4— The Question of the Heroic in Translations of Lucan's Pharsalia Ancient History II
1. On the origins of chivalry, its organizing principles and rituals, see especially Jean Flori, L'idéologie du glaive: préhistoire de la chevalerie , Travaux d'Histoire Ethico-Politique, 43 (Geneva, 1983), and its sequel, L'essor de la chevalerie, XIe-XIIe Siècles , Travaux d'Histoire Ethico- Politique, 46 (Geneva, 1986). A good overview of the phenomenon also is found in Keen, Chivalry . For the development of armorial insignia and of seals, see Michel Pastoureau, "La diffusion des armoiries et les débuts de l'héraldique," in La France de Philippe Auguste , pp. 737-759; and Brigitte Bedos Rezak, "Les sceaux aux temps de Philippe Auguste," in ibid., pp. 33-57.
2. Flori, L'essor de la chevalerie , p. 342.
3. This process of rendering values class-specific is very close to what Northrop Frye has called "kidnapping" romance, in which general values are integrated into the ideology of a ruling class, where they express that class's dreams of its own social functions and the idealized acts of protection and responsibility that it invokes to justify those functions. It is this process of "kidnapping" romance that Frye attributes to the medieval
chivalric romance. See Frye, The Secular Scripture: A Study of the Structure of Romance (Cambridge, Mass., 1976), p. 57.
4. Patterson, "Virgil and the Historical Consciousness of the Twelfth Century," in Negotiating the Past , p. 158.
5. For a general view of this process within romance genres, see Frye, Secular Scripture , pp. 36ff. For the theoretical basis of the displacement of concepts from one discursive code to another within the social group, see Vance, Mervelous Signals , p. 119.
6. See K'öhler, L'aventure chevaleresque , p. 79.
7. Bäuml, "Transformations of the Heroine," p. 27.
8. Patterson, "The Romance of History and the Alliterative Morte Arthure, " in Negotiating the Past , p. 198.
9. Bakhtin, Dialogic Imagination , p. 34.
10. Thus, as Frye ( Secular Scripture , p. 67) points out, heroic literature tends to make all heroes of action ultimately tragic heroes.
11. The phrase was coined by Northrop Frye, referring to romance.
12. Thus Lee Patterson argues that "from the twelfth century onward, the Aeneid served as a central paradigm for all who would protect secular history from apocalyptic judgment" ("Virgil and the Historical Consciousness of the Twelfth Century," in Negotiating the Past , p. 170).
13. Flori, L'essor de la chevalerie , p. 341.
14. Cf. Sayers, "Beginnings and Early Development of Old French Historiography," p. 44.
15. As Hanning cogently argues in "The Social Significance of Twelfth-Century Chivalric Romance," p. 8.
16. Ramsey MacMullen, Enemies of the Roman Order: Treason, Unrest, and Alienation in the Empire (Cambridge, Mass., 1966), p. 24.
17. Ibid.
16. Ramsey MacMullen, Enemies of the Roman Order: Treason, Unrest, and Alienation in the Empire (Cambridge, Mass., 1966), p. 24.
17. Ibid.
18. According to W. R. Johnson, Lucan was led by his disaster to shape a poem that he did not want and had not intended to write: "Lucan wants to defend the greatness of Rome. He wants somehow to save it from the ruin that has overtaken it and continues, in his lifetime, to engulf it. But even as he attempts this rescue, he knows that his effort is doomed. He knows that ruin is inevitable" (in Momentary Monsters: Lucan and His Heroes [Ithaca, 1987], pp. 14-15; see also p. 85).
19. MacMullen, Enemies of the Roman Order , p. 24.
20. "Tragoediae sunt que bella tractant, ut Lucanus" (cited in Marilyn Bendena, "The Translations of Lucan and Their Influence on French Medieval Literature, Together with an Edition of the Roumans de Jules César by Jacos de Forest" [Ph.D. diss., Wayne State University, 1976], p. 17). See also Jesse Crosland, "Lucan in the Middle Ages, with Special Reference to the Old French Epic," Modern Language Review 25 (1930): 42.
21. Beer, Medieval Caesar , p. 138.
22. As Crosland has proposed, "Lucan in the Middle Ages," p. 34.
23. Faits des Romains 1:8.
24. Ibid., p. 15.
25. Ibid., p. 614.
26. Ibid., p. 616.
27. Ibid., pp. 15-16.
23. Faits des Romains 1:8.
24. Ibid., p. 15.
25. Ibid., p. 614.
26. Ibid., p. 616.
27. Ibid., pp. 15-16.
23. Faits des Romains 1:8.
24. Ibid., p. 15.
25. Ibid., p. 614.
26. Ibid., p. 616.
27. Ibid., pp. 15-16.
23. Faits des Romains 1:8.
24. Ibid., p. 15.
25. Ibid., p. 614.
26. Ibid., p. 616.
27. Ibid., pp. 15-16.
23. Faits des Romains 1:8.
24. Ibid., p. 15.
25. Ibid., p. 614.
26. Ibid., p. 616.
27. Ibid., pp. 15-16.
28. "Lors li crut ses hardemenz, et se pensa que il emprendroit greignors choses que il n'avoit let anois et voudroit monter en greignor pris" (ibid., p. 16).
29. Ibid.
28. "Lors li crut ses hardemenz, et se pensa que il emprendroit greignors choses que il n'avoit let anois et voudroit monter en greignor pris" (ibid., p. 16).
29. Ibid.
30. See Suetonius, The Twelve Caesars , trans. Robert Graves (Baltimore, 1957), p. 30.
31. Faits des Romains 1:720.
32. Ibid., p. 721.
33. Ibid., p. 356 and note at 2:150.
34. Ibid., p. 357.
31. Faits des Romains 1:720.
32. Ibid., p. 721.
33. Ibid., p. 356 and note at 2:150.
34. Ibid., p. 357.
31. Faits des Romains 1:720.
32. Ibid., p. 721.
33. Ibid., p. 356 and note at 2:150.
34. Ibid., p. 357.
31. Faits des Romains 1:720.
32. Ibid., p. 721.
33. Ibid., p. 356 and note at 2:150.
34. Ibid., p. 357.
35. MacMullen, Enemies of the Roman Order , p. 25.
36. Bellum civile , 1, 135.
37. On this theme in Lucan, see MacMullen, Enemies of the Roman Order , p. 34.
38. Faits des Romains 1:724.
39. Ibid., p. 723.
38. Faits des Romains 1:724.
39. Ibid., p. 723.
40. "Tot son tens voloit gaster ou en chevalerie ou en clergie, sanz les hores de boivre et de mengier" (ibid., p. 724).
