1. See Pesavento, "Exposições universais," 63-85.

2. On the 1922 Rio exposition, see Jornal do Commercio, O Livro d'Ouro, Edição Comemorativa, 1822-1922 (Rio de Janeiro, 1922); Annie S. Peck, "The International Exposition of Brazil," Current History 15, 5 (1923): 1042-49; Findling, Historical Dictionary ; Marly Silva da Motta, A nação faz 100 anos (Rio de Janeiro, 1992); and Lúcia Lippi Oliveira, "As festas que a República manda guardar," Estudos Históricos 2, 4 (1989):172-89.

3. In 1903 this sanitary reform began in Rio de Janeiro. See Jaime Larr Benchimol, Pereira Passos: um Haussmann tropical: a renovação urbana da cidade do Rio de Janeiro no início do século XX (Rio de Janeiro, 1990); and Jeffrey D. Needell, A Tropical Belle Epoque: Elite Culture and Society in Turn-of-the-Century Rio de Janeiro (Cambridge, 1987).

4. The U.S. government authorized $1 million to be spent in Brazil, of which $350,000 was for the construction of the building (NYT, 28 May 1922).

5. According to the Mexican reports, France authorized an expenditure of 5,136,000 francs (SRE 18-5-72, I). See J. P. Curtis, "Architecture of the Brazil Centennial Exposition," Art and Architecture 5 (September 1923):95-104.

6. For a summary account of the Brazilian First Republic, see Boris Fausto, "Brazil: The Social and Political Structure of the First Republic (1889-1930)," in The Cambridge History of Latin America , ed. L. Bethell, vol. 5 (Cambridge, 1987), 779-830.

7. See Torre Diaz's economic and political reports to the Mexican Ministry of Foreign Affairs for 1922 and 1923, SRE 41-7-23.

8. Daniel Pécaut, Entre le peuple et la nation (Paris, 1988), 18. See also pp. 11-46.

9. For a short review of the development of Brazilian intellectual life in this period, see Alfredo Bosi, "As letras na Primeira República," in História Geral da Civilização Brasileira , ed. Sérgio Buarque de Holanda, vol. 8 (São Paulo, 1977), 295-319; and Martins Wilson, História da Inteligência Brasileira , vol. 6 (São Paulo, 1915-1933), 272-376; Aracy Amaral, Artes plásticas na Semana de 22 (São Paulo, 1970); Pécaut, Entre le peuple et la nation ; and Sergio Miceli, Intelectuais e classe dirigente no Brasil (1920-1945 ) (S ã o Paulo, 1979).

10. So argued the organizers of the exhibition, according to Silva da Motta, A nação faz 100 anos , 71.

11. An explanation of this dichotomy can be found in ibid., 94-102; also in Nicolau Sevcenko, Literatura como missão (São Paulo, 1983).

10. So argued the organizers of the exhibition, according to Silva da Motta, A nação faz 100 anos , 71.

11. An explanation of this dichotomy can be found in ibid., 94-102; also in Nicolau Sevcenko, Literatura como missão (São Paulo, 1983).

12. "Mexican Ulysses" is the title of José Vasconcelos's autobiography ( Ulises criollo , 3d ed. [Mexico City, 1935]).

13. See Helen Delpar, The Enormous Vogue of Things Mexican: Cultural Relations between the United States and Mexico, 1920-1935 (Tuscaloosa, 1992).

14. In La raza cósmica (Paris, 1925), Vasconcelos writes about a diplomatic encounter with Hughes in a tense environment (see pp. 115-16).

15. The Westinghouse Corporation displays were especially remarkable. See Peck, "International Exposition of Brazil."

7. See Torre Diaz's economic and political reports to the Mexican Ministry of Foreign Affairs for 1922 and 1923, SRE 41-7-23.

16. Torre Diaz sent classified letters to the Mexican Ministry of Foreign Affairs reporting on his talk with Pessoa, who, he argued, was promoting a Society of Nations, which he believed was too pro-American (SRE 7-16-67, II).

17. Ibid. For insights into how this excuse was constructed within the government, see the account of one of the actors in the drama, Alberto J. Pani, Mi contribución al nuevo régimen (1910-1933 ) (Mexico City, 1936), 292-98.

