1. My intention here is not to undertake an exhaustive reconstruction of the Grimaldi Chapel. For previous reconstructions, see Bury, "The Grimaldi Chapel"; and Macchioni.

2. The contract, found in ASG, Notaio Giacomo Ligalupo, 1579 2°, filza 14 (24 July 1579), was published by Dhanens, 243 n. 2; for a new transcription by Gino Corti, with an English translation prepared by Michael Sollenberger, continue

see Appendix 1A. For information on the extant studies and other versions of the reliefs, see Appendix 4. For the problem of The Entombment and my attribution, see also Chapter 5.

The first to mention the seventh relief is Soprani, Le vite de' pittori, 291. The subject of the relief was first identified by Carlo Giuseppe Ratti, ed., Le Vite de' Pittori, Scultori, e Architetti Genovesi di Raffaello Soprani con note e continuazione in questa seconda edizione rivedute accresciute ed arricchite di note da Carlo Ratti, vol. 1 (Genoa, 1768), 423.

3. Ratti ( Le Vite de' Pittori, vol. 1, 423) is the first to mention the crucifix. Apparently it was taken to the University of Genoa along with the other bronzes from the chapel and has since disappeared; see Luigi Tommaso Belgrano, "Rendiconto dei lavori fatti della Società Ligure di Storia Patria negli anni accademici MDCCCLXIV," ASLSP, vol. 3 (1864), cxxv. Macchioni (368, 373) envisions the lost crucifix as similar in size, date, and type ( Cristo vivo ) to the one for Giambologna's own burial chapel in Santissima Annunziata, Florence.

Paintings by Aurelio Lomi in the Grimaldi Chapel are first mentioned by Soprani, Le vite de' pittori, 318. Ratti ( Instruzione di quanto, 250) identifies the paintings as The Sacrifice of Isaac and Joseph Sold into Egypt . Vittorio Belloni, Pittura genovese del seicento, vol. 1 (Genoa, 1969), 108-9, discovered the two Lomi paintings in the Convent of Sant-Antonio, Gaggiola, La Spezia. Maria Clelia Galassi, "Aurelio Lomi a Genova," in Roberto Paolo Ciardi, Maria Clelia Galassi, and Pierluigi Carofano, Aurelio Lomi (Ospedaletto, 1989), especially 88-89, dates them about 1597. Although the painting in La Spezia shows Joseph standing by the well, Ratti gave its title as Joseph Sold into Egypt; Bury ("The Grimaldi Chapel," 123 n. 74) attributes the discrepancy to a mistake by Ratti. In fact, Ratti may have been using the title Joseph Sold into Egypt as a general one to designate the entire episode related in Genesis 37. See also Louis Réau, Iconographie de l'art chrétien, vol. 2 (Paris, 1955) 156-62; and Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie, ed. Englebert Kirschbaum (Rome, 1970), vol. 2, 424-34.

4. Giulio Negrone, Ragionamento fatto nella Chiesa Catedrale di S. Lorenzo, dopo la Coronatione del Signor Luca Grimaldo (Genoa, 1605), 44.

5. That this was a public invitation from the Genoese government is certain from the letters it exchanged with Duke Francesco, now in ASF, whose transcriptions, by Gino Corti, can be found in Appendix 1B. They show that the doge and governors of Genoa, not Luca Grimaldi, were the correspondents. Previous errors, published by Dhanens, 342-44, and followed by Bury ("The Grimaldi Chapel"), have clouded this issue somewhat.

6. La scultura a Genova, 215-393; Elena Parma Armani, Perin del Vaga, l'anello mancante (Genoa, 1986), especially 73-152. break

7. See De Negri, "Considerazioni sull'Alessi a Genova," in Galeazzo Alessi e l'architettura del cinquecento, 289-97, and De Negri, Galeazzo Alessi architetto a Genova .