41. Ibid., p. 448.
40. "Tot son tens voloit gaster ou en chevalerie ou en clergie, sanz les hores de boivre et de mengier" (ibid., p. 724).
41. Ibid., p. 448.
42. See George Cary, The Medieval Alexander , ed. D.J.A. Ross (Cambridge, 1956); see also Keen, Chivalry , p. 99.
43. Köhler, L'aventure chevaleresque , p. 28.
44. Faits des Romains 1:341.
45. Ibid., p. 340.
46. Ibid., p. 341.
47. Ibid., p. 731.
48. Ibid., pp. 734-735.
44. Faits des Romains 1:341.
45. Ibid., p. 340.
46. Ibid., p. 341.
47. Ibid., p. 731.
48. Ibid., pp. 734-735.
44. Faits des Romains 1:341.
45. Ibid., p. 340.
46. Ibid., p. 341.
47. Ibid., p. 731.
48. Ibid., pp. 734-735.
44. Faits des Romains 1:341.
45. Ibid., p. 340.
46. Ibid., p. 341.
47. Ibid., p. 731.
48. Ibid., pp. 734-735.
44. Faits des Romains 1:341.
45. Ibid., p. 340.
46. Ibid., p. 341.
47. Ibid., p. 731.
48. Ibid., pp. 734-735.
49. "Une grant ymage tote eschevelee, qui avoit ses chevex derroz, et avoit ses braz descoverz et nuz" (ibid., p. 348).
50. Ibid.
51. Ibid., p.377.
52. Ibid., p.378.
53. Ibid., p.516.
54. Ibid., p.517.
55. Ibid., p.539.
56. Ibid.,pp. 625, 626.
57. Ibid.,p. 623.
58. Ibid.,p. 627.
49. "Une grant ymage tote eschevelee, qui avoit ses chevex derroz, et avoit ses braz descoverz et nuz" (ibid., p. 348).
50. Ibid.
51. Ibid., p.377.
52. Ibid., p.378.
53. Ibid., p.516.
54. Ibid., p.517.
55. Ibid., p.539.
56. Ibid.,pp. 625, 626.
57. Ibid.,p. 623.
58. Ibid.,p. 627.
49. "Une grant ymage tote eschevelee, qui avoit ses chevex derroz, et avoit ses braz descoverz et nuz" (ibid., p. 348).
50. Ibid.
51. Ibid., p.377.
52. Ibid., p.378.
53. Ibid., p.516.
54. Ibid., p.517.
55. Ibid., p.539.
56. Ibid.,pp. 625, 626.
57. Ibid.,p. 623.
58. Ibid.,p. 627.
49. "Une grant ymage tote eschevelee, qui avoit ses chevex derroz, et avoit ses braz descoverz et nuz" (ibid., p. 348).
50. Ibid.
51. Ibid., p.377.
52. Ibid., p.378.
53. Ibid., p.516.
54. Ibid., p.517.
55. Ibid., p.539.
56. Ibid.,pp. 625, 626.
57. Ibid.,p. 623.
58. Ibid.,p. 627.
49. "Une grant ymage tote eschevelee, qui avoit ses chevex derroz, et avoit ses braz descoverz et nuz" (ibid., p. 348).
50. Ibid.
51. Ibid., p.377.
52. Ibid., p.378.
53. Ibid., p.516.
54. Ibid., p.517.
55. Ibid., p.539.
56. Ibid.,pp. 625, 626.
57. Ibid.,p. 623.
58. Ibid.,p. 627.
49. "Une grant ymage tote eschevelee, qui avoit ses chevex derroz, et avoit ses braz descoverz et nuz" (ibid., p. 348).
50. Ibid.
51. Ibid., p.377.
52. Ibid., p.378.
53. Ibid., p.516.
54. Ibid., p.517.
55. Ibid., p.539.
56. Ibid.,pp. 625, 626.
57. Ibid.,p. 623.
58. Ibid.,p. 627.
49. "Une grant ymage tote eschevelee, qui avoit ses chevex derroz, et avoit ses braz descoverz et nuz" (ibid., p. 348).
50. Ibid.
51. Ibid., p.377.
52. Ibid., p.378.
53. Ibid., p.516.
54. Ibid., p.517.
55. Ibid., p.539.
56. Ibid.,pp. 625, 626.
57. Ibid.,p. 623.
58. Ibid.,p. 627.
49. "Une grant ymage tote eschevelee, qui avoit ses chevex derroz, et avoit ses braz descoverz et nuz" (ibid., p. 348).
50. Ibid.
51. Ibid., p.377.
52. Ibid., p.378.
53. Ibid., p.516.
54. Ibid., p.517.
55. Ibid., p.539.
56. Ibid.,pp. 625, 626.
57. Ibid.,p. 623.
58. Ibid.,p. 627.
49. "Une grant ymage tote eschevelee, qui avoit ses chevex derroz, et avoit ses braz descoverz et nuz" (ibid., p. 348).
50. Ibid.
51. Ibid., p.377.
52. Ibid., p.378.
53. Ibid., p.516.
54. Ibid., p.517.
55. Ibid., p.539.
56. Ibid.,pp. 625, 626.
57. Ibid.,p. 623.
58. Ibid.,p. 627.
49. "Une grant ymage tote eschevelee, qui avoit ses chevex derroz, et avoit ses braz descoverz et nuz" (ibid., p. 348).