18. For this official appointment, see SRE 5-20-524.

19. In El desastre (Mexico City, 1951), Vasconcelos argued that Obregón aimed to put him far from Mexico in order to be free to maneuver politically and also to limit his growing prestige as minister of education (see pp. 145-48). Alberto J. Pani, then minister of foreign affairs, argued that he himself had suggested Vasconcelos's name to Obregón, bearing in mind that Vasconcelos had expressed his desire to be appointed. See Pani, Mi contrbución , 292-98. In addition, there is evidence that Vasconcelos lobbied to be appointed to this position, both in the AGN Obregón-Calles and in SRE 18-5-72, I-III.

20. See Gen. Manuel Pérez Treviño's long report on this delegation's activities:

Informe del comandante del cañonero Nicolás Bravo en su viaje por América del Sur, SRE 18-5-72, II; and the letter to Obregón in AGN Calles-Obregón 104-b-30 (20, 21).

21. See SRE 18-5-72, II.

22. SRE 18-5-72, I, letters of November and December.

23. Jornal do Commercio , 21 November 1921.

24. SRE 7-16-67, II.

25. Ibid., I. Tiffany was hired even though Williams Inc. offered a better deal (May 1922). Porfirio Díaz's regime hired Tiffany, among other things, for the crystal curtain of the National Theater (Palacio de Bellas Artes).

26. There is no record of these medals in SRE, but Vasconcelos ( El desastre , 149) mentioned that they were distributed (both to the Mexican and Brazilian presidents as well as to Pani).

27. Regarding Torri's trip to Brazil see Julio Torri, Diálogos de los libros (Mexico City, 1980), 240-43.

28. Vasconcelos, El desastre , 149.

29. SRE 18-5-72, I, II.

30. Obregón Santacilia grew up in the Porfirian aristocracy and was educated at the School of Fine Arts of San Carlos. He was, first, a great promoter of a colonialist revival in Mexico, inspired by a member of the Ateneo de la Juventud, Jesús T. Aceredo; and he followed the teachings of Federico E. Mariscal. Later he experimented with art deco and, finally, with functionalist mechanist architecture. With his building for the 1922 Brazilian exhibition, and with his friendship with Pani, he began his successful career as one of the architects of the postrevolutionary regimes. Among his main works are the transformation of the Porfirian Legislative Palace into the Monument of the Revolution, the building for the Ministry of Sanitation, the Re-forma and del Prado hotels, and the offices of the Bank of Mexico in the former Guardiola plaza. See Carlos Obregón Santacilia, Cincuenta años de arquitectura mexicana (Mexico City, 1925); and Carlos Obregón Santacilia, El maquinismo, la vida y la arquitectura (Mexico City, 1939). About him, see Maria Luisa Adame, "Arquitecto Carlos Obregón Santacilia," cultural supplement to Novedades , 16 October 1955; Israel Katzman, Arquitectura contemporánea mexicana: Precedentes y desarrollo (Mexico City, 1963); Mexico, Partido Revolucionario Institucional, Tradición de la cultura: Na-cionalismo cultural: Carlos Obregón Santacilia (Mexico City, 1988); Ramón Vargas Salguero, "La arquitectura de la revolución," in México: 75 años de revolución, Educación, Cultura y Comunicaciones , vol. 2 (Mexico City, 1988), 437-77; and Enrique X. de Anda, La arquitectura de la revolución mexicana: Corrientes y estilo en la déada de los veinte (Mexico City, 1990).

31. In the interior of the British pavilion, Vasconcelos argued, "[there] were represented the four parts of the world, in the customary way in which the British depict the world, only to remind us that they are the masters of the world" (Vasconcelos, La raza cósmica , 82).

32. Margaret Hutton Abels, "Painting at the Brazil Centennial Exposition," Art and Archaeology 16 (Summer 1923):108.

33. In this regard, see Justino Fernández, Roberto Montenegro (Mexico City, 1962); and Ramírez's analysis of the artistic and cultural debate between 1914 and 1921 (an examination of journals and newspapers published during that period): Fausto Ramirez, Crónica de las artes plásticas en los años de López Velarde, 1914—1921 (Mexico

City, 1990). See also Montenegro's autobiographical notes, Roberto Montenegro, Pianos en el tiempo (Mexico City, 1962).

