1. The chapter's position and attitude during this vacancy is primarily apparent in the three paper Matteo Barnabei books which cover the period: Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I; Lib. proc. civ.; Lib. proc. malef.; for all of which see above chapter 4. In his Papal Monarchy , 545-549, Morris offers a very sane introduction to the chapter in the thirteenth century.

2. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I, fos. 45r-48r.

3. For cum ex eo , see Boyle, "The Constitution " Cum ex eo .'"

4. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I, fos. 132v-134v, and above chapter 4.

5. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I, fos. 65r-70v: the whole business of the election.

6. For 1307, see Rieti, Arch. Cap., Libr. or Reg. VI, fos. 1r-15r; for August 1347 see Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 233; for Tommaso's prebend, Lib. con. et col., 114 (and for his anniversary, which suggests the day of his death, 16

February, Lib. IV); for Tommaso Cimini, Arch. Cap., III.B.1; III.B.5; IV.F.4; IV.H.4 IV.I.2; IV.I.3; IV.M.6; VI.D.5; Lib. con. et col., I, fos. 1r, 34r, 39r; Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 309, 328, 448 (neither this list of citations for those for other long-lived canons are meant to be exhaustive); for Giacomo di don Tommaso, Arch. Cap., IV.H.4 IV.M.6; IV.N.3 "3"; VI.C.3 VI.C.8; VI.F.6; VI.F.8; Lib. con. et col., I, fo. 21r; Lib. con. et col., II, 31, 47-48, 179; Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 4, 212-213, 233, 300, 307, 481, 507.

7. For Matteo: Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.F.4 (1313); III.B.4 III.B.5; IV.H.4; IV.N.3; VI.F.7 Lib. con. et col., II, 31; Lib. perg di Matteo Barnabei, 2-4, 5, 6, 214, 448, 507, 525 (in November 1336, both Matteo and his brother Claudio were canons of Sant'Eleuterio: VI.D.4). For Rainaldo (Rainaldus Matthei Malicoli de Plagis; Jean XXII no. 9987): Arch. Cap.; Lib. con. et col., I, fos. 9v, 34r; Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 213, 338-339, 363-364, 393, 407, 448, 468, 507, 564. For Giovanni ( Jean XXII , no. 13215): Arch. Cap., III.B.6; Lib. con. et col., I, fo. 34r; Lib. con. et col., II, 31; Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 448.

8. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. IV, fos. 25r-37v. (Giovanni di don Capi or Caputosti's stall and prebend were vacant through his death in 1363: VII.G.11.)

9. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 233; Lib. int. et exit 1379, fo. 43r (for the months of July, August, and September).

10. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.N.3 "6", the will; IV.Q.3 "14", 27 October 1249; II.B.2; II.D.10; III.B.1; III.B.3; III.B.6; III.C.3; III.D.10; IV.D.4 IV.D.5; IV.F.4; IV.K.13 IV.O.4 IV.O.5; VI.A.3; VI.D.2; Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 2, 4, 5, 6, 22; Lib. int. et exit., 1537, binding; AS., San Domenico, 6 (olim 99). If the Bartolomeo identified as Bartolomeo domini Tadei, by the notary Ranaldo da Perugia, in 1252 and 1253 (II.D.3, 5) is the Bartolomeo Alfani of 1249, then he is presumably not the Bartolomeo di Oddone Alfani of 1318 (in 1289, in connection with the reception as canon of Bartolomeo de Rocca, VII.F.4, he is identified as Bartolomeo "domini Odonis"); Bartolomeo Alfani is again present in 1259 (IV.D.4). For the canon Oddone Alfani (canon by 1225 until 1253, when he was infirmus and represented by Mgr. Nicola on 7 June: III.D.2): II.D.3; II.D.5; IV.G.3; IV.O.4 IV.Q.1; IV.Q.2; IV.Q.3; VI.G.8; for Rainaldo (canon by 1282, dead by 1 December 1313: VII.G.;): II.B.2; III.B.1; III.B.4; IV.C.3; IV.F.4; IV.G.4; IV.H.4 IV.Q.7 VII.F.3; VII.F.4 Lib. int. et exit., 1537, binding. Another Rainaldus Alfani is listed in 1349: Book IV. For Rainallo Alfani see below note 104.

11. The length of Bartolomeo Bontempi's tenure is very securely attested, partly because his distinctive name is normally recorded, although not always in quite the same latinized form. Rieti, Arch. Cap., X.A.4 (Innocent IV to: Bartholomeo canonico Legionen' nato Bontempi familiaris nostri , concerning an income from Majorca, 25 July 1254; presumably Bartolomeo brought the papal letter to Rieti; the original with silk and bulla remains there);? IV.D.5 (in 1260 an unidentified Bartolomeo in addition to Bartolomeo Alfani); II.C.10 (4 February 1261); on 12 April 1324 he is absent from chapter and has given his voice to Corrado de Murro (Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 182) but he had been present on 23 October 1333 (177); on 11 August 1326 a benefice is spoken of as once his (IV.I.3); his anniversary was celebrated on 5 August (Lib. IV, fo. 19v), he presumably died on 5 August 1324 or 1325, possibly 1326 but a list from 25

June 1325 (Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 189-190) suggests 5 August 1324; Lib. IV, in the list of books of the cathedral church in 1353, fos. 46r-47v, the book of the sermons he had made, and in Lib. int. et exit., 1392, fo. 19v, land left by him; II.B.2; III.B.1, III.D.10, IV.C.3; IV.C.8; IV.F.4; IV.H.4; IV.I.2; IV.K.13; IV.N.3 "3" V.E.2 VI.G.12 (where he is canon and co-rector (of S. Marone), Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 2-4.