50. Ibid.
51. Ibid., p.377.
52. Ibid., p.378.
53. Ibid., p.516.
54. Ibid., p.517.
55. Ibid., p.539.
56. Ibid.,pp. 625, 626.
57. Ibid.,p. 623.
58. Ibid.,p. 627.
59. Jeanette M. A. Beer, "Stylistic Heterogeneity in the Middle Ages: An Examination of the Evidence of Li Fet des Romains, " in Jean Misrahi Memorial Volume: Studies in Medieval Literature , ed. Hans R. Runte, H. Niedzielski, and W. L. Hendrickson (Columbia, S.C., 1977), p. 108.
60. "Maufé, ce dist Lucans, l'i aporterent, car il n'en vint onques se mal non et hontes as Romains. Car onques la biautez Helaine ne fist tant de mal a cels de Troies conme la biauté de ceste fist a cels de Rome, ne mes de ce que Troies fu abatue, Rome remest en estant" ( Faits des Romains 1:623).
61. Ibid., p. 657.
62. Ibid., p. 493.
60. "Maufé, ce dist Lucans, l'i aporterent, car il n'en vint onques se mal non et hontes as Romains. Car onques la biautez Helaine ne fist tant de mal a cels de Troies conme la biauté de ceste fist a cels de Rome, ne mes de ce que Troies fu abatue, Rome remest en estant" ( Faits des Romains 1:623).
61. Ibid., p. 657.
62. Ibid., p. 493.
60. "Maufé, ce dist Lucans, l'i aporterent, car il n'en vint onques se mal non et hontes as Romains. Car onques la biautez Helaine ne fist tant de mal a cels de Troies conme la biauté de ceste fist a cels de Rome, ne mes de ce que Troies fu abatue, Rome remest en estant" ( Faits des Romains 1:623).
61. Ibid., p. 657.
62. Ibid., p. 493.
63. Johnson, Momentary Monsters , p. 69. In Johnson's powerful analysis of the Pharsalia , it is "this bitter recognition, not only of freedom's defeat but also of the deceptive hope that freedom's defeat was not inevitable, that accounts for the dark, angry laughter which overwhelms Lucan's Pompey."
64. Faits des Romains 1:567, 571.
65. Ibid., p. 570.
64. Faits des Romains 1:567, 571.
65. Ibid., p. 570.
66. Johnson argues that in the Pharsalia , Caesar's refusal to grant proper burial for his enemies—not only for Pompey, but especially for those slain at Pharsalia—constitutes Lucan's way of representing Caesar as an "artist in death, loath to have his masterpiece [the battle of Pharsalia] mined by funerals, since it is the number of corpses and the sheer quantity of gore which betoken not only his triumph, but also his unique luck, his right to be the survivor" ( Momentary Monsters , p. 102).
67. Faits des Romains 1:37-39.
68. Ibid., p. 40.
67. Faits des Romains 1:37-39.
68. Ibid., p. 40.
69. As Catiline proclaimed to his followers: "Vos veez que un po de senators ont toute la seignorie et la richesce de la cité de Rome . . . . Mes nos, qui deüssienmes estre avant, soumes tenu vil; ne nus ne nos apele a nule hautece, qui deüssiemes estre cremu et redouté. Il ont la grace, le pooir, l'onor, la richece; nos somes deguerpi en perilz, nos somes debouté et jugié, nos somes en poverte" (ibid., p. 23).
70. Ibid., p. 43.
71. Ibid., p. 45.
72. Ibid., p. 369. See also p. 371: "Et merveille estoit il ne touchast ja a fame charnaument nule foiz, se ne fust por enfant engendrer, ainz contrestoit verteusement as aguillons de luxure."
69. As Catiline proclaimed to his followers: "Vos veez que un po de senators ont toute la seignorie et la richesce de la cité de Rome . . . . Mes nos, qui deüssienmes estre avant, soumes tenu vil; ne nus ne nos apele a nule hautece, qui deüssiemes estre cremu et redouté. Il ont la grace, le pooir, l'onor, la richece; nos somes deguerpi en perilz, nos somes debouté et jugié, nos somes en poverte" (ibid., p. 23).
70. Ibid., p. 43.
71. Ibid., p. 45.
72. Ibid., p. 369. See also p. 371: "Et merveille estoit il ne touchast ja a fame charnaument nule foiz, se ne fust por enfant engendrer, ainz contrestoit verteusement as aguillons de luxure."
69. As Catiline proclaimed to his followers: "Vos veez que un po de senators ont toute la seignorie et la richesce de la cité de Rome . . . . Mes nos, qui deüssienmes estre avant, soumes tenu vil; ne nus ne nos apele a nule hautece, qui deüssiemes estre cremu et redouté. Il ont la grace, le pooir, l'onor, la richece; nos somes deguerpi en perilz, nos somes debouté et jugié, nos somes en poverte" (ibid., p. 23).
70. Ibid., p. 43.
71. Ibid., p. 45.
72. Ibid., p. 369. See also p. 371: "Et merveille estoit il ne touchast ja a fame charnaument nule foiz, se ne fust por enfant engendrer, ainz contrestoit verteusement as aguillons de luxure."
69. As Catiline proclaimed to his followers: "Vos veez que un po de senators ont toute la seignorie et la richesce de la cité de Rome . . . . Mes nos, qui deüssienmes estre avant, soumes tenu vil; ne nus ne nos apele a nule hautece, qui deüssiemes estre cremu et redouté. Il ont la grace, le pooir, l'onor, la richece; nos somes deguerpi en perilz, nos somes debouté et jugié, nos somes en poverte" (ibid., p. 23).
70. Ibid., p. 43.
71. Ibid., p. 45.
72. Ibid., p. 369. See also p. 371: "Et merveille estoit il ne touchast ja a fame charnaument nule foiz, se ne fust por enfant engendrer, ainz contrestoit verteusement as aguillons de luxure."