8. La scultura a Genova, 290-303; Pietro Boccardo, Andrea Doria e le arti: Commitenza e mecenatismo a Genova nel rinascimento (Rome, 1989), 89-104; Paolo Montano, "La piazza, la chiesa e il chiostro di San Matteo," Quaderno, Università degli Studi di Genova, Facoltà di Architettura. Istituto di Elementi di Architettura e Rilieva dei Elementi, no. 4 (September 1970), 167-99; Jacopo D'Oria, La chiesa di San Matteo in Genova (Genoa, 1860).

9. Levati (297) mentions this mission. In the correspondence (ASG, Instructiones et relationes, 2707 D, 80 and 81; Litterarum, 1969, 12) the Lunigiana problem is not mentioned, only the birth of the grand duke's son. Both assignments may have been carried out at the same time.

10. Grimaldi named Fornari in the contract as the person to oversee payments from Genoa for the chapel bronzes as they were cast and completed in Florence.

11. Negrone, Ragionamento, 43-44:

Quella bellissima Cappella fabricata in S. Francesco, ricca di finissimi marmi sopara & sotto; ornata di statue di bronzo: per li stucchi, per l'oro, per le pitture vaga a maraviglia, & ragguardevole: piena di divotione per le molte, & grandi Indulgenze. Questa per essere stata fra le più belle, & ricche se non erro, la prima che fabricata si sia nella città nostra, valso ha d'esempio a molti di Pietà, & risvegliata la divotione nel petto de gli altri nostri cittadini, i quali poscia con una santa gara hanno abbellite, & tuttavia vanna adornando le Chiese di Genova.

(This very beautiful chapel in San Francesco, richly built with fine marbles above and below, decorated with bronze statues: because of its stuccos, its gold, and its wondrously graceful and remarkable paintings, full of devotion for many grand indulgences. This chapel, having been among the most beautiful, rich, and, if I am not mistaken, the first to have been built in our city, was valued as an example of piety to many and has reawakened devotion in the breast of many other citizens, who, as if waging a holy war, adorned, and are still adorning, the churches of Genoa.)

12. If, as is highly probable, Grimaldi visited Giambologna's workshop while in Florence to congratulate the grand duke and duchess on the birth of their son, he could have seen several statuettes in preparation-- Mercury, Nessus and Deianira, and Labors of Hercules --as well as larger works: the Bacchus of Lattanzio Cortesi, the Fiorenza made for the Tribolo Fountain at Villa Castello (now at the Villa Petraia), the Apollo (Fig. 43) for the Studiolo (all reproduced in Avery, Giambologna ), and perhaps the Rape of the Sabine statuette (see Fig. 19) ordered by Ottavio Farnese, duke of Parma. break

13. See Dhanens, 343-44, for Giambologna's letter to Ottavio Farnese of 13 June 1579. In it he writes that during his work in Genoa he is going to personally deliver the bronze statuette to the duke in Parma, or if that is not possible, he will send someone from Genoa to deliver it. Macchioni (379) points out that the golden color of the bronzes is due not to gilding but to the composition of the metal itself; she made this observation after examining the interior cavities of the angels and places on the Virtues and reliefs where the opaque patina, probably added in the nineteenth century, has worn off.

14. The Elder Pliny's Chapters on the History of Art, trans. K. Jex-Blake (Chicago, 1976); Pomponius Gauricus, De Sculptura (1504), ed. and trans. André Chastel and Robert Klein (Geneva, 1969).

15. In 1598 Paggi painted a Nativity for Giambologna's burial chapel in Santissima Annunziata. See Ciardi, Galassi, and Carofano, Aurelio Lomi, 80, 86 n. 52; and Franco Renzo Pesenti, La pittura in Liguria, artisti del primo seicento (Genoa, 1986), chap. 1.