12. In this list I have in general avoided those long-lived canons of whom I speak in the text, like the priest Paolo, the Sarraceno canons, Tommaso Cimini and the rest, but I have included some, like Sinibaldo Mareri, whose importance to the text is of quite another kind. For purposes of this list I will cite only references which establish the external dates or seem of particular significance: Sinibaldo Mareri , 51 years, 1202-1253: IV.M.1, III.D.2; Tommaso Judicis (del Giudice), 40 years, 1249-1289: IV.Q.3, VII.F.3; Matteo Laurentii (di Lorenzo), 38 years, 1233-1271: IV.G.3, (A.S.) San Domenico, 6; Bartolomeo di don Rainallo de Rocca , 30 years, 1289-1319: VII.F.3 (5 August 1289 given kiss of peace and received into his canonry), V.E.2 and Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 149 (both 7 October 1319)—Bartolomeo had been provided to a canonry at Santa Cecilia, Rieti, by Alexander IV as early as 11 May 1259 (VI.C.1) and is then called a scholar-student and a Reatine—he was patronized by Giacomo Colonna (VII.A.4) and sought and found Cistercian connections (VII.C.6), see below; Giacomo Pasinelli , at least 30 years, 1252-1280: II.D.2, 4, 5, III.C.3, and compare IV.Q.7—1242, Giacomo had already been a canon of Sant'Eleuterio, Rieti, for this important family see below; Rainaldo Beraldi (Beralli, Veralli), 30 years, 1233-1263: IV.G.3, III.D.10; Berardo Rainaldi Sinibaldi (Sinnibaldi, Senebaldi) Dodonis , 27 years, 1225-1252: IV.Q.1, 2, II.D.3; Berardo de Podio (Poggio Bustone), 25 years, 1278-1303: III.B.1, II.B.2; Pandulfo Carsidonei (Carsidonii), 25 years, 1238-1263: IV.D.1, III.D.10; Berardo Pasinelli , 23 years, 1230-1253: IV.G.3; Giovanni Egidii (di Egidio), 23 years, 1303-1326: II.B.2, Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 4; Arecabene (Arrekabene, Arrekhabene, Arricabeni, Arrecabone, Arrichabene, Arrecabene, Arekabene) Nicolai (di Nicola, but normally distinguished by not having a patronymic—but at least once, in 1317, in a document written by Matteo Barnabei, his name is revealingly extended to Arrecabene Nicolai de Ponte: IV.I.8), 23 years, 1303-1326: II.B.2, IV.I.3, Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei—Arecabene's name is fifth in the 1326 list, and Giovanni's fourth, in the 1303 list in which both Giovanni and Arecabene are listed as being absent from chapter, Giovanni's name again precedes Arecabene's with Oddone Pasinelli's in between, in 1326 Arecabene's nephew Rosellus appears as a witness: Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 216; Andrea domini Sinibaldi (Siniballi), 21 years, 1298-1319: IV.C.3, III.B.5; Rainaldo Fatuclus (Fatucli, Fatuculi), 20 years, 1233-1253: IV.G.3, II.D.3, 5 "Mgr", Innocent IV , no. 5777, at papal court, 1252. The reader should remember the kinds of sources which reveal this longevity. Occasionally they are really formal and almost necessarily exhaustive lists recorded in formal documents which have to do with joint chapter actions (for example, III.C.3, 1280) or chapter regulation (for example, II.B.2, 1303), or the reapportionment of prebends (for example, III.B.1, 1278-1307), or election, as in that of 30 September 1341. More generally they are lists of witnesses or canons present at an action whose names the notary has chosen to include in his instrument;

and the lists have the potential inadequacies and irregularities that that suggests although repeatedly notaries mention canons who are not present and at times tell the reason for their absence. These lists are also multiple, scattered, and hard to keep together in hand and mind. The positions of canons on lists, particularly those who appear first in the lists, is not entirely random: so, for example, with the names of long-lived canons in mind, one should note the first names in an (again not random) selection: Paulo, 1230: IV.G.3; the priest Rainaldo, 1233, 1239, 1240: IV.G.3, IV.Q.2; Sinibaldo Mareri, 1246, 1249: IV.O.4; Matteo Laurentii, 1260: IV.O.4; Rainaldo Beraldi, 1263: III.D.10; Tommaso Judicis, 1278, 1289: III.B.1, VII.F.3; Giacomo Sarraceno, 1278, 1280: IV.H.4, III.C.3; Andrea domini Sinibaldi, 1324: Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 181-182; Bartolomeo Bontempi, 1307, 1315, 1317: III.B.1, IV.F.4, Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 317; Tommaso Cimini, 1338, 1340: Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 419-420, 448; Giacomo di don Tommaso, 1326, 1346, 1347: III.B.6, Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 233, 564; Liberato and Deodato, 1364, 1368, 1371, 1379, from Lib. int. et exit. of those years. The senior member does not always head the list, but in this body in which the senior and antiquior seems to have been the assumed designated leader (but see below) it is natural that his name would normally, or at least often, come first and enough so that the placing of Bartolomeo Bontempi's name ahead of Bartolomeo Alfani's makes the observer question the continuity of Bartolomeo Alfani's tenure, and the placing of Angelo (Angeli) Mathei's name first in 1282 and 1286 (III.B.1, IV.H.4) makes one adjust the break in the sequence of figures with that name, who appear in 1242 but in 1246 remember going to Poggio Fidoni with Adenolfo and appear still in 1282 (III.B.1, IV.O.4, 5, IV.Q.2, VI.G.10, and A.S., San Domenico, 6).

