1. Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Rahman, Majmu' min risa'il al-shaykh 'Abd al-Rahman al-Zawawi al-Jaza'iri shaykh al-tariqa al-Rahmaniyya , MS. K 956, al-Khizana al-'Amma, Rabat, Morocco.

2. According to Arnold H. Green, The Tunisian Ulama, 1873-1915: Social Structure and Response to Ideological Currents (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1978), 223, one of Mustaf b. 'Azzuz's four sons, al-Makki, left Tunisia for Istanbul sometime prior to 1900. In 1912 he arrived in the Hijaz to teach at the Islamic university in Medina. There he also established an association, Jam'iya al-shurafa' or "The Society of the Descendants of the Prophet," one of whose objectives was to wage a moral campaign against the French in North Africa. Thus, one of Mustafa b. 'Azzuz's sons carried on his father's tradition of combining emigration and avoidance protest with political activism.

3. Charles-Robert Ageron, Les algériens musulmans et la France (1871-1919) (Paris: PUF, 1968) 2: 1079-92; and Ageron, "L'émigration des musulmans algériens et l'éxode de Tlemcen (1830-1911)," AESC 22, 2 (1967): 1047-66. The international dangers posed to France by emigration is reflected in voluminous dossiers in AGGA, 9 H 99-101 (1846-1911). Colonial authorities in the Maghrib were particularly alarmed by anti-

French propaganda disseminated by North African emigrants in the Levant, where France was attempting to portray its rule as beneficent.

4. Jacques Berque, L'intèrieur du Maghreb, XVe-XIXe siècle (Paris: Gallimard, 1978), 419.

5. David C. Gordon, Women of Algeria: An Essay on Change (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1968), 47.

6. General Collet Meygret to governor-general of Algeria, 22 October 1897, AGGA, 16 H 61, quoting Captain Crochard, Affaires Indigènes, Bu Sa'ada.

7. As late as 1891, Bu Sa'ada had a military garrison of five hundred men and a resident European civilian population of only twelve individuals. Youssef Nacib, Cultures oasiennes: Essai d'histoire sociale de l'oasis de Bou-Saada (Paris: Publisud, 1986).

8. Allan Cristelow, "Intellectual History in a Culture under Siege: Algerian Thought in the Last Half of the Nineteenth Century," MES 18 (1982): 387-99; and Fanny Colonna, "Cultural Resistance and Religious Legitimacy in Colonial Algeria," ES 3 (1974): 233-63.

Gustave Guillaumet, Tableaux (Paris: Librarie Plon, 1891), 119, noted the moral importance of a space free from the colonial presence: "The people [of al-Hamil] are content to avoid the detested [Europeans] and only see the faces of their conquerors at rare intervals. The inhabitants evaluate the moeurs of their conquerors through stories told in the evenings, legends that inspire in the young a distrust of the Christians and in the old, a nostalgia for happier times."

9. Captain Fournier, "Notice sur l'ordre des Rahmanya" (hereafter "Notice"), 28 June 1895, AGGA, 16 H 8.

10. According to René Basset, "Les manuscripts arabes de la zaouyah d'el Hamel," Giornale della Societa Asiatica Italiana 10 (1896-1897), 43, General Meygret asked that the library's holdings be inventoried at Basset's request. The list of manuscripts and books reveals that published materials were being acquired from the Egyptian Press at Bulaq, probably through North African pilgrims visiting the Mashriq. Thus, the hajj continued to be one channel for private library acquisitions by the Maghrib's great families; indeed, one mark of notable status was possession of these libraries. The fact that French requests for information about al-Hamil's collection were granted is indicative of Shaykh Muhammad's amiable relations with the colonial regime.

11. Information on al-Hamil and its shaykh is found in Muhammad al-Hafnawi, Ta'rif al-khalaf bi rijal al-salaf , 2d ed. (Tunis: al-Maktaba al-'Atiqa, 1982), 345-52; Muhammad b. al-Hajj Muhammad, Kitab al-zahr al-basim fi tarjama shaykh shuyukh al-tariqa. This work was apparently privately printed in Tunis circa 1904, although the only copy I have come across is located in Rabat, al-Khizana al-'Amma, MS. A 80 3165.; Muhammad 'Ali Dabbuz, Nahda al-Jaza'ir al-haditha wa thawratuha al-

mubaraka (Algiers: Imprimerie Cooperative, 1965), 52-75; and Ahmed Nadir, "La fortune d'un ordre religieux algérien vers la fin du XIX siècle," Le Mouvement Social 89 (1974): 59-84. In addition, extensive documentation is found in archival form, for example, in the newly opened soussérie 2 U ("Fonds de la Préfecture, Département d'Alger, Culte Musulman"). Finally, the holdings of the zawiya itself constitute a rich, yet still unexploited source of documentation.

12. Guillaumet, Tableaux , 126; among the many notables buried in al-Hamil's graveyards was one of 'Abd al-Qadir's sons, al-Hashimi; Nacib, Cultures , 241.