16. In his letter to Ottavio Farnese, 13 June 1579, Giambologna's reference to his prospective work in Genoa--"et opera mia in edificare, et ornare di Statue, certa chiesa che hanno deliberato di fare" (and my work in building and decorating with statues a certain church they have decided to build)--indicates that he expected to design architecture for a church. Because Giambologna's written Italian is far from correct, we cannot be sure whether he meant a church or a chapel. Both the letter from the Genoese to Grand Duke Francesco de' Medici requesting the services of Giambologna and the duke's reply call Giambologna "scultore et architetto" (ASF, Mediceo, 2836 [Lettere della Repubblica di Genova, 1541-1621, n.p.], 8 May 1579, and ASF, 250 [Registro di lettere del Granduca, 1578-79], fol. 142r, 26 May 1579). Another letter, dated 28 July 1579 from Genoa to Florence that reports on Giambologna's stay there refers to him as "Giovanni Bologna scultore" and mentions "il bisogno dell'industria et giudicio suo sopra certe capelle che si fabricano" (the need of his work and judgment concerning certain chapels being built). Whether his advice was sought only in his capacity as sculptor or extended also to architectural matters is not clear. Macchioni (371-72) suggests that the "certe capelle" may refer to the Doria chapels (under reconstruction at this time) to the left and right of the main altar in San Matteo. Giambologna's reputation as court artist to the Medici and his work for the Salviati Chapel, already begun at this time (see n. 17), make his responsibility for the architectural design of the Grimaldi Chapel likely.

17. In Disegni di architetti fiorentini, 1540-1640, Andrew Morrogh suggests that the architecture of the Salviati Chapel (San Marco, Florence) may be Giambologna's adaptation of a design by Palladio ([Florence, 1985], especially fig. 59). If it was, the architectural design for the Grimaldi Chapel, which resembles continue

the Salviati in so many ways, was probably also based on Palladio's ideas. Giambologna stayed in Genoa for a little more than two weeks when he went there to present plans and conclude the contract for the Grimaldi Chapel. Even if he brought with him ideas for the architectural decoration, he needed someone to supervise the execution. Undoubtedly this task was undertaken by Pietro Francavilla, who accompanied him to Genoa (Baldinucci, Notizie, book 3, 128) and stayed several years (Ratti, Le Vite, vol. 1, 423-24), independently acquiring Grimaldi and Senarega as patrons; see Michael Bury, "The Senarega Chapel in San Lorenzo, Genoa; New Documents about Barocci and Francavilla," MKIF 31 (1987): 327-56.

18. Pisa, Salviati Archives, "Libro della fabrica della cappella di Santo Antonino in San Marco, Segnato A, 1579-1592," fol. IV:

+MDLXXVIIII
Maestro Iacopo di Zanobi Piccardi, scarpellino da Rovezano, per conto di andare a Carrara a cavare marmi per servizio della fabrica della nostra cappella di S. ^to Antonino, de' dare addì 13 di giugnio scudi 100 d'oro, per noi da Averardo [e] Antonio Salviati e C. di bancho.

19. Bury's assumption that the Grimaldi Chapel was the earlier one and that therefore two later Genoese chapels, the Serra and Pinelli in San Siro, are primary evidence for the appearance of the Grimaldi Chapel reverses the chronology, missing the crucial place of the Salviati Chapel in putting the pieces of the puzzle together. For casting records of the Grimaldi bronzes, which stretched from about 1582 to 1590, see Bury, "The Grimaldi Chapel," appendix 2, 115-16, and 97-99, 120 nn. 56-60, 121 nn. 61-62. The execution of the Salviati bronzes, as recorded in the Salviati archives in Pisa, covered the period from 1580 to 1588.

20. The associative and symbolic aspects of marble are discussed by Steven Ostrow, "Marble Revetment in Late Sixteenth-Century Roman Chapels," in IL60: Essays Honoring Irving Lavin on His Sixtieth Birthday (New York, 1990), 253-66. Andrew Morrogh, "Vasari and Coloured Stones," in Giorgio Vasari tra decorazione ambientale e storiografia artistica, ed. Gian Carlo Garfagnini (Florence, 1985), 309-20, points out Grand Duke Cosimo's passion for "coloured stones," which Vasari shared.