13. For the San Leopardo case see above chapter 1, and for the attempted election chapter 5. For the Rainaldus gift, Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.L.10, and for the appearance in 1181, IV.Q.2; and see: II.C.1, x, y, z; II.D.3, 4, 5, 7, 10; III.B.1, 2, 3, 6; III.C.3; III.D.2, 10; IV.D.1; IV.H.4; IV.M.1; IV.O.4, 5; IV.Q.1; VI.G.7; A.S., San Domenico, 6.

14. Berardo Rainaldi Sinibaldi Dodonis, Sinibaldo Mareri, Berardo Moysi, Jacobus de Ponte, the priest Rainaldo: Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.D.1; IV.G.3; Berardo Salecti is present in 1220: VI.G.7—and the priest Bartolomeo is almost surely he of the 1222 list: IV.N.2.

15. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.O.1; IV.O.5; IV.G.3 (1233).

16. For the Santa Croce case see above chapter 3. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.6 "1". He is visible as a "canonicus Reatinus" in 1192. In 1215 (IV.G.3) his nephew, Matteo, is present; see IV.M.1; IV.M.2; IV.P.6; IV.Q.11; as well as IV.G.3.

17. Corrado de Murro's intense activity working for the church, both bishop and chapter, is particularly noticeable in the months between July 1326 and March 1327 and in June 1327 there is mention of his house in Rieti: Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 207-230, 235-236. Corrado, present from at least 1308 1335 (VI.B.4, IV.C.8, IV.G.8, IV.M.6, Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 4., 363), dead by 5 June 1341 (Lib. perg., 467); "Corradus domini Riccardi de Murro" anniversary 10 August (Lib. IV, fo. 19v; father's anniversary 11 March; mother's 22 July); Corrado's brother Riccardus's bequests to his son Fra Henrico include a house in Castro Motto: Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 467-468;

see III.B.4, 5; III.C.5; IV.I.3; IV.I.7; IV.N.3 "1"; V.E.2; VI.C.8; Lib. perg., 5, 6, 19, 149-151, 205, 206, 235-236, 305, and chapters 7 and 8 below.

18. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.C.2.

19. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.D.4.

20. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.O.5 "5"; see III.D.3 for a nice example of an active canon, Matteo Laurentii, acting as yconomo, in 1256.

21. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.O.1.

22. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.7.

23. So, for example, in 1233 Bishop Rainaldo de Labro, who used canon proctors, as we know, for a job that would on the surface appear appropriate for one of them, chose dompno Giovanni Arlocco, a clerk of San Giovenale, Rieti, as a proctor in the San Silvestro case: II.C.1 "1." One can observe in 1342 Tommaso Cimini, canon, made camerlengo for a year on 20 June, making Ballovino his substitute: Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 492-493.

24. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.M.2: 1209; also see in other documents recording gifts to Adenolfo, within IV.M.2, the repeatedly used formula "tuisque fratribus"; for "cum concanonicis": IV.G.3, Rainaldo de Labro in 1230, but also an incompletely clear usage of concanonicus for Bartolomeo Bontempi in the Giovanni Papazurri document, IV.H.4, discussed immediately below.

25. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.H.4.

26. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 209.

27. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., fo. 57r.

28. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.1.

29. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.C.5.

30. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.C.3. The reader may recall Maitland's playing with singular and plural: "Are we to be angry whenever a noun in the singular governs a verb in the plural?" Township and Borough , 13; Maitland was playing with a problem closely related to the chapter's concept of itself.

31. See the canons listed in IV.D.4 and particularly IV.D.5.

32. Regesta Honorii Papae III , no. 4897. I discussed this affair at some length in an article "Innocent IV and the Chapter of Rieti," 387-392, at which time I had a clearer but, I think, less correct notion of what was divided and reassembled.

33. Grégoire IX , nos. 4261-4262; Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.D.1; Bishop Giovanni's dispute with his chapter inhibited his rule according to Bishop Tommaso in the historical section of his presentation against San Salvatore Maggiore, see chapters 3 and 5 above.

34. Grégoire IX , no. 4431.

35. Grégoire IX , no. 4491; Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.D.2.

36. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.D.3. Pietro Capocci, cardinal deacon of San Giorgio in Velabro in dealing with the problem of the income of absent canons at Rieti, in 1249, approved the working arrangement, under Gregory's plan, of the bishop, Rainaldo da Arezzo, with the chapter. IV.D.3 contains both Pietro's letter, maintaining its seal with the figure of San Giorgio, and also Bishop Rainaldo and the chapter's agreeing statement. An absent canon was to get half of his beneficii , the other half to be kept in the hands of the cellarer ( cellararius ).

37. Vèroli, Arch. Cap. della Cattedrale, no. 575. The beginning of the doc-

ument is rotted away, but it can be roughly dated by the notary, Leonardo, who was working in Vèroli in the late 1230s (see no. 165), and almost surely a Vèroli historian working in depth with its documents could date it quite closely. The Vèroli archives are described in Scaccia Scarafoni, "L'archivio capitolare della cattedrale di Vèroli." I am grateful to Don Paniccia for having admitted me to the archives and to Richard Mather for having advised me about them and taken me to them.

38. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.D.2. The four names are not completely legible.

39. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.D.5. The appeals are mentioned in Urban's letter, see note 40.

40. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.D.6; for Andrea Rainaldi see above chapter 5; for the palazzo of the canons in 1224, Arch. Cap., IV.N.2 "4."

41. For the specific case of Giacomo de Labro, see Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 149 (1319), and below chapter 8.

42. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.F.2.

43. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.A.4.

44. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.F.1.

45. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.F.3.

46. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.D.2; for Bartolomeo's 1254 letter see above note 11.

47. For Magister Salvus: Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.D.2, 3, 5, 10; III.B.3, 6; III.D.2, 5; IV.D.5; IV.I.1; Innocent IV , no. 3873; he seems to have been a canon from the late 1240s to the early 1260s, and his is the second name in a 1261 list (III.B.3).

48. Giovanni de Podio is identified as Dompnus in 1280 (III.C.3) when his priesthood is presumably being emphasized; in the early thirteenth century before the conventions of canon lists are formed, priests are regularly identified as presbiter , that is pbr ; for the change in significance of priest canons see below.

49. For these "de Ponte" see for example, Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.D.1; IV.G.3; IV.Q.2 (which give a range of years for Giacomo de Ponte of at least 1230 to 1242); Jandono (Janni) de Ponte appears in 1315 and 1316: IV.I.7; IV.M.6; Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 4-6. For Pietro's "de Labro," see II.G.9 (1369). See, too, Jean Coste, "La famiglia De Ponte di Roma (sec. XII-XIV)," Archivio della società romana di storia patria 111 (1988): 49-73.

50. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.D.1, 2, 3; these are among the documents: "Scripturae spectantes ad Communitatem Reatinam" cataloged separately by Mazzatinti (and previously inventoried by Marchetti Tomasi), and kept separately in the armadi of the old tower archives; it is not known how they came to the capitular archives, but this "communal" connection ties the Ponte house documents to Rieti without tying them securely to the chapter: Mazzatinti, Gli archivi, 261. For the Ponte houses in Rome, see Brentano, Rome before Avignon , 39-40.

51. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Cart. Silv., 206.

52. Catalogus baronum , 215, no. 1108.

53. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.D.7; Rieti, A.S., Fondo comunale, 8.

54. Rieti, A.S., Fondo comunale, 8.

55. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.C.4; IV.H.4; Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 2-4.

56. Bib. Apos. Vat., San Pietro in Vaticano, caps. 64, no. 181.

57. A.S.V., Arm. XXXV.14. For the cook, Pietro of Rieti, in 1287, in the

household of Goffredo da Alatri (but not called magister as is one of his fellow cooks): Paravicini Bagliani, Cardinali di curia , 467 and note 3.

58. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.D.3.

59. Paravicini Bagliani, Cardinali di curia , 268, 256-265.

60. For a later helpful scriptor , Magister Pietro di q. Nicola Federici, carrying tria paria litterarum apostolicarum for the church, in 1320: Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.D.4.

61. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.A.5; the multiple identity, which makes sense, is slightly less sure because, I believe, scribes sometimes did write the proctor's name on the dorse.

62. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.D.3; II.D.4; III.B.1.

63. Paravicini Bagliani, Cardinali di curia , 268.

64. For Risabella see below chapter 8; Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.D.2.

65. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.E.2.

66. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.3; III.B.6; III.D.10; IV.D.5; IV.K.13; A.S., San Domenico, 6.

67. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.Q.2; II.D.2; a Pasinelli witness is already present in 1157: IV.L.10; and for the priest canon Berardo Pasinelli: IV.G.3; IV.Q.1 (1230-1253).

68. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.D.2, 4, 5, 10; III.B.1, 3, 6; III.C.3; III.D.2, 10.

69. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.D.2 (Angelo: IV.D.1).

70. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.B.4. The letter (which is dated Orvieto, 6 September 1290) has very much the form and look of contemporary papal letters; it still carries its green cord, inserted and knotted as it would be on a papal letter, and its elegant red wax seal, with no reverse impression, but with an obverse showing two figures (Mary and John) half turned within arched openings in a gothic structure, and, over them in another arch, a crucified Christ; the legend is very damaged but it includes "tris Mat"; the initial U is finely and conventionally decorated; the margin and lines of the 14 line text are plumbed.

71. It seems to me that the evidence about Narni gathered by Hagemann, argues a similar localness for that diocese: "Kaiser- und Papsturkunden im Archivio capitolare," 299-304, 296, 302-303, 298, 293-295. The evidence of Giovanni Papazurri's capitular "reform" of 1313, see below note 86, certainly argues for continued episcopal-capitular appointment proprio motu .

72. For both Andrea the bishop and Ventura his brother the vicar general see above chapter 5, and also chapter 4, and also particularly Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.E.8. The canon Berardo da Poggio Bustone, active in Rieti at least from 1261 to 1280 was the chaplain of Ottobuono Fieschi, cardinal deacon of Sant'Adriano, and was in Lyons with him in 1274; Leonardo Arcangeli, at least 1261-1280, was chaplain to Ottone da Tonengo, cardinal bishop of Porto in 1246: Paravicini Bagliani, Cardinali di curia , 268, 369, 94; Innocent IV , no. 2108, Leonardo's provision.

73. The presence of the Colonna is administrative as well as seignorial: Giovanni Colonna was captain of the city in 1284: Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.Q.9.

74. The future power, most violently apparent at the end of the fourteenth century, of the Alfani, should shade any thought of the disappearance from power of the old patriciate; it argues a change of locus (if change at all).

75. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.E.4; VII.E.5.

76. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.D.10 (12 pieces). I want to thank Peter Herde, who alerted me to the fact that Mazzatinti had omitted reference to these documents which had been noted by Naudé. From the tables established in Spufford's Handbook it is not clear that Sienese and Lucchese values would be different at this date.

77. Pasztor, "Per la storia dell'amministrazione," 182-183; for Mercatello see Leonardi, Le fondazioni francescane .

78. See for example Jean XXII , nos. 745, 752-754, 758, 765, 767, 769, 779, 815, 842, 1686, 3351, 8046, 8946, 11916, 12545, 13788, 13990, 14612-3, 14640, 15111, 15451, 15687, 15659, 16010, 16411, 17072, 17121. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 328 (1333); Lib. IV, fos. 25r-37v, thirteenth name (1349). See Lippens, "Fra Biagio da Leonessa," 122-123, no. 19 for Matteo Infantis de Reate, in 1359, chaplain of Rainaldo Orsini, cardinal deacon of Sant'Adriano.

79. For Terius Lalli, Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.I.2; Lib. IV, fos. 25r-37v (1349); Lib. int. et exit., through 1371; or for the prebendary Domenico da Gonessa see Lib. int. et exit., 1363, fo. 53r (still active in 1379), and chapter 8 below; perhaps of more interest, Caterina da Gonessa who carried water for the months of July and August 1363 for 6 soldi: was she connected with the bishop? It may seem, and be, artificial to consider Leonessa foreign and Poggio Bustone or Rocca Sinibalda or Mareri not foreign in the fourteenth century, but this does seem to me the natural contemporary assumption.

80. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.F.3. The reception took place in the baptistry church of San Giovanni Battista.

81. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.C.1.

82. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.4, 5; and see II.B.2; III.B.1; IV.C.8; IV.F.4; IV.G.8; IV.I.3, 7; V.E.2; VI.B.4; VII.F.3, 4, 5; Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 2-4, 5, 6, 9, 149, 242, 341-342.

83. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.C.6. The seal in brown or white wax remains on the strip.

84. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.F.4.

85. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.A.4. Red wax seal remains on blue string: gothic structure, Virgin and Child above, cleric in gothic vestments praying beneath.

86. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.F.4; for 1307: Reg. (or Libr.) VI, fo. 37r.

87. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. int. et exit., 1371. In 1364 fourteen prebendaries are listed. In the late 1340s, four chaplains act for themselves and eight others: Cart. Silv., 206.

88. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. cont. et col., II, fo. 261r (last written half folio).

89. This prebendal succession is made clear, for example, in Raymond's letter; in the list for July 1379 13 of the 17 prebendaries named are given the "priestly" title dompnus : Lib. int. et exit., 1379, fo. 51r. For the provision of a prebendary by Bishop Giovanni Papazurri, through his "executor," Andrea domini Sinibaldi canon and abbot of Sant'Eleuterio in 1332: Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 304.

90. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.N.3 "1": will; IV.G.4 (2 pieces), Giovanni di Pietro; and see: III.B.1, 4, 5; III.C.4; IV.F.4, 8; IV.G.4; IV.H.4; IV.I.5, 7; IV.M.6; IV.N.3 "3"; V.E.1; Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 1, 4, 13, 15, 104; binding of

Lib. int. et exit., 1537 (1299); for the family, see II.D.7 (where they form part of the group of retainers with Alfani, Carsidonei, di don Napoleone, and others); IV.O.4 (where there are three brothers "called Capitaneos," in the accusative, in 1261); II.C.3r; VIII.C.4. For Tommaso and wills see chapter 8 below.

91. A December 1345 notarized and sealed (with the bishop's red wax seal) certificate or letter of ordination, written in the name of Tommaso bishop of Terni, states that the bishop, at the instance of Filippo vicar general of R[aimond] bishop of Rieti, has ordained to the priesthood Mando Cicchi, chaplain of the major church of Rieti: Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.E.1; see Bowsky, A Medieval Italian Commune , 270, for the rarity of these instruments in the diocese of Siena in the early fourteenth century.

92. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.G.4.

93. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 396.

94. Ballovino was a priest at least by 6 October 1341: Lib. con. et col., I, fo. 74r, although Agostino was not then a canon of long tenure. I do not mean to imply that there had been no earlier canon camerlenghi: Berardo Secinari is an obvious example: see too, for example, III.B.7. Some sense of the dimensions, but not the intricacy, of Ballovino's job can be gotten from the amounts he handled; in the accounting year 1364-1365 he dispersed a sum slightly under 500 lire: Lib. Int. et Exit., 1364.

95. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 98-99 (and see the initial listing of canons and prebends in III.B.1/Reg. VI, the list beginning with Dominus Barthomeus [ sic ] Bontempi: eleven holders of prebends [prebendaries?] follow the 21 canons, but they include "Dominus Johannes Magistri Andree," who I think holds this prebend in expectancy of his canonry; the list includes Tommaso Capitaneo, Giacomo di San Liberato, and Petraca Ambrosicti, of whom the first two are called dompno). In a witness list of February 1331 the third and fourth names are "Petrage Ambrosicti, Vannis eius fratris" (genitive): Lib. perg., 282-283; for Accurimbono: III.B.2, IV.N.3, Lib. perg., 4. For an example of an important assignment to Vanni Ambrosicti as proctor of bishop and chapter in 1328: IV.F.5. See IV.F.4 (1313) for notary prebendaries; and Lib. con. et col., I, for example, for Ciccho di Giovanni de Bussata as prebendary.

96. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.1 and Reg. (or Libr.) VI. For a discussion of opposition to prebends in the universal church see Morris, The Papal Monarchy , 388-389.

97. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.D.3.

98. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.1, fos. 2v-3r (4-5).

99. I have tried to call attention to these sources of income in Two Churches , 104-105.

100. In 1332 four canons (Tommaso Secinari, Tommaso Cimini, Andrea di don Sinibaldo, Giacomo di don Tommaso), in the name of the church of Rieti, bought some of this property, houses and attached property in the Porta Romana with public roads on three sides, property which had been that of Stefanello the Spicer (or Spetiari), from another canon of Rieti (Pietro da Posterula), acting as proctor for the owner Don Pietro Orsini of Rome, for 125 florins: Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 300. In 1364 this property returned 23 lire 15 soldi to the camera; and in 1365, 24 lire 7 soldi 6 denari; the property held at least five

shops by the 1360s. Chapter income and property will be discussed further in chapter 8 below.

101. See above chapter 2.

102. The giunta used for measurement at Rieti may not have been used in the whole diocese. At present at least at Poggio Moiano (over the border in the diocese of Sabina) the conventional measurement is by coppa , memorializing a different element of the old plowing and sowing process: at present the coppa refers to an area of about 2,000 square meters: I owe this information to Bianca Passeri, whom I would like to thank for it.

103. It should be apparent not only that I find the complex documents III.B.1 and Reg. (or Libr.) VI impressive but also that I find the material within them repeatedly baffling, so that for me to arrive at a definite total conclusion from their use is difficult; it has perhaps seemed more difficult because each of the two has disappeared for a while from the archives, although both have now returned.

104. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Reg. (or Libr.) VI, fos. 1r-17v; for 1349 see instead Libro IV, fos. 25r-37v. (For Rainallo: VI, fos. 7v-8v; IV, fos. 31r-31v.)

105. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Reg. (or Libr.) VI, fos. 16r, 20r.

106. I have borrowed the concept of inquilini because of its deliberate noncommittal, evocative artificiality from Italo Calvino's Palomar in the chapter ''La spada del sole."

107. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.4: the rector is Andrea de Felcibus, canon of Santa Maria in Trastevere; see too the chapter assembled on 1 November 1319, III.B.5. The medieval Franciscan calendar preserved in the Arch. Cap. at Rieti lists the feast of Sts. Vitus, Modestus, and Crescentia as 17 Kalends July equals 15 June.

108. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I, fos. 55r-56v.

109. When I used this draft it was between folios 106 and 107 of the book in which the constitutions are recorded (Lib. con. et col., I); it may, of course, not remain there.

110. See for example, Rieti, Arch. Cap., Cart. Silv., 68, 71-72, 90, 91-92; Lib. con. et col., I, fo. 9v.

111. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I, fos. 94v-95v.

112. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I, fos. 64r-64v.

113. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Cart. Silv., 72, 84.

114. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I, fos. 100r-100v.

115. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.3.

116. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., II, 227.

117. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I, fos. 57r-57v, 71r-74r, and a loose sheet, paper, Deodato declaration, now between fos. 23 and 24.

118. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I, fos. 137v-138v.

119. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I, fos. 59r-59v.

120. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Cart. Silv., 65.

121. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I, fo. 113r for Camputosto's interest as partial patron in San Giovanni Poggio Bustone and Sant'Angelo Poggio Bustone, and the succession of his sons Tommaso and Buccio to Sant'Angelo; Lib.

con. et col., I, fo. 7v for 19 September 1340; Lib. con. et col., II, 44 for 14 April 1349. Giovanni was dead by 14 September 1363: VII.G.11.

122. Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fo. 10v: Martène and Durand, 8, col. 1516.

123. This is a point I began to argue in "Vescovi e collocazione" (see above, chapter 4 note 11); thinking of what I saw in the diocese of Rieti, admittedly mostly in the 1340s, with the problem of the conference, pieve-parrocchia, in mind, forced me to the conclusion that for Rieti it was the wrong question.

124. For Tommaso the Corrector's list see above chapter 3.

125. See above chapter 1.

126. See above the beginning of chapter 6.

127. Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fo. 10v: Martène and Durand, 8, cols. 1516-1517.

128. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.D.4.

129. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.D.3; in the Franciscan calendar within the chapter archives at Rieti, the feast of the consecration of the church of "Sancti Heleuterii" has been added on the line for the Ides of August (13 August), but the notation continues onto the line for the next day.

130. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.D.5.

131. I am following Mazzatinti's notation of the grant, which he read into the capitular archives: VI.D.1: Mazzatinti, Gli archivi, 246. I follow Boschi on the consecration: Boschi, Notizie storiche sopra la chiesa e il convento di S. Domenico , and "Di tin antico cimitero in Rieti," 22; Boschi talks of 12 canons and an abbot.

132. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.C.8. Giacomo de Labro was a canon of Sant'Angelo in 1283: Rome, A.S., "Rieti," 1: Cass. 76, no. 1.

133. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.C.5.

134. Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fo. 10v: Martène and Durand, 8, col. 1517.

135. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.A.3.

136. A satisfying example comes from April 1349 where one finds together the abbot of Sant'Eleuterio ("Vanni" di don Capo), the provost of Sant'Angelo (Tommaso di Pietro Bonaventure), and the archpriest of San Giovanni "in Statua" (Giovanni Petringoni), all canons: Cart. Silv., 235; but see, for many examples, pergamene in VIA, D, F, G, and VII.F, G, and a general scattering through all the pergamene and codices surviving from the two centuries.

137. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.C.1.

138. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.H.4, one of four pieces; see, too, IV.G.7, in which in February 1324 Bishop Giovanni from Collalto writes to "Universis et singulis canonicis et Capitulo Ecclesie Reatin' necnon prepositis, archipresbiteris, prebendariis, et clericis ecclesiarum ciuitatis" condemning them, or some of them, for not having properly proclaimed the excommunication of a clerk of Santa Marina Rieti, who had not paid tithes, and demanding that it be properly proclaimed.

139. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.2.

140. Rigon, Clero e città , 34. For Rome, see above, note 107.

141. San Matteo which develops into San Pastore with another retained San Matteo is dealt with at length above in chapter 2; for San Salvatore see chapter 3 above; for San Quirico see above, introduction, and below in this chapter at

note 148; the religious houses dealt with in this chapter, with the exception of San Quirico, will be dealt with less externally in chapter 8.

142. For Tommaso's list see above chapter 3: Paris, B.N. latin 1556. 18r-26r, particularly 24v-25v. It should be noted that Tommaso's list does group the monastic and religious houses, with other (in his, or the composer's, mind) obviously related entities, so that the loci of the Franciscans and Augustinians in the city are with their orders not with the city; the exclusion of the male Dominicans in Rieti, see below, could be an oversight.

143. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.N.3. The initial attachment to orders of houses of women should be treated with some caution as the case of Borgo San Pietro, below chapter 7, makes clear, although it may be an extreme case within the diocese. A very important essay-article by the Perugia historian Casagrande, "Il fenomeno della reclusione volontaria," particularly at 480-481, in distinguishing among kinds of recluses offers patterns of observation valuable in approaching developing religious communities. In Tommaso's list, the houses of nuns follow the Franciscans and precede Altopascio, fo. 25r; their rubric begins "Moniales habent locum in ciuitate / Santa Lucia" with the notation of one pound of wax owed, then to "Apud Sanctum Petrum de Molito" with the notation of 10 soldi owed each year on the feast of All Saints, then the list proceeds: "Apud Colle Altum ubi sunt fratres / Apud Sanctum Iohannem de Pesculo / Apud Sanctum Iohannem de Machilona / Sanctum Angelum / Apud Lauaretum / Apud Maranam.''

144. Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fo. 25r. For the Hospitallers in central Italy see the essay by Luttrell, "Two Templar-Hospitaller Preceptories" in The Hospitallers .

145. Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fo. 25r. For Altopascio and its order see McArdle, Altopascio , particularly 2-4, with references, but the physical descriptions and plates of 16-23 are of great interest even for historians of an earlier period.

146. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.F.5 (1352). For the Reatine presence and interest see Abbazia di Farfa, Archivio, "Regestro de Alardo," "Regesto Abbatis Nicolai" and the discussion of the "tramonto" of Farfa power and its documents in Schuster, L'imperiale abbazia di Farfa , 303-346; McClendon, The Imperial Abbey of Farfa . I should like to thank Anthony Luttrell and Charles McClendon for having helped me very much with Farfa and, both, for having taken me to its archives and introduced me to its archivists, Dom Massimo Lapponi and Dom Stefano Baiocchi, and to thank them. I should also like to thank Roberta Magnusson for teaching me much of value about early Farfa and having allowed me to read her unpublished paper on Farfa's San Martino, and to thank Mary Ann Rossi for her fascinating discussion of St. Brigid and Farfa delivered in a Rome NEH seminar.

147. Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fo. 25v.

148. For San Quirico see Cheney, "Gervase, Abbot of Prémontré," 25-56; I am indebted to Cheney for having talked to me about and introducing me to the work, Charles Louis Hugo, Sacrae antiquitatis monumenta (Étival, 1725) From which my quotations and paraphrases of Gervase come, the first from 1:29. See too Backmund, Monasticon Praemonstratense , 1:378-379, who talks of Innocent III's transfer of the monastery in 1215, and the first abbot "Gaufridus."

The monastery is more fully named Sand Quirico e Giulitta. According to legend Giulitta was the mother of Quirico, Clerico, Cyricus, Cyr, and both were martyred at the beginning of the fourth century.

149. Hugo, Monumenta , 1:30-33; "Monachos Abruchiae, qui nostrum Ordinem profiteri: sunt etenim Longobardi, astutissimi supra modum, et a diebus antiquis exercitati in adulationibus fraudulentis": 1:31. Furbi is my word.

150. Hugo, Monumenta , 1:32-33.

151. Hugo, Monumenta , 5:32: "ita simplex, ut videatur esse quasi planta vitis infixa terrae, quae virorem suum tantummodo retinens, nec in latum extendit palmites, nec in profundum extendit radices sine fructu et sine propagine, moritura."

152. The canny stillness refers to the complete absence from the record of the dispute with Penne (insofar as I have read it carefully) of any specific reference to order; any emphasis given to the fact that the monastery had become Premonstratensian and so likely to demand Premonstratensian immunities (of the sort that Bishop Tommaso's list tries to deny, and about which Gervase was concerned) might cause additional trouble. The record, which talks of Gerardo "who was abbot and is dead," and is of course composed of memories, does mention Innocent III, the Fourth Lateran Council, and the coronation of Frederick II; but in a list of eight abbots, for example, of which Gerardo is the last, it makes no distinctions. For the record of the dispute see above introduction note 15.