34. In this regard, see Carlos Obregón Santacilia, México como eje (Mexico City, 1947), 103.

35. Peck, "International Exposition of Brazil," 1044.

36. See Katzman, Arquitectura contemporánea mexicana; Arquitectura del siglo XIX ; Carlos Lira Vásquez, Para una historia de la arquitectura mexicana (Mexico City, 1900); Xavier Moyssén, "El nacionalismo y la arquitectura," Anales del Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas , no. 55 (1986): 111-31; Rafael López Rangel, La modernidad arquitectónica mexicana (Mexico City, 1989); and Anda, La arquitectura .

37. In this regard, see Claude Fell, José Vasconcelos: Los años del águila (1920-1925 ) (Mexico City, 1989), 456-62. For an analysis of Vasconcelos's own self-construction of his spiritual ideas in education around 1922, see the lucid, if short, essay by Enrique Krauze, "José Vasconcelos en 1921: Arquitecto del espíritu," in Cultura urbana latinoamericana , ed. Jorge Enrique Hardoy (Buenos Aires, 1985), 95-102.

38. Vasconcelos, La raza cósmica , 40.

39. For the early intellectual influences on Vasconcelos, see John Skirius, José Vasconcelos y la cruzada de 1929 (Mexico City, 1978), 13-43.

40. "In 1915, when the Revolution's failure seemed more imminent than ever . . . changes began to appear providing evidence of a new direction. . . . The Mexican Revolution was born out of that year's chaos. A new Mexico was born out of that year's chaos" (quoted in Carlos Monsiváis, "Notas sobre cultura mexicana en el siglo XX," in E1 Colegio de México, Historia general de México , vol. 2 (Mexico City, 1985), 1406.

41. Lecture delivered in the 1910s, reprinted in Aceredo, Disertaciones , 53.

42. Mariscal, La patria y la arquitectura nacional , 10. Other names associated with colonial revival in architecture were Manuel G. Revilla in the 1890s and Manuel Romero de Terreros, José Juan Tablada, Manuel Toussaint, and Gerardo Murillo in the 1910s and 1920s. See José Juan Tablada, Historia del arte en México (Mexico City, 1927); Manuel Toussaint, Arte colonial en México (Mexico City, 1948); and Gerardo Murillo, Iglesias de México , 6 vols. (Mexico City, 1924-1927). In this regard, see also Manuel Gonzalez Galván, "La revaloración de la arquitectura colonial en el primer cuarto del siglo XX: teoría y práctica," in Saturnino Herrán: Jornadas de homenaje , ed. Juan Castañeda (Mexico City, 1989), 95-106.

43. See Manuel Gamio, "El actual renacimiento arquitectónico de México," Eth-nos 1 (1921):248-50. On Gamio's architectural conception, see Angeles González Gamio, Manuel Gamio: Una lucha sin final (Mexico City, 1987), 67-74; and on neo-colonial architecture, see López Rangel, La modernidad arquitectónica , 39-45.

44. The construction of his owm house in neocolonial Mexican style, in the Colonia Juárez, shows this. See González Gamio, Manuel Gamio , 74.

45. Regarding the ideology of Hispanism, see the uneven but useful study by Frederick B. Pike: Hispanism, 1898-1936: Spanish Conservatives and Liberals and Their Relations with Spanish America (Notre Dame, 1971). On the origins of this tendency, see Mark Jay Van Aken, Pan-Hispanism: Its Origins and Development to 1866 (Berkeley, 1959). On the influence of falangism in Hispanism, see Ricardo Pérez Montfort, Hispanismo y Falange (Mexico City, 1992), 19-73.

46. See Carlos A. C. Lemus, "Architectura contemporãnea," in Histórica geral da

arte no Brasil , ed. Walter Zanini, vol. 2 (São Paulo, 1983), 825-32; and Octaviano C. De Fiore, Architecture and Sculpture in Brazil (Albuquerque, n.d.), 20-23.

47. May 1922, meeting of Torre Diaz and Pessoa, SRE 18-5-72, I.

48. Vasconcelos, La raza cósmica , 83.

49. Jornal do Brasil , newspaper clipping in SRE, no exact date.

50. Regarding the aesthetic transformation that favored the consolidation of indigenism, see chapters 6 and 7.

51. See, for example, Ethnos 1, 3 (1920).

52. Ignacio Bernal, Historia de la arqueología en México (Mexico City, 1962), translation presented in an English edition (1980), 183.