21. Pope-Hennessy, Italian High Renaissance and Baroque Sculpture, 376-77, fig. 69. The Chigi Chapel in Santa Maria del Popolo, designed by Raphael but still not finished at the time of Giambologna's first visit to Rome, is an even earlier precedent, although the program has nothing to do with the Grimaldi. Among studies of various aspects of the Chigi are those by John Shearman, "The Chigi Chapel in S. Maria del Popolo," JWCI 24 (1961): 129- hard

60 (on the sculptures), and by Kathleen Weil-Garris Brandt, "Cosmological Patterns in Raphael's Chigi Chapel in S. Maria del Popolo," in Raffaello a Roma: Il convegno del 1983 (Rome, 1986), 127-60.

22. John David Summers, "The Sculptural Program of the Cappella di San Luca in Santissima Annunziata," MKIF 14 (1969): 67-90.

23. G. B. Castello, Il Bergamasco (c. 1510-c. 1569), was commissioned to decorate this chapel in 1565. He also worked for a Grimaldi relative in San Francesco di Castelletto; see Colette Dufour et al., La pittura a Genova e in Liguria dagli inizi al cinquecento (Genoa, 1970), 256, 310-11. The Prudence is generally given to Cambiaso. Franco Lercari, a member of the old nobility and the patron of the Lercari Chapel, also had one of the grand palaces on the Strada Nuova (Poleggi, 349-58).

24. See Bury, "The Senarega Chapel"; for the Immacolata and San Giovanni Battista chapels in San Pietro, see La scultura a Genova, 341-45; for the Pinelli and Serra chapels see Bury, "The Grimaldi Chapel," 92-94, figs. 5, 6. Francavilla, who had assisted Giambologna in both the Salviati and Grimaldi chapels, worked in the Senarega, whose altar was radically changed in the early nineteenth century. But the Senarega's side walls, which retain their original appearance, show a greater subordination of parts to whole, further projection of the pediments, and a greater vertical emphasis than those in the Salviati Chapel. The same is true of the Chapel of the Immacolata in San Pietro. As for the Pinelli Chapel, the altar wall has an aedicula with engaged columns and a broken pediment much more bold in profile and ornament than the corresponding aedicula in the Salviati Chapel, whereas the lateral walls of the chapel have an aedicula with only a molding to frame the painting and a broken segmental pediment. Presumably, columns were omitted on the lateral walls to make space for the sculptural niches, which do not exist on the altar wall. The angels holding instruments of the Passion on the pediment of the altar wall sit very upright, unlike those for the Grimaldi Chapel, whose corkscrew postures seem to require a curved surface. The design for Giovanni Domenico Cappellino's painting The Flagellation, as well as that for Giambologna's Flagellation relief in the Grimaldi Chapel, reflects Luca Cambiaso's treatment of the subject. This argument is pursued in Chapter 5.

25. Soprani, Le vite de' pittori, 291. Soprani (1612-1672) took orders after his wife died in 1670; he himself was buried in San Francesco di Castelletto. Referring to Giambologna's work in the Grimaldi Chapel, he says:

Vene egli in Genova circa l'anno 1580 chiamatovi dal Signor Luca Grimaldi, acciochè adornar dovesse con l'Arte sua una sontuosa Capella, che in honore della Croce Santissima haveva edificata nella Chiesa di San Francesco; per lo che volendo Giovanni far pompa del suo talento, & acquistarsi honor, rappresentò in sei figure di tondo rilievo grandi quanto il naturale la Fortezza, la Giustitia, la Temperanza, & altre virtù simili, che si vedono collocate ne suoi nicchi di marmo, continue

a quali aggionse sei putti sedenti sopra alcune cornici; e sette historiette di basso rilievo, nelle quali espresse i più principali misteri della Santissima Passione di Nostro Signore.