73. See Jeanette M. A. Beer, "A Medieval Cato—Virtus or Virtue?" Speculum 47 (1972): 56.
74. Faits des Romains 1:368.
75. Ibid., pp. 574-575.
76. Ibid., p. 371.
77. Ibid., p. 586.
78. Ibid., p. 593.
79. Ibid., p. 611.
80. Ibid., p. 689.
74. Faits des Romains 1:368.
75. Ibid., pp. 574-575.
76. Ibid., p. 371.
77. Ibid., p. 586.
78. Ibid., p. 593.
79. Ibid., p. 611.
80. Ibid., p. 689.
74. Faits des Romains 1:368.
75. Ibid., pp. 574-575.
76. Ibid., p. 371.
77. Ibid., p. 586.
78. Ibid., p. 593.
79. Ibid., p. 611.
80. Ibid., p. 689.
74. Faits des Romains 1:368.
75. Ibid., pp. 574-575.
76. Ibid., p. 371.
77. Ibid., p. 586.
78. Ibid., p. 593.
79. Ibid., p. 611.
80. Ibid., p. 689.
74. Faits des Romains 1:368.
75. Ibid., pp. 574-575.
76. Ibid., p. 371.
77. Ibid., p. 586.
78. Ibid., p. 593.
79. Ibid., p. 611.
80. Ibid., p. 689.
74. Faits des Romains 1:368.
75. Ibid., pp. 574-575.
76. Ibid., p. 371.
77. Ibid., p. 586.
78. Ibid., p. 593.
79. Ibid., p. 611.
80. Ibid., p. 689.
74. Faits des Romains 1:368.
75. Ibid., pp. 574-575.
76. Ibid., p. 371.
77. Ibid., p. 586.
78. Ibid., p. 593.
79. Ibid., p. 611.
80. Ibid., p. 689.
81. This judgment is rendered as "Li tesmoinz Caton des mors Pompee" and functions as a funeral eulogy, but delivered to Cornelia and Pompey's sons Gneus and Sextus upon their learning of Pompey's death. Ibid., p. 585.
82. The phrase is Johnson's, Momentary Monsters , p. 69.
83. Faits des Romains 1:457.
84. Ibid., p. 541.
85. Ibid., p. 517.
83. Faits des Romains 1:457.
84. Ibid., p. 541.
85. Ibid., p. 517.
83. Faits des Romains 1:457.
84. Ibid., p. 541.
85. Ibid., p. 517.
86. Settegast, ed., Hystore de Julius César , p. xxxii [hereafter cited as Hystore de Jules César ].
87. H. Suchier, "Jehan yon Thuim," Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 6 (1882): 386.
88. On Jean's translation procedures and sources, see V. L. Dedecek, Etude littéraire et linguistique de "Li Hystore de Julius César" de Jehan de Tuim , Publications of the University of Pennsylvania Series in Romanic Languages and Literature, 13 (Philadelphia, 1925), p. 87.
89. Ibid., p. 82. See also G. de Poerck, "Les Faits des Romains: à propos de deux ouvrages récents," Revue beige de philologie et d'histoire 15 (1936): 639.
88. On Jean's translation procedures and sources, see V. L. Dedecek, Etude littéraire et linguistique de "Li Hystore de Julius César" de Jehan de Tuim , Publications of the University of Pennsylvania Series in Romanic Languages and Literature, 13 (Philadelphia, 1925), p. 87.
89. Ibid., p. 82. See also G. de Poerck, "Les Faits des Romains: à propos de deux ouvrages récents," Revue beige de philologie et d'histoire 15 (1936): 639.
90. J. J. Salverda de Grave, "Un imitateur du 'Roman d'Enéas' au XIIIe siècle en France," Studi medievali , n.s., 5 (1932): 309-316.
91. Compare the analysis of Jean's style by Dedecek, Etude littéraire et linguistique , pp. 89ff.
92. The scholars who have considered the relationship between Jean de Thuin's Hystore de Jules César and Jacos de Forest's Roumanz de Jules César are F. Settegast, "Jacos de Forest e la sua fonte," Giornale de filologia 2 (1879): 172-178; idem in Li hystore de Jules César ; G. Paris, "Compterendu de F. Settegast, Li hystore de Julius César "; Suchier, "Jehan von Thuim," p. 386; G. Bertoni, "Un nuovo manoscritto del 'Roman de Julius César,' " Archivum Romanicum 15 (1931): 76-82; Paul Hess, Li roumanz de Julius César: ein Beitrag zur Cäsargeschichte im Mittelalter (Winterthur, 1956); R. Bossuat, "Compte-rendu de Paul Hess, Li roumanz de Julius César,'' Le moyen âge , 4th ser., 12 (1957): 383-385; Jean-Charles Payen, "Compte-rendu de Paul Hess, Li roumanz de Julius César: ein Beitrag zur Cäsargeschichte im Mittelalter," Romance Philology 11 (1957-1958): 173-176. Despite this reasonably full treatment, the question remains more or less open, as Frappier indicates; see his "Peinture de la vie et des héros antiques," p. 47n. 61. Marilyn Bendena, who provides an edition of the Roumanz de Jules César in her 1976 Ph.D. dissertation, "The Translations of Lucan," simply follows Settegast in seeing the Roumanz as a versification of Jean's text and adds nothing to the debate.
In the opinion of Settegast, the editor of Jean's Hystore , the striking similarities between the texts of Jean and of Jacos de Forest—which cover the same material in the same order and often in the same words—indicated that "one of the two works was merely a version of the other" ( Hystore de Jules César , p. vi), thereby raising the question of which came first. Put in slightly different terms: Was the Hystore a prosification or dérirnage of the Roumanz , or the Roumanz a versification of the Hystore ? The question, when posed this way, is not without interest for the development of Old French literature in the thirteenth century. Neither prologue to the texts offers any clue to the solution of this problem, but in support of his claim for the priority of the Hystore to the Roumanz , Settegast pointed to a passage found in B.N. fr. 1457, fol. 147v, in which Jacos alludes to a source: "Si com l'estoire dist et en apres Jehanz" (ibid., p. vi)—seemingly a clear reference to Jean de Thuin, on whom, therefore, his own verse romance would seem to depend. Settegast additionally presented five passages in which Jacos de Forest's reliance on Jean's Hystore appeared beyond issue.