53. See José Clemente Orozco, Apuntes autobiográficos (Mexico City, 1966). For a discussion of Vasconcelos's official support of mural paintings, see Fell, José Vasconcelos , 401. In a letter to Gómez Morín, Vasconcelos confessed his regret at having supported the " pintor plebeyo de la revolución "—Rivera (from Gómez Morín's archive, quoted in Skirius, José Vasconcelos , 35).

54. José Vasconcelos, Indología (Paris, n.d.), 200-229. G. E Nicolai seems to have been well known in Argentina, especially by intellectuals like José Ingenieros. Some of Nicolai's works were translated in Argentina; Vasconcelos's knowledge of Nicolai's works very likely derives from these translations. M. Leclerc du Sablon was a well-known biologist in the last part of the nineteenth century. See G. F. Nicolai, La base biológica del relativismo científico (Córdoba, 1925); and Mathieu Leclerc du Sablon, Les Incertitudes de la biologie (Paris, 1919).

55. He and Manuel Gamio were lecturing together. See José Vasconcelos and Manuel Gamio, Aspects of Mexican Civilization: Lectures on the Harris Foundation 1926 (Chicago, 1926).

56. Ibid., 85.

57. Ibid., 89.

58. Ibid., 100-102.

59. Ibid., 96.

60. This rhetorical piece was reproduced in Livro d'Ouro , 358-59 and was published in Mexico by Julio Jiménez Rueda, "El discurso de Vasconcelos a Cuauhtémoc," in his Bajo la cruz del sur (Mexico City, 1922), 112-21. Blanco both refers to and briefly interprets Vasconcelos's speech in Brazil: see José Joaquín Blanco, Se llamaba Vasconcelos: Una evocación crítica (Mexico City, 1977), 117-22.

61. José Vasconcelos's speech on Cuauhtémoc, in Jiménez Rueda, "El discurso de Vasconcelos," 112-21.

62. Letter to Obregón, AGN Obregón-Calles, 104-b-30 (21), 17 September 1922.

63. In fact, official indigenism was not very different from Vasconcelos's type of indigenism. The official indigenism of Manuel Gamio (both positivist—anthropologically and archaeologically—and liberal) exemplified by Forjando Patria (1916) was indeed, as David Brading has shown, as integrationist as Vasconcelos's position, although less Catholic and more liberal. See Basave Benítez, México Mestizo , 130-36; and Alberto Guaraldo, "Indigenismo e investigación etno-antropolôgica en México," in America Latina: Dallo Stato Coloniale allo stato nazione , ed. Antonio Annino, vol. 2 (Turin, 1987), 822-37. See also David Brading, "Manuel Gamio and Official Indigenism in Mexico," Bulletin of Latin American Research 7, 1 (1988):75-89.

64. Vasconcelos, El desastre , 150.

65. See Congreso Internacional de Americanistas, Anais do XX Congreso Internacional de Americanistas , 3 vols. (Rio de Janeiro, 1922); and "Notes on the Brazil Centenary Exposition," Hispanic American Historical Review , 2 ( 1922):506-12.

66. According to Christopher J. Hall's translation of Bartra's La jaula de la melancolía , the literal meaning of pelado is "shorn one." It refers to "a Mexican social type from the working class noted for his coarse, uneducated, uncouth language and behavior" ( The Cage of Melancholy: Identity and Metamorphosis in the Mexican Character , trans. Christopher J. Hall [New Brunswick, N.J., 1992], 33).

67. Alfonso del Toro, "La bella ciudad carioca," Revista de Revistas , 20 October 1922, 11-13. In La raza cósmica (pp. 52-60), Vasconcelos suggested that the official Brazilian personnel tried to guide him in order to avoid black and poor sections in the various cities he visited.

68. For data on Vázquez Schiaffiano, a petroleum engineer, see SRE Le. 1006.

69. México, Secretaría de Industria, Comercio y Trabajo, México, sus recursos naturales, su situación actual (Mexico City, 1922).

70. Documentary, México, Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores, México en las fiestas del centenario de Brasil (Mexico City, 1922).