(He came to Genoa about the year 1580, called there by Signor Luca Grimaldi, so that he could adorn with his art a sumptuous chapel, built in honor of the most holy cross in the Church of San Francesco. For this reason, Giovanni, wishing to make a great show of his talent and to acquire much honor for himself, represented six life-size figures in the round—Fortitude, Justice, Temperance, and other, similar, virtues—which are seen all together in their marble niches, to which he added six putti sitting on cornices; seven small stories in relief, in which are represented the principal mysteries of the most Holy Passion of Our Savior.)

Regarding Lomi he says (ibid., 318): "Quindi è che in gran numero si vedono per le Chiese di Genova l'opere di quest'aventuroso artefice; com'il Sant' Antonio di Padova posto nella Chiesa di San Francesco, nella quale sono anche di sua mano le pitture ad oglio nella Capella del Signor Luca Grimaldi" (Therefore one sees in great number in the churches of Genoa works of this bold craftsman, as in [the painting of] Saint Anthony of Padua located in the Church of San Francesco, where the paintings in oil in the chapel of Signor Luca Grimaldi are also by him).

26. Ratti, Le Vite , vol. 1, 423, and 450 for mention of the paintings.

27. For other discussions of the change from Prudence to Temperance, see Bury, "The Grimaldi Chapel," 112-13, 126 nn. 115 and 121, and 127. Dhanens (249) and Holderbaum ( The Sculptor Giovanni Bologna, 213) believe that the statue represents both virtues because she holds a compass and ruler in addition to the reins of Temperance. Erwin Panofsky, Tomb Sculpture (New York, 1964), 75-76, figs. 326, 327, refers to examples of Prudence with a compass in a group of French Renaissance monuments. Lynn White, Jr., "The Iconography of Temperantia and the Virtuousness of Technology," in Action and Conviction in Early Modern Europe, ed. Theodore K. Rabb and Jerrold E. Seigel (Princeton, 1969), 207, points out that Andrea Orcagna's Assumption tabernacle of 1359 at Orsanmichele has the rare image of Temperance with a compass. The subject of the first relief in the chapel is discussed in Chapter 4, n. 42.

28. Mary Carruthers, The Book of Memory (Cambridge, 1990), especially 64-71; Jennifer O'Reilly, Studies in the Iconography of the Virtues and Vices in the Middle Ages (New York, 1988), 113-55; Lynn White, "The Iconography of Temperantia "; Frances Yates, The Art of Memory (Chicago, 1966), 57-75.

29. Giovanni Giorgio Boggiano, Oratione, Recitata nel Senato il Primo di Luglio (Genoa, 1605); Negrone, Ragionamento .

30. Réau, vol. 2, 156-62. The Joseph scene is not nearly so common as the Isaac. An extensive examination of the eucharistic meaning of the chapel and its connection to Tridentine thought can be found in Chapter 4. break

31. For the Soccorso contract, see Appendix 2. I can find no information in any of the literature regarding the purpose for which Grand Duke Ferdinando had originally ordered this set, which was cast for him in about 1585-87. See Avery, Giambologna, 271; Dhanens, 295-97.

32. ASF, Conventi Soppressi. 119 (S. ^ma Annunziata di Firenze), 66 (Contratti, 1550-99). See Appendix 2.

Et insuper, attenta bona voluntate dicti domini Ioannis Bononie erga dictam eorum Ecclesiam et conventum, libere eidem concesserunt ad eius beneplacitum et voluntatem faciendi, construendi et hedificandi ad pedes Altaris et Cappellanie prefate vel ibi circum circa, dummodo non deturbetur Cappella contra formam Sacri Concilii Tridentini, unum sepulcrum pro se ipso et suis successoribus et ad eorum usum, eo modo et forma prout sibi placuerit . . .