But already in his review of Settegast's edition, Gaston Paris raised doubts concerning what he considered to be Settegast's somewhat hasty conclusion. To begin with, it appeared strange to Paris that none of the faults common to the four manuscripts in which Jean's Hystore is pre-served—that is, Vat. Reg. 834; Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal, Paris, MS. 3344; Bibliothèque Royale, Brussels, MS. 15700; and Bibliothèque Municipale de Saint-Omer, MS. 722—reappears in Forest's verse text. Indeed, Settegast himself had pointed out several places where Jacos de Forest had ameliorated the readings found in the Hystore , presumably by consulting a manuscript of Lucan independent of the manuscripts on which the Hystore was based. More telling, Jacos de Forest's amplifications are in closer agreement with Lucan's Pharsalia or Caesar's Bellum civile (the Latin sources for the cited passages), thus suggesting a direct dependence on the Latin originals (G. Paris, "Compte-rendu de E Settegast," pp. 380-381). Far from drawing the conclusion from these observations that the Roumanz antedated the Hystore , however, Paris suggested that both texts derived from a lost prose version that was more developed than Jean's, and thus closer to the Roumanz . The Hystore of Jean de Thuin, in Paris's view, represented an abbreviated redaction of this lost prose version.
This remained the received wisdom on the relationship between the two works until a new manuscript of the Roumanz was discovered in 1931 by G. Bertoni in the Bibliothèque Bodmeriana. The manuscript dates from the end of the thirteenth century and originated from the hand of a copyist belonging to eastern France, probably Lorraine ("Un nuovo manoscritto," p. 77). In this new manuscript, the poem is not attributed, as in B.N. fr. 1457, to Jacos de Forest; rather, in the passages corresponding to
those in which the name "Jacos" normally figured, one finds "Jehan," that is, the same name found in manuscripts of the Hystore . This finding raised the possibility that Jean de Thuin was the author not only of the Hystore , but of the Roumanz as well, relegating Jacos de Forest to the status of "un plagiaro'' (ibid., p. 78).
Bertoni's tantalizing suggestion that Jean de Thuin wrote both the verse Roumanz and the prose Hystore remained without further proof or investigation, and it was not until Paul Hess undertook a complete review of the problem in a new study of the manuscript tradition that an apparent solution to the question of the relationship between the two texts emerged. Comparing the two works, Hess demonstrated that the roman was not only more developed and more faithful to the Latin sources than the history, but that the prose Hystore preserved in an unexpected way a large number of words that figured in the rhyme of the verse text, a phenomenon often found in works created by the process of "dérimage" or prosification in the thirteenth century ( Li roumanz de Julius César , pp. 25-27). See also R. Bossuat, "Compte-rendu de Paul Hess," p. 384. On the general question of the practice and procedures of dérimage , see Speer and Foulet, "Is Marques de Rome a Derhymed Romance?" From this, Hess not unreasonably concluded that the Roumanz de Jules César preceded the Hystore , and that the latter text was a prose revision of the earlier romance. If so, it is likely, according to Bossuat ("Compte-rendu de Paul Hess," p. 384), that neither work was written before the last third of the thirteenth century, meaning that the date traditionally given to the Hystore , 1242, should be revised accordingly. Payen ("Compte-rendu de Paul Hess," p. 175), in contrast, considers it likely that the Roumanz was written at the beginning of the thirteenth century, making the traditional date of 1242 perfectly possible.
93. Hess, Roumanz de Julius César , pp. 28-29.
94. This is the opinion of both Payen, "Compte-rendu de Paul Hess," p. 175; and Frappier, "Peinture de la vie et des héros antiques," p. 47.
95. See L.-F. Flutre, "Li faits des Romains," p. 272, who points to a number of passages that demonstrate that Jean not only knew the Faits des Romains but also had a copy of it before him while writing his book and from which he drew certain expressions, scenes, and interpretations. F. Settegast, the editor of the Hystore , stresses, however, the relative independence of Jean from the Faits des Romains: "Li Faits et il testo di Jehan de Tuim sono fra loro indipendenti; le somiglianze che reciprocamente presentano, provengono generalmente d'all avera ambedue in parte la medesima fonte, Lucano" ("Jacos de Forest e la sua fonte," p. 176)—although Settegast does agree that several passages indicate that Jean knew the Faits . In general, although Jean may have known the Faits des Romains , his direct borrowings from it remain scant and appear only incidentally in some surface features, when present at all.
96. See, among others, Köhler, L'aventure chevaleresque , p. 149; and, for the origins and development of courtly ideals, C. Stephen Jaeger, The Origins of Courtliness: Civilizing Trends and the Formation of Courtly Ideals 939-1210 (Philadelphia, 1985).
97. Cf. Erich Auerbach, "The Knight Sets Forth," in Mimesis: The Representation of Reality in Western Literature , trans. Willard R. Trask (Princeton, 1953), p. 134.
98. See the discussion of this process in courtly romance in Lee Patterson's analysis of the Roman d'Enéas in "Virgil and the Historical Consciousness of the Twelfth Century," in Negotiating the Past , p. 177.
99. Stephen Jaeger has emphasized the centrality of beauty to courtly ideals, including beauty of conduct. He cites a long passage from Saxo Grammaticus's Gesta Danorum , book X, in which the ideal of beauty in conduct is employed for the subjection of the "chaotic impulses" of the warrior classes in service to the duties of social life. See Jaeger, Origins of Courtliness , pp. 137-188.
100. Hystore de Jules César , p. 2.
101. He writes:
Or s'en tesent de cest mestier,
Se ne sont clerc ou chevalier
Car ausi pueent escouter
Conme li asnes a harper.
Le roman de Thèbes , ed. Guy Renaud de Lage (Paris, 1969), vol. 1, lines 13-16.
102. "Mes tant i a k'il redoute sour toute riens les mesdis des envios, k'il ne li atournent a folie cou k'il fait pour sens et pour edefiier les cuers des preudoumes ki l'estore en ascoutereont" ( Hystore de Jules César , p. 3).
103. "Pronus ad omne nefas et qui nesciret, in armis / Quam magnum virtus crimen civilibus esset" ( Bellum civile , VI, 147-148, trans. J. D. Duff [Cambridge, Mass., 1927], p. 315).