71. Fell ( José Vasconcelos , 449-56) believes that because it was internationally recognized, Mexican popular art acquired "credibility in aesthetic, economic, social, and most of all, cultural aspects." But its international credibility was only because of its exoticism. For an illustrative analysis of the discovery of popular art in Mexico, see John F. Scott, "La evolución de la teoría de la historia del arte por escritores del siglo XX sobre el arte mexicano del siglo XIX," Anales del Instituto de Investigaciones Estéti-cas , no. 37 (1968):71-104. Scott deals with the national and international recognition of the artistic works of the lithographer José Guadalupe Posada.

72. See the report by Vázquez Schiaffiano in SRE 18-5-72, III. On Guillermo Kahlo, a German photographer and father of famous Frida, see the catalogue and study by the Museo Nacional de Arte, Guillermo Kahlo: Viday obra: Fotógrafo 1872-1941 (Mexico City, 1994).

73. It is extremely difficult to estimate the cost of Mexico's presence at the Rio de Janeiro fair. Expenditures seemed to have been made with no clear budget approval but through direct request to President Obregón. At times the Mexican delegation in Rio de Janeiro exhausted its resources. According to Vasconcelos, what was especially expensive was maintenance of the military delegation. Vasconcelos himself directly and urgently requested U.S.$16,000 from Obregón in September 1922 (AGN Calles-Obregón, 104-b-30 [21]). See also Vasconcelos, E1 desastre , 151-52.

74. See the article in the Chilean newspaper El Diario Ilustrado , 4 November 1922. This incident resulted in an apology by the Mexican minister in Chile, Carlos Trejo Lerdo de Tejada, that was published in El Mercurio (Santiago, Chile), 6 November 1922.

75. Folha do Norte , 19 November 1922.

76. See Revistas de Revistas , no. 2 (1922), an issue devoted to Brazil.

77. See Jiménez Rueda's account of this trip in Bajo la cruz del sur .

78. Regarding race, Knight has lucidly shown the continuity of racism in prerevolutionary and postrevolutionary indigenism: Alan Knight, "Racism, Revolution, and Indigenismo : Mexico, 1910-1940," in The Idea of Race in Latin America, 1870-1940 , ed. R. Graham (Austin, 1990), 71-113.

79. See Enrique Krauze, Caudillos culturales de la revolución mexicana (Mexico City, 1985), 104-10. See also Luis González's analysis of this generation in La ronda de las generaciones (Mexico City, 1984), 66-80; and Carlos Monsiváis, "Notas sobre cultura mexicana en el siglo XX," in El Colegio de México, Historia General de México , vol. 2, 1417-21; and, for the specific case of artists vis-à-vis generational change, Ramírez, "Vertientes nacionalistas," 111-67.

80. See Vasconcelos's discussions of racial theory in his Raza cósmica and in Vasconcelos and Gamio, Aspects of Mexican Civilization . In addition, see Mariátegui's review of Vasconcelos's Indología : José Carlos Mariátegui, Temas de nuestra América (Lima, 1960), 78-84. Mariátegui supported Vasconcelos's utopianism but opposed its almost mystic faith in the future without action in the present.

81. "Los problemas de México," reprinted in Boletín de la Secretaría de Educación Pública , 28 August 1922.

82. In this regard, see Knight, "Racism, Revolution, and Indigenismo, " 78-98.

83. Vasconcelos, La raza cósmica , 3.

84. On this point, as on many others in this chapter, I have benefited from David Brading, "Social Darwinism and Romantic Idealism: Andrés Molina Enríquez and José Vasconcelos in the Mexican Revolution," in his Prophecy and Myth in Mexican History (Cambridge, 1984), 63-83, 92-95.

85. The issue of Vasconcelos's self-deceit during his trip to South America is also briefly noticed by José Joaquín Blanco, who argues that Vasconcelos "let himself be deceived" by the democratic regimes of Argentina, Brazil, and Chile (in sharp contrast to Mexico's antidemocratic government). See Blanco, Se llamaba Vasconcelos , 117-22.

86. Vasconcelos and Gamio, Aspects of Mexican Civilization , 12.

87. See the opening quotation in this chapter.

88. The last entry in the diary of Antonieta Rivas Mercado, quoted in Martha Robles, Entre el poder y las letras (Mexico City, 1989), 103.