(Moreover, having retained the goodwill of said Lord Giovanni Bologna toward their church and convent, they have freely conceded to the same to construct and build as he pleases and decides at the foot of the high altar and aforementioned little chapel or thereabouts, so long as the chapel will not be pulled down contrary to the rules of the Sacred Tridentine Council, one tomb for himself and his successors, and for their use, in a way and fashion that will be pleasing to him . . .)

Giambologna's chapel occupied the most honored site in the church.

A further measure of Giambologna's high prestige may be found in Settimanni's report (Diario Fiorentino, ASF, 6, 1596-1608, fols. 89, 128) that on 6 May 1598 Grand Duke Ferdinando and Grand Duchess Cristina took part in a large and devout procession at the Annunziata for the installation, in the choir of the church, of the statue representing the Madonna del Soccorso, whose chapel the celebrated sculptor Giambologna made as a sign of his piety. The chapel itself was unveiled on 24 December of the same year.

33. Federico Federici, "Scrutinio della nobiltà Ligustica composta da me," seventeenth century, ASG 798, fol. 50r; Giulio Pasqua, Memorie e Sepolcri che sono nelle chiese e ne'suburbj di Genova raccolte dal Signor Giulio Pasqua l'anno 1610 (abstract by Jacopo Doria, 1870), vol. 49, CBBG, Mr.XV.5.5. The date 1544 next to this entry must be a mistake because the genealogy of Carolo de Venasque, Genealogica et Historica (Paris, 1647), fol. 110, records this same Francesco Grimaldi as ambassador to the emperor in 1547, and Giacomo Giscardi, "Notizia di pitture, statue et altro in diverse chiese e palazzi della città e contorni di Genova, con la relazione dell'origine delle medesime chiese," Biblioteca Franzoniana, Genoa, Ms C. 54, 43, seventeenth century, lists a Last Supper painted by Luca Cambiaso in 1574 for Francesco Grimaldi.

34. The inscription originally in the crypt, surviving only from a rubbing (Domenico Piaggio, "Monumenta Genuensia," CBBG, Mr.V.3.3., fol. 237, early nineteenth century), states that there were relics there. It is reproduced and translated in Appendix 1E. break

35. D'Oria, La chiesa di San Matteo in Genova, 75-80, 83-86.

36. In view of the reforms concerning burial instituted at the Council of Trent (Carlo Borromeo, "De sepulcis et coemiteriis," in Trattati, ed. Barocchi, vol. 3, 74-77), the presence of sarcophagi in the Grimaldi Chapel may be questioned, but the practice apparently continued. Giovanni Antonio Senarega, the patron of the Senarega Chapel in the cathedral of Genoa, was granted permission to build tombs in his chapel when he acquired it on 23 April 1579 (Bury, "The Grimaldi Chapel," 118 n. 32). If Luca Grimaldi had desired tombs in his chapel, he too could undoubtedly have obtained permission.

During his apostolic visit to Genoa in 1582, Monsignore Bossio instructed that wall tombs not be too close to altars; he was specific about tombs in the floor (ASG, Ms 547, fol. 11r,v):

Ea sepulchra quae in ecclesiae pavimento concamerato opere condita sunt, queque sepulcrale os habentnimis altaribus adiunctum, si palmis quinque ad altarium scabellis non distent, sepelliendi usu interdicuntur et humo oppleantur adaequato solo.

Et item opercula, quae imagines habent vel familiarium insignia vel litteras aut aliud omnino quicquam, quod extet atque emineat, accommodentur sex mensium spatio, cum et pavimentum deturpent et convenientium ad ecclesiam pedes offendant, atque ipsa opercula e polito lapide sint atque ita comprese adhereant ut nullo unquam tempore foveant, et si quis effigiendum sit (quod prius Rev. ^mi Ordinarii iudicio probetur) tesselato opere fiat, nihilque omnino superemineat. Quae peracto sex mensium spatio ad eam rationem accommodata non fuerint, amoveantur obstruanturve omnino.