104. For the full passage, see Hystore de Jules César , pp. 102-105.
105. As Köhler has so brilliantly demonstrated in L'aventure chevaleresque .
106. Hystore de Jules César , pp. 103-104.
107. See Vance, Mervelous Signals , p. 124.
108. Hystore de Jules César , p. 105.
109. Dedecek, Etude littéraire et linguistique , p. 49.
110. Ibid.. Jean himself, in the explicit , refers to his Hystore as le roumant: "Et Diex soit warde de tous ciaus ki le matere en recevront et ki le roumant oront" ( Hystore de Jules César , p. 245). The reference here, of course, signifies a work in the vernacular, the same sense in which, as late as the end of the thirteenth century, a work of quasi-official history like
the Grandes chroniques de France is still called "Le Roman des Rois." See Guenée, Histoire et culture historique , p. 321.
109. Dedecek, Etude littéraire et linguistique , p. 49.
110. Ibid.. Jean himself, in the explicit , refers to his Hystore as le roumant: "Et Diex soit warde de tous ciaus ki le matere en recevront et ki le roumant oront" ( Hystore de Jules César , p. 245). The reference here, of course, signifies a work in the vernacular, the same sense in which, as late as the end of the thirteenth century, a work of quasi-official history like
the Grandes chroniques de France is still called "Le Roman des Rois." See Guenée, Histoire et culture historique , p. 321.
111. Hystore de Jules César , p. 4.
112. Ibid., p. 25.
113. Ibid., p. 23.
114. Ibid., p. 113.
115. Ibid., p. 140.
116. Ibid., p. 6. Even stranger is Jean's assertion that Ptolemy had his "plus haus barons" dubbed in accordance with Egyptian custom (ibid., p. 202)!
117. Ibid., p. 220.
118. Ibid., p. 53.
119. Ibid., pp. 221-222.
111. Hystore de Jules César , p. 4.
112. Ibid., p. 25.
113. Ibid., p. 23.
114. Ibid., p. 113.
115. Ibid., p. 140.
116. Ibid., p. 6. Even stranger is Jean's assertion that Ptolemy had his "plus haus barons" dubbed in accordance with Egyptian custom (ibid., p. 202)!
117. Ibid., p. 220.
118. Ibid., p. 53.
119. Ibid., pp. 221-222.
111. Hystore de Jules César , p. 4.
112. Ibid., p. 25.
113. Ibid., p. 23.
114. Ibid., p. 113.
115. Ibid., p. 140.
116. Ibid., p. 6. Even stranger is Jean's assertion that Ptolemy had his "plus haus barons" dubbed in accordance with Egyptian custom (ibid., p. 202)!
117. Ibid., p. 220.
118. Ibid., p. 53.
119. Ibid., pp. 221-222.
111. Hystore de Jules César , p. 4.
112. Ibid., p. 25.
113. Ibid., p. 23.
114. Ibid., p. 113.
115. Ibid., p. 140.
116. Ibid., p. 6. Even stranger is Jean's assertion that Ptolemy had his "plus haus barons" dubbed in accordance with Egyptian custom (ibid., p. 202)!
117. Ibid., p. 220.
118. Ibid., p. 53.
119. Ibid., pp. 221-222.
111. Hystore de Jules César , p. 4.
112. Ibid., p. 25.
113. Ibid., p. 23.
114. Ibid., p. 113.
115. Ibid., p. 140.
116. Ibid., p. 6. Even stranger is Jean's assertion that Ptolemy had his "plus haus barons" dubbed in accordance with Egyptian custom (ibid., p. 202)!
117. Ibid., p. 220.
118. Ibid., p. 53.
119. Ibid., pp. 221-222.
111. Hystore de Jules César , p. 4.
112. Ibid., p. 25.
113. Ibid., p. 23.
114. Ibid., p. 113.
115. Ibid., p. 140.
116. Ibid., p. 6. Even stranger is Jean's assertion that Ptolemy had his "plus haus barons" dubbed in accordance with Egyptian custom (ibid., p. 202)!
117. Ibid., p. 220.
118. Ibid., p. 53.
119. Ibid., pp. 221-222.
111. Hystore de Jules César , p. 4.
112. Ibid., p. 25.
113. Ibid., p. 23.
114. Ibid., p. 113.
115. Ibid., p. 140.
116. Ibid., p. 6. Even stranger is Jean's assertion that Ptolemy had his "plus haus barons" dubbed in accordance with Egyptian custom (ibid., p. 202)!
117. Ibid., p. 220.
118. Ibid., p. 53.
119. Ibid., pp. 221-222.
111. Hystore de Jules César , p. 4.
112. Ibid., p. 25.
113. Ibid., p. 23.
114. Ibid., p. 113.
115. Ibid., p. 140.
116. Ibid., p. 6. Even stranger is Jean's assertion that Ptolemy had his "plus haus barons" dubbed in accordance with Egyptian custom (ibid., p. 202)!
117. Ibid., p. 220.
118. Ibid., p. 53.
119. Ibid., pp. 221-222.
111. Hystore de Jules César , p. 4.
112. Ibid., p. 25.
113. Ibid., p. 23.
114. Ibid., p. 113.
115. Ibid., p. 140.
116. Ibid., p. 6. Even stranger is Jean's assertion that Ptolemy had his "plus haus barons" dubbed in accordance with Egyptian custom (ibid., p. 202)!
117. Ibid., p. 220.
118. Ibid., p. 53.
119. Ibid., pp. 221-222.
120. It is true that traces of Lucan's themes remain in certain speeches, notably those of Cato (see, e.g., ibid., pp. 147ff.), whom it would have been impossible to represent as anything other than an upholder of Roman traditions of franchise and still make sense of his actions or their motivations. But the dominant tone of the Hystore differs strikingly both from Lucan and from the vernacular Faits des Romains .