13. Nacib, Cultures , 239.

14. Al-Hafnawi, Ta'rif , 348.

15. Ibid.

14. Al-Hafnawi, Ta'rif , 348.

15. Ibid.

16. Al-Hajj Muhammad, Kitab , 7-8; and Marthe and Edmond Gouvian, Kitab aayane el-marhariba (Algiers: Imprimerie Orientale, 1920), 202.

17. Al-Hafnawi, Ta'rif , 348, gives A.H. 1265 (1847-1848) as the year when Sidi Muhammad began his public ministry in al-Hamil.

18. Al-Hajj Muhammad, Kitab , 23.

19. Charles de Galland, Excursions à Bou-Saada et M'Sila (Paris: Ollendorff, 1899), 32-33.

20. Nacib, Cultures , 240, notes that 'Abd al-Qadir maintained a correspondence with Shaykh Muhammad in the last years of the jihad; in letters to the shaykh of al-Hamil, the amir outlined his "ideas and plans," in an attempt to garner support from Sidi Muhammad. Moreover, 'Abd al-Qadir even sent a large shipment of arms to al-Hamil just before his final defeat, perhaps to safeguard them at the zawiya.

21. On Shaykh al-Mukhtar, see al-Hafnawi, Ta'rif , 576-77; and chapters 2, 4, and 5 above.

22. Al-Hajj Muhammad, Kitab , 7-8; and Gouvian, Kitab , 202.

23. Fournier, "Notice," 1895, AGGA, 16 H 8.

24. Ibid.; and governor-general to commanding general, 27 February 1907, AGGA, 2 U 22. Berque, L'intèrieur , 421, states that he was initiated in the Rahmaniyya order by Sidi 'Ali b. 'Umar of Tulqa. The disagreement over succession at Awlad Jallal appears to have been smoothed over since Sidi al-Mukhtar's two sons were educated by Shaykh Muhammad himself at the al-Hamil zawiya.

23. Fournier, "Notice," 1895, AGGA, 16 H 8.

24. Ibid.; and governor-general to commanding general, 27 February 1907, AGGA, 2 U 22. Berque, L'intèrieur , 421, states that he was initiated in the Rahmaniyya order by Sidi 'Ali b. 'Umar of Tulqa. The disagreement over succession at Awlad Jallal appears to have been smoothed over since Sidi al-Mukhtar's two sons were educated by Shaykh Muhammad himself at the al-Hamil zawiya.

25. Peter von Sivers, "The Realm of Justice: Apocalyptic Revolts in Algeria (1849-1879)," Humaniora Islamica 1 (1973): 47-60.

26. Insurrection followed inevitably by repression meant that the social demand for education and religious services was increasingly concentrated upon fewer Islamic establishments, particularly the pre-Sahara's zawaya, the least adversely affected by the elaboration of the colonial order due to location. After the 1852 insurrection near Guelma, for example,

educational activities at the Rahmaniyya center there ceased since the teaching staff fled to Tunis. Yvonne Turin, Affrontements culturels dans l'Algérie coloniale: Écoles, médecines, religion, 1830-1880 (Paris: Maspéro, 1971), 134-35.

27. Fournier, "Notice," AGGA, 1895, 16 H 8.

28. According to Guillaumet, Tableaux , 125, Sidi Muhammad's moral clout was potent enough, and the popular fear of saintly retribution strong enough, to discourage highway bandits.

29. Major Monto to commanding general, 28 December 1904, AGGA, 2 U 22.

30. Ageron, Algériens 2: 861-71, characterizes the sociétés de prévoyance as "instruments of administrative intervention" in Muslim Algerian life. The simpler, but socially useful, financial services provided by the al-Hamil zawiya were completely outside of official bureaucratic control and fully in the hands of the local community, another expression of autonomy.

31. Gouvian, Kitab , 205; and Jamil M. Abun-Nasr, The Tijaniyya: A Sufi Order in the Modern World (London: Oxford University Press, 1965), 77-78.

32. Fournier, "Notice," 1895, AGGA, 16 H 8; also 2 U 20, 21, and 22. Guillaumet, Tableaux , 119-26, observed the relationship between popularly recognized piety and material prosperity. The shaykh of al-Hamil was "as venerated as the Tijanis in their zawiya of Ain Madhi, [and he] has acquired for himself the reputation in this region of a sage; his followers boast of his knowledge as much as they honor his piety. People travel great distances to come and consult him; from all over offerings pour in, . . . the natives make detours on their journeys to stop here, . . . one gives the best of his wheat; another the fattest of his lambs; another the best part of his date harvest. . . . gifts in nature, gifts in money. . . . Even the 'arsh lands (tribal communal properties) are made available to the marabout as temporary tenure or rights of enjoyment."

33. John Ruedy, Land Policy in Colonial Algeria: The Origins of the Rural Public Domain (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1967).