Sepultura parieti inclusa prope portam maiorem eminens ad octavum diem tollatur, quod si praestitum non fuerit, ecclesia sit tamdiu interdicta donec prestitum fuerit.

(Tombs in the pavement and in the wall of the church, if their openings are too close to the altars and not at least 5 palms from the altar stools, may not be used for burial and must be filled with enough soil to make them flush with the ground.

In addition, tomb covers with family coats of arms and inscriptions that project are to be adjusted within six months' time because they disfigure the pavement and create an impediment to people walking in the church; they are to be made with flat marble so that there are no hollows. If something has to be represented on them (with the prior approval of the Most Reverend Archbishop), it has to be done in mosaic, without any projection. Those [tombs] not adjusted in this way within six months' time are to be removed or completely walled up.

The tomb standing out in the wall near the main door must be removed within eight days, and if this order is not complied with, the church will be put under interdict until such time as the order is executed.)

37. Dhanens also favors an island altar for the Grimaldi Chapel, an arrangement used for both the Salviati and Annunziata chapels. Bury, however, believes that the altar in the Grimaldi Chapel was attached to the wall, implying continue

that it did not have a sarcophagus. He cites the preservation of relics of the cross and crown of thorns in the chapel crypt as the reason for changes between the signing of the contract and the final execution, including the substitution of a wall altar for an island altar. More discussion of sarcophagi locations can be found in Macchioni, 372-73.

38. Pilate washes his hands only in the Gospel of Matthew, where the episode occurs before the Flagellation. For the Canonical Office see Karl Young, The Drama of the Medieval Church (Oxford, 1933) vol. 1, 44-75.

39. For the medieval tradition, see O'Reilly, 269; and Rosemond Tuve, "Notes on Virtues and Vices," JWCI 26 (1963): 264-303. Later in the seventeenth century, in the Protestant Netherlands, visual links between a specific virtue and a Passion scene emerge sporadically. Rembrandt's etching Ecce Homo, in which the figure of Justice Bound stands in the tribune behind Christ, is discussed by E. Winternitz, "Rembrandt's Christ Presented to the People, 1655: A Meditation on Justice and Collective Guilt," Oud Holland 84 (1969): 177-90; see also Margaret D. Carroll, "Rembrandt as Devotional Printmaker," AB 63 (1981): 585-610. Pilate Washing His Hands, a painting attributed to Cornelis Bisschop (1630-1674), shows a statue of Justice dramatically silhouetted against the sky in the center middle ground of the painting. The linking of Justice to two different Passion scenes indicates that no conformity existed here either. The Bisschop, attributed also to Barend Fabricius by H. De Groot, is illustrated in Oud Holland 65 (1950): 139 (fig. 5), 148.

40. The Catechism of the Council of Trent, trans. T. A. Buckley (London, 1852), 54. Although these virtues do not correspond exactly to the traditional seven, they are all aspects of them. Humility was considered an aspect of temperance, for example, and obedience, an aspect of justice (Tuve, "Notes on Virtues and Vices," 277).

41. The Mons rood screen is discussed in Chapter 4.

42. Angelo Meli, Bartolomeo Colleoni nel suo mausoleo (Bergamo, 1966); Francesco Malaguzzi-Valeri, Giovanni Antonio Amadeo (Bergamo, 1904), 57, 64-75.

43. Schroeder, ed., Canons and Decrees, 32-34.

44. See Panofsky, Tomb Sculpture, 74.

45. For Bury's proposal, see "The Grimaldi Chapel," 106-9. Macchioni (361-66) agrees with Bury in the placement of the Virtues except that she places Charity on the inside of the right wall of the chapel instead of at the entrance, but she radically reorders the sequence in the Passion cycle, according to what in my opinion is a mistaken argument.

46. In the Salviati Chapel the two statues on the altar wall have their weight on the inside legs, although it does not necessarily follow that the same must have been true for the Grimaldi. break