121. Hystore de Jules César , p. 12.
122. Ibid., pp. 12-13.
123. Ibid., p. 40.
124. Ibid., p. 12.
125. Ibid., pp. 17-18.
126. Ibid., p. 22.
121. Hystore de Jules César , p. 12.
122. Ibid., pp. 12-13.
123. Ibid., p. 40.
124. Ibid., p. 12.
125. Ibid., pp. 17-18.
126. Ibid., p. 22.
121. Hystore de Jules César , p. 12.
122. Ibid., pp. 12-13.
123. Ibid., p. 40.
124. Ibid., p. 12.
125. Ibid., pp. 17-18.
126. Ibid., p. 22.
121. Hystore de Jules César , p. 12.
122. Ibid., pp. 12-13.
123. Ibid., p. 40.
124. Ibid., p. 12.
125. Ibid., pp. 17-18.
126. Ibid., p. 22.
121. Hystore de Jules César , p. 12.
122. Ibid., pp. 12-13.
123. Ibid., p. 40.
124. Ibid., p. 12.
125. Ibid., pp. 17-18.
126. Ibid., p. 22.
121. Hystore de Jules César , p. 12.
122. Ibid., pp. 12-13.
123. Ibid., p. 40.
124. Ibid., p. 12.
125. Ibid., pp. 17-18.
126. Ibid., p. 22.
127. "D'autre part a .I. jor ki passes iert Pompeius avoit conduites les os de Roume outre mer, et tant fisent adont li Roumain par lor esfort k'il prisent Jerusalem et roberent et destruisent, et Pompeius si fist brisier le temple Domini et i fist ses chevaus establer" (ibid., p. 40).
128. "Ensi se venga nostre sires de Pompee" (ibid.). The Faits des Ro-mains reports the same incident, but without the certainty that Pompey's defeat results from an act of divine retribution: "Une chose fist Pompee en Jerusalen, par que l'en quide que ceste dereenne mesestance li avenist, car il souffri que si home establerent lor chevax ou temple." This report is, furthermore, immediately followed by a passage praising Pompey's humility and moral character, which has the effect of mitigating the consequences of the reported sacrilege. See Faits des Romains 1:571-572. The source for the story of Pompey stabling horses in the Temple at Jerusalem is Peter Comester's Historiae diversae , chap. 9: "et irruentes Romani profanaverunt templum et, ut alibi legitur, equos in porticibus stabulaverunt. Ob quam rem traditur numquam de caetero pugnasse Pompeium quin vinceretur, qui hactenus fortunatissimus fuerat" (cited in Faits des Romains 2:194).
129. Hystore de Jules César , p. 111.
130. Ibid., p. 40.
131. Ibid., p. 39.
129. Hystore de Jules César , p. 111.
130. Ibid., p. 40.
131. Ibid., p. 39.
129. Hystore de Jules César , p. 111.
130. Ibid., p. 40.
131. Ibid., p. 39.
132. See the remarks on this point by Dedecek, Etude littéraire et linguistique , p. 36.
133. On Jean's view of Caesar, see, in addition to Dedecek, Frappier, "Peinture de la vie et des héros antiques," pp. 46ff.; and Crosland, "Lucan in the Middle Ages," p. 34.
134. Dedecek, Etude littéraire et linguistique , p. 80.
135. Faits des Romains 1:376.
136. "Ge voil que tu vives par ma merci et par mon don, tot soit ice que tu voilles morir. Que cil qui se tienent a Pompee i prengnent essample et soient en boene esperance de ma merci quant jes avrai conquis, car je les tieng ja por veincuz" (ibid.).
137. Hystore de Jules César , p. 33.
138. Ibid., p. 66.
137. Hystore de Jules César , p. 33.
138. Ibid., p. 66.
139. Cf. Lucan, Bellum civile , IV, 344-363.
140. Ibid., IV, 363-364.
139. Cf. Lucan, Bellum civile , IV, 344-363.
140. Ibid., IV, 363-364.
141. Hystore de Jules César , pp. 66-67.
142. Ibid., p. 124.
143. Ibid., p. 125.
141. Hystore de Jules César , pp. 66-67.
142. Ibid., p. 124.
143. Ibid., p. 125.
141. Hystore de Jules César , pp. 66-67.
142. Ibid., p. 124.
143. Ibid., p. 125.
144. "Quamquam plebeio tectus amictu, indocilis privata loqui" ( Bellum civile , V, 537-538).
145. Hystore de Jules César , p. 83.
146. Ibid., p. 85.
145. Hystore de Jules César , p. 83.
146. Ibid., p. 85.
147. On the ancient sources of courtly ideology, see especially Jaeger, Origins of Courtliness , who has traced the roots of courtly principles in Germanic literature to classical sources preserved and reactivated in the courtly world of the twelfth century.
148. Dedecek, in fact, calls the interpolated romance Jean's "chef d'oeuvre" ( Etude littéraire et linguistique , p. 39).
149. The relevant portion of MS. 2200 (fols. 191v-197v) was published by Arthur Långfors in "Deux traités sur l'amour tires du Manuscrit 2200 de la Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève," Romania 56 (1930): 362-373, who believed that he had discovered an original work. Flutre demonstrated, however, that the text found at Sainte-Geneviève was merely a copy of Jean de Thuin; see his "Sur un traité d'amour courtois du Ms. 2200 de la Bibliothèque de Sainte-Geneviève," Romania 59 (1933): 270-276.
150. See N.H.J. van den Boogaard, "L'art d'aimer en prose," in Etudes de civilisation médiévate (IXe-XIIe siècles): mélanges offerts à E.-R. Labande (Poitiers, 1974), pp. 687-698.
151. . . . et in media rabie medioque furore
Et Pompeianis habitata manibus aula
Sanguine Thessalicae cladis perfusus adulter
Admisit Venerem curis, et miscuit armis
Inlicitosque toros et non ex coniuge partus.
Bellum civile , X, 72-76; translation by J. D. Duff, p. 594.
152. Cf. the discussion in Frappier, "Peinture de la vie et des héros antiques," p. 51n.71.
153. Hystore de Jules César , p. 160.
154. Ibid., pp. 163-164.
155. Ibid., p. 164.
153. Hystore de Jules César , p. 160.
154. Ibid., pp. 163-164.
155. Ibid., p. 164.
153. Hystore de Jules César , p. 160.
154. Ibid., pp. 163-164.
155. Ibid., p. 164.
156. Hanning, "Social Significance of Twelfth-Century Chivalric Romance," pp. 4ff. See also idem, The Individual in Twelfth-Century Romance (New Haven, 1977).
