implemented as of 1916-17. Another implication of direct Ottoman rule was the enforcement of Ottoman laws. Efforts were made to translate the relevant laws not yet applied in Mount Lebanon; see al-Hakim, 217-219. There was no time, however, for the proper implementation of these laws, except some which pertained to the administration of public forests and property. An effort was made to form a public education department, which did not exist in Mount Lebanon, but it was only partly successful; see Isma'il Haqqi, 594-599.

37. See Sulaiman Kan'an's memorandum in The Political History of Lebanon, 1920-1950 , ed. Walter L. Browne (Salisbury, N. C., 1976), vol. 1: 6; also see vol. 1: 16 for another memorandum by Kan'an.

38. See al-Hakim on changes in the offices, 165-169, 172, 175, 178-179, 182-184, 228-230; on difficulties, 249-255. On the trials, see CL 7/292: nos. 1-13 (Feb.-May 1915); Muhâkamât , 259-278; Nicholas Z. Ajay, ''Political Intrigue and Suppression in Lebanon during World War I," IJMES 5 (1974): 140-160; and al-Hakim, 233-242.

39. CL 7/277-5: nos. 67-68, and CL 7/277-6: nos. 4-5 and 31-32, Za 1332 (Oct. 1914). Hakim, 172-174, mentions a second inquiry by the military authorities in Damascus, but the governor kept the summons and took no action on it.

40. See al-Hakim, 278-280, for a full translation of the berât in Arabic.

41. Ajay, 140-160, and Zamir, 36 and 230 n. 91.

42. Zamir, 38-72; Kawtharani, 285-326; and Khairiyya Qasimiyya, al-Hukûmat al-'arabiyya fi Dimashq bain 1918-1920 (Cairo, 1971), 46-156.

43. For the text of the resolution, see 'Abd al-'Aziz Nawwar, ed., Wathâiq asâsiyya min târîkh Lubnân al-hadîth, 1517-1920 (Beirut, 1974), 520-522, and al-Khuri, vol. 1: 269-271.

44. Zamir, 53-54; Kawtharani, 303-306 and 344-345; and Jurj (Georges) Adib Karam, ed., Qadiyya Lubnân, 1918-1920 (Beirut, 1985), vol. 1: 310-326. For a detailed study of developments leading to the establishment of Greater Lebanon, also see Ahmad R. Haffar, "France in the Establishment of Greater Lebanon" (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 1961), 207-300.

45. The Council's resolution dated 20 May 1920 quoted in Nawwar, 528-529, and al-Khuri, vol. 1: 272-273.

46. Quotation from Huwayyik's memorandum to the Peace Conference, dated 25 Oct. 1919, where he describes his "mission"; see Nawwar, 530. See Zamir, 70-71, on the Council's resolution dated June 16 on this matter; and Karam, 327-338, for related news and documents.

47. See al-Khuri, vol. 1: 96.

48. Zamir, 70-72; Kawtharani, 308-310; and Nawwar, 530-531. Compare Haffar, 230-232.

49. Kawtharani, 323-340; Qasimiyya, 145-156 and 189-193; and Zamir, 72-89, 67-69, and 93-94.

50. For the text of the resolution, see Nawwar, 534-537. For the French translation, see Zamir, 281-284. Compare Haffar, 262-263.

51. Zamir, 62-63, 72, 78, 89, 91, 95; Kawtharani, 343; and compare Clemenceau's letter to Huwayyik in Nawwar, 532-533, for the assurance of the patriarch. However, the patriarch obtained the mandate of the Council concerning the third delegation; see Karam, 340-342.

52. Nawwar, 541.

53. Browne, vol. 1: 11; Kawtharani, 335-336; and al-Khuri, vol. 1: 103-104.

54. Kawtharani, 344-345; Zamir, 89-91; and Haffar, 262-263.

55. Of the 13 elected members of the Council, 7 were with this group. Their names and constituencies are as follows: Sa'adallah Huwayyik, Maronite, Batrun; Sulaiman Kan'an, Maronite, Jazzin; Khalil 'Aql, Maronite, Matn; Fuad 'Abd al-Malik, Druze, Matn; Mahmud Junblat, Druze, Shuf; Ilias Shuairi, Greek Orthodox, Matn; and Muhammad Muhsin, Shiite, Kisrawan. Yusuf Baridi, Greek Catholic, Zahla, was with the group; he explicitly expressed his solidarity with them, but was at home sick as the others signed the resolution and left for Damascus (see Kawtharani, 346). Husain al-Hajjar, Sunni, Matn, and Niqula Ghusn, Greek Orthodox, Kura, did not participate in the meetings of the group (but see note 62 below). One position (the Maronite representative of Kisrawan) was vacant. Daud 'Ammun, Maronite, Dair al-Qamar, and the other Druze representative of Shuf (Tawfiq Arslan?) definitely opposed the resolution, as did the appointed chairman of the Council, Habib Sa'ad, Maronite.

56. For the text of the resolution, see Browne, vol. 1: 9-19; Zamir, 285-286; and Nawwar, 542-544.

57. Al-Khuri, vol. 1: 105-107; Qasimiyya, 193-194; Zamir, 89-90; and Kawtharani, 344-347; quotation of the official decree from Kawtharani, 347. On French financial assistance to the first delegation, see Zamir, 52. The councillors were accused of having been bribed by Faisal. They actually seem to have received the money for their expenses from a Lebanese merchant.

58. I owe this observation to Zamir, 91. See Kawtharani, 348, for Gouraud's decision to dissolve the Council.

59. Kawtharani, 351-354; Haffar, 292-295; Zamir, 93-96; and al-Khuri, vol. 1: 107-116. For Millerand's letter to the patriarch's envoy, see al-Khuri, vol. 1: 284-285, and Nawwar, 546-548.

60. For the full text of Kan'an's memorandum, see Browne, vol. 1: 1-8. There is no date on the memorandum, but the Conference on the Limitation of Armaments to which it was presented met in Washington, D.C., from 12 November 1921 to 6 February 1922. Also see another memorandum by Kan'an, presented to the United States secretary of state in Janu-

ary 1922, in Browne, vol. 1: 16-20. Compare the "exposé" he and his friends sent to the French government and Parliament in Karam, 457-470.

61. For instance, Kan'an argued that "the French Military Occupation has driven thousands of Lebanese out of the country" and that the French solidiery "put men, women, and children to the sword and they loot and burn villages. . . ." He also argued that "corruption and graft infest every Department of the Government. . . ." These exaggerations are quite typical of the petitions and the polemical political literature of Lebanese, as argued above. They must be ignored without losing sight of the real issues that concern and bother the petitioner.

For a critique of Lebanese nationalist history, see Youssef Choueiri, Arab History and the Nation-State (London and New York, 1989), 115-164 and 189-205, and Salibi, House .

62. Habib Sa'ad, for instance, accused his friends of being traitors, with amazing ease. However, Husain al-Hajjar and Niqula Ghusn, who were witnesses in the trials, made quite cautious statements and were visibly concerned about their colleagues, despite the intimidating atmosphere of the military court. This intimidation, apparently combined with weakness of purpose, led to the collapse of some of the accused, notably Khalil 'Aql and Mahmud Junblat, during the investigations. On these points, see Karam, 377-379, 399-437 passim, and 448-466; Kawtharani, 347-348; and al-Khuri, vol. 1: 106-107.

63. On these intellectual activities, see Nadim Shehadi, The Idea of Lebanon (Oxford, 1987).