153. Paris, B.N. latin 1156, fos. 24v-25r.

154. For San Francesco see Julian Gardner's appendix to this book. See Sbaralea, Bullarium franciscanum , vol. 1, nos. 97, 228. See Mortari, "Rieti," 112; Palmegiani, La cattedrale , 91-93: this may be Palmegiani's most interesting and helpful book, but it is difficult to use because of its combination of helpful information and occasional insights and its use of the in-family research of Vincenzo Palmegiani on the one hand, and on the other its carelessness and error (as for example in making Francesco Papazurri a bishop; but this may seem caviling from a historian who can write Vèroli for Ferentino, or Sant'Eustachio for Sant'Eleuterio—and in fact it is very hard to control this sort of detail gathered from many and dispersed record sources, particularly without the help of an editor who also knows the material). Francesco Palmegiani may seem most interesting as part of a family group which includes, besides Vincenzo Palmegiani, Eugenio Duprè Theseider. It has been explained to me by a powerful contemporary Italian historian that a non-Italian is not likely to be able to appreciate Duprè Theseider, and I am an example of that lack of ability. It is surely difficult for an American of my generation to be sympathetic with Francesco Palmegiani's Facile fascism and anti-Americanism, so I may constantly fail to appreciate his value or see his depth. Certainly, again, Palmegiani seems to me most sympathetic when he is most local and familial; and in fact the moment in Duprè Theseider which I can most easily appreciate is that in a beautiful letter edited by Vasina and Ghini (in "Ricordo di Eugenio Duprè Theseider," 141-142, no. 5) in which Duprè talks of selling his family house in Rieti; his letters suggest to the outsider the teacher his students must have known. The reader of Palmegiani himself must learn what he can and be wary. (I have tried to put

the Rieti settlement of Franciscans in a wider context in "Early Franciscans and Italian Towns," 28-49.)

155. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VIII.A.2; Sbaralea, Bullarium franciscanum , vol. 2, no. 65. For Santa Croce, see Porracciolo and Petroni, "La chiesa di S. Francesco." See Scripta Leonis , 142-143, for the friar, a character in a kind of miracle of Francis, alive, who, the friar, morabatur in loco fratrum de Reate .

156. Mortari, "Rieti," 130.

157. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.D.9; A.S., San Domenico, 4 (olim 42), 2; Mortari, "Rieti," 112; Palmegiani, La cattedrale , 67-69; Boschi, Notizie storiche sopra la chiesa , 8-29. I want to thank Joan Lloyd for pointing out the Dominican distinction to me; for the constitution of the order, see Galbraith, The Constitution of the Dominican Order.

158. Rieti, A.S., San Domenico, 7 (olim 103). By 1334 at the latest the contrada was known as "contrada sancti Dominici": Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 332.

159. Written by Guidoni in "L.'espansione urbanistica," 156; the phrase città dei Mendicanti is his. I know of no independent information about these streets; I depend on Guidoni.

160. For bibliography about this point see "Early Franciscans and Italian Towns" and the discussion of city/country in chapter 8 below; but I would note here a particularly helpful chronology of movement established by Fra Mariano d'Alatri, "I pin antichi insediamenti dei mendicanti," 576, 583 (for Anagni); for an interesting 1256 dispute at Amelia between the Augustinians and the bishop and chapter about building within the old walls, see Rome, Vallicelliana, Capitolino, Archivio Orsini, II.A.I.37 (olim 35). Much recent thought about the friars, and particularly the Franciscans, and their expansion finds its roots in the thought and work of Kaspar Elm.

161. Sbaralea, Bullarium franciscanum , vol. 4, no. 168; Nicholas IV , no. 502. A list of chapter holdings from the second half of the fourteenth century suggests that the city of Rieti was then thought of as divided into ten parishes: Riety, Arch. Cap., Libr. IV, fos. 16r-18v.

162. This generalization should not obscure the presence of important local friars like the fourteenth-century Guardiano of the Franciscans, Giacomo Janutii da Rieti, for example, Rieti, Arch. Cap., Cart. Silv., 26, in 1337.

163. Scripta Leonis , 150-151, no. 35.

164. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.Q.10.

165. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.H.4; VI.B.1.

166. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 8; VI.B.1.

167. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.E.3. (In a list for 1235, from San Matteo, for example, the list of 28 men includes no place name identifications: IX.A.2.)

168. Rome, A.S., S. Francesco di S. Vittoria in Materano, sec. 13, no. 1.

169. These nuns will be discussed in both chapters 7 and 8; but here I should like to call attention to San Tommaso's being or becoming Cistercian; see Janauschek, Originum cisterciensium , lx: San Tommaso fuori Rieti, in 1273, a daughter of Casamari, patronized by the Cistercian cardinal, John of Toledo, bishop of Porto; see too Janauschek, ibid., lxi, for San Benedetto di Fondi. For

San Tommaso see also Canivez, Statuta capitulorum , vol. 3, no. 35 and vol. 5, no. 66.

168. Rome, A.S., S. Francesco di S. Vittoria in Materano, sec. 13, no. 1.

169. These nuns will be discussed in both chapters 7 and 8; but here I should like to call attention to San Tommaso's being or becoming Cistercian; see Janauschek, Originum cisterciensium , lx: San Tommaso fuori Rieti, in 1273, a daughter of Casamari, patronized by the Cistercian cardinal, John of Toledo, bishop of Porto; see too Janauschek, ibid., lxi, for San Benedetto di Fondi. For

San Tommaso see also Canivez, Statuta capitulorum , vol. 3, no. 35 and vol. 5, no. 66.

170. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Cart. Silv., 48-50.