157. Hystore de Jules César , p. 169.
158. ". . . Est couchies pour soi reposer, mais il ne puet; car amours le met en tante pensee et en tant travaus que il n'i puet reposer ne dormir, ains vait tournant en son lit et retournant, et se delite toutes voies de ramenbrer le grant biaute de cele ki son cuer a entierement, si k'il ne puet penser a autre chose" (ibid., p. 167).
159. Ibid.
160. Ibid., pp. 167-168.
161. Ibid., p. 170.
162. Ibid., pp. 171ff. See also the comments on Jean de Thuin by Crosland, "Lucan in the Middle Ages," p. 34.
158. ". . . Est couchies pour soi reposer, mais il ne puet; car amours le met en tante pensee et en tant travaus que il n'i puet reposer ne dormir, ains vait tournant en son lit et retournant, et se delite toutes voies de ramenbrer le grant biaute de cele ki son cuer a entierement, si k'il ne puet penser a autre chose" (ibid., p. 167).
159. Ibid.
160. Ibid., pp. 167-168.
161. Ibid., p. 170.
162. Ibid., pp. 171ff. See also the comments on Jean de Thuin by Crosland, "Lucan in the Middle Ages," p. 34.
158. ". . . Est couchies pour soi reposer, mais il ne puet; car amours le met en tante pensee et en tant travaus que il n'i puet reposer ne dormir, ains vait tournant en son lit et retournant, et se delite toutes voies de ramenbrer le grant biaute de cele ki son cuer a entierement, si k'il ne puet penser a autre chose" (ibid., p. 167).
159. Ibid.
160. Ibid., pp. 167-168.
161. Ibid., p. 170.
162. Ibid., pp. 171ff. See also the comments on Jean de Thuin by Crosland, "Lucan in the Middle Ages," p. 34.
158. ". . . Est couchies pour soi reposer, mais il ne puet; car amours le met en tante pensee et en tant travaus que il n'i puet reposer ne dormir, ains vait tournant en son lit et retournant, et se delite toutes voies de ramenbrer le grant biaute de cele ki son cuer a entierement, si k'il ne puet penser a autre chose" (ibid., p. 167).
159. Ibid.
160. Ibid., pp. 167-168.
161. Ibid., p. 170.
162. Ibid., pp. 171ff. See also the comments on Jean de Thuin by Crosland, "Lucan in the Middle Ages," p. 34.
158. ". . . Est couchies pour soi reposer, mais il ne puet; car amours le met en tante pensee et en tant travaus que il n'i puet reposer ne dormir, ains vait tournant en son lit et retournant, et se delite toutes voies de ramenbrer le grant biaute de cele ki son cuer a entierement, si k'il ne puet penser a autre chose" (ibid., p. 167).
159. Ibid.
160. Ibid., pp. 167-168.
161. Ibid., p. 170.
162. Ibid., pp. 171ff. See also the comments on Jean de Thuin by Crosland, "Lucan in the Middle Ages," p. 34.
163. See Dedecek's remarks on the placement of the love affair at the end of the Hystore as, in effect, making an argument that Cleopatra's love figures as recompense for the "faits d'armes de ce chevalier parfait" ( Etude littéraire et linguistique , p. 91).
164. Hystore de Jules César , p. 182.
165. Ibid., p. 183.
166. Ibid.
167. Ibid., p. 187.
164. Hystore de Jules César , p. 182.
165. Ibid., p. 183.
166. Ibid.
167. Ibid., p. 187.
164. Hystore de Jules César , p. 182.
165. Ibid., p. 183.
166. Ibid.
167. Ibid., p. 187.
164. Hystore de Jules César , p. 182.
165. Ibid., p. 183.
166. Ibid.
167. Ibid., p. 187.
168. See the discussion of this in Dedecek, Etude littéraire et linguistique , p. 62.
169. Hystore de Jules César , p. 190.
170. Ibid., pp. 79-80.
171. Ibid., p. 245.
172. Ibid., p. 143.
173. Ibid., p. 232.
174. Ibid., p. 241.
175. Ibid., p. 139.
176. Ibid., p. 245.
169. Hystore de Jules César , p. 190.
170. Ibid., pp. 79-80.
171. Ibid., p. 245.
172. Ibid., p. 143.
173. Ibid., p. 232.
174. Ibid., p. 241.
175. Ibid., p. 139.
176. Ibid., p. 245.
169. Hystore de Jules César , p. 190.
170. Ibid., pp. 79-80.
171. Ibid., p. 245.
172. Ibid., p. 143.
173. Ibid., p. 232.
174. Ibid., p. 241.
175. Ibid., p. 139.
176. Ibid., p. 245.
169. Hystore de Jules César , p. 190.
170. Ibid., pp. 79-80.
171. Ibid., p. 245.
172. Ibid., p. 143.
173. Ibid., p. 232.
174. Ibid., p. 241.
175. Ibid., p. 139.
176. Ibid., p. 245.
169. Hystore de Jules César , p. 190.
170. Ibid., pp. 79-80.
171. Ibid., p. 245.
172. Ibid., p. 143.
173. Ibid., p. 232.
174. Ibid., p. 241.
175. Ibid., p. 139.
176. Ibid., p. 245.
169. Hystore de Jules César , p. 190.
170. Ibid., pp. 79-80.
171. Ibid., p. 245.
172. Ibid., p. 143.
173. Ibid., p. 232.
174. Ibid., p. 241.
175. Ibid., p. 139.
176. Ibid., p. 245.
169. Hystore de Jules César , p. 190.
170. Ibid., pp. 79-80.
171. Ibid., p. 245.
172. Ibid., p. 143.
173. Ibid., p. 232.
174. Ibid., p. 241.
175. Ibid., p. 139.
176. Ibid., p. 245.
169. Hystore de Jules César , p. 190.
170. Ibid., pp. 79-80.
171. Ibid., p. 245.
172. Ibid., p. 143.
173. Ibid., p. 232.
174. Ibid., p. 241.
175. Ibid., p. 139.
176. Ibid., p. 245.