34. Insurrection de 1871: Mémoire d'un accusé, Si Aziz Ben Mohammed Amzian ben Cheikh el Hadded, à ses juges et à ses défenseurs (Constantine: Imprimerie Marle, 1873); Louis Rinn, Histoire de l'insurrection de 1871 en Algérie (Algiers: Jourdan, 1891); Yahya Bu 'Aziz, Thawrat 1871 (dawr 'a'ilatay al-Muqrani wa-l-Haddad) (Algiers: SNED, 1978); and Pierpaola C. d'Escamard, L'insurrezione del 1871 in Cabilia e la confraternita Rahmaniyya (Rome: Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, 1977).

35. Fournier, "Notice," 1895, AGGA, 16 H 8; and Gouvian, Kitab , 203.

36. Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Rahman, al-Rahmaniyya , Antoine Giacobetti, trans. (Algiers: Maison-Carrée, 1946), 485.

37. Al-Hajj Muhammad, Kitab , 105-06; Berque in L'intèrieur , 422-23, first called attention to the significance of Sidi Muhammad's critique of maraboutism as then practiced in Algeria.

38. Nacib, Cultures , 246-47.

39. Rachid Bencheneb, ''Le mouvement intellectuel et littéraire algérien à la fin du XIXe et au début du XXe siècle," Revue Française d'Histoire d'Outre-Mer 70, 258-59 (1983): 11-24; and Saadeddine Bencheneb, "Quelques historiens arabes modernes de l'Algérie," RA 100, 449 (1956): 475-99.

40. Abu al-Qasim Sa'adallah, La montée du nationalisme algérien (1900-1930) , 2d ed., trans. from the English by Nevine Fawzy-Hemiry (Algiers: Entreprise Nationale du Livre, 1985), 106-7.

41. I have relied upon the 1982 reprint edition published in Tunis by al-Maktaba al-'Atiqa in a single volume; Shaykh Muhammad's biography is found on 345-52.

42. The newspaper, first created in 1847, was bilingual from its inception; its editorial staff was largely composed of members of Algeria's tiny Francophone Muslim elite; Sa'adallah, La montée , 101.

43. Allan Christelow, Muslim Law Courts and the French Colonial State in Algeria (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), 251-52.

44. Ibid.

43. Allan Christelow, Muslim Law Courts and the French Colonial State in Algeria (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), 251-52.

44. Ibid.

45. Nadir, "La fortune," 59-84.

46. Guillaumet, Tableaux , 188-90.

47. Ageron, Les algériens 1: 33, note 3.

48. Conversely, the saint carefully paid official calls to authorities in Bu Sa'ada and Algiers when traveling outside al-Hamil to visit his followers. His willingness to maintain contacts with the conquerors in their political space might be read as a shrewd attempt to keep colonial officialdom out of the sacred space of al-Hamil.

49. Guillaumet, Tableaux , 120-21.

50. Ibid.

49. Guillaumet, Tableaux , 120-21.

50. Ibid.

51. Gouvian, Kitab , 205.

52. There are numerous accounts in the colonial archives of religious figures whose moral authority in their communities was compromised by an overly friendly relationship with French officials. One such account concerned a Rahmaniyya muqaddam in northern Algeria whose three-year tenure (c. 1906-1909) in some minor office earned him little else than the opprobrium of his followers. Seeking to right the wrong, the muqaddam resigned from his post, performed the hajj to Mecca as an atonement, and, returning to his village, was able to recapture some of his lost socioreligious prestige as well as his popular support; anonymous, "Dossiers de renseignements," 1916, AGGA, 2 U 20.

53. Nacib, Cultures , 240, 261.

54. The photograph is inserted between pages 406 and 407 of Octave Depont and Xavier Coppolani's Les confréries religieuses musulmanes (Algiers: Jourdan, 1897); unfortunately no photographic credits nor dates are provided.

55. Fournier, "Notice," 1895, AGGA, 16 H 8.

56. The colonial archives in Aix-en-Provence (AGGA) and in Tunis (AGT) contain numerous written requests from religious notables, families, and others seeking permission to travel outside of their respective communities; in many cases, French authorities denied such requests.

57. Mathieu, commissioner in charge of security, Maison Carrée, 23-24 April 1896, AGGA, 16 H 61.

58. Cecily Mackworth, The Destiny of Isabelle Eberhardt (London: Quartet Books, 1977), 157.

59. Fournier, "Notice," 1895, AGGA, 16 H 8.

60. Ibid.,; and Nacib, Cultures , 240.

59. Fournier, "Notice," 1895, AGGA, 16 H 8.

60. Ibid.,; and Nacib, Cultures , 240.

61. Fournier, "Notice," 1895, AGGA, 16 H 8.

62. General de Mazieux to the commanding general, 10 October 1899, AGGA, 2 U 22.

63. Fournier, "Notice," 1895, AGGA, 16 H 8.

64. Ibid.; and Gouvian, Kitab , 148-51.

63. Fournier, "Notice," 1895, AGGA, 16 H 8.

64. Ibid.; and Gouvian, Kitab , 148-51.

65. Fournier, "Notice," 1895, AGGA, 16 H 8.

66. Monot to commanding general, 29 November 1904, AGGA, 2 U 22; and governor-general to commanding general, 20 October 1896, AGGA, 2 U 22; also AGGA, 16 H 8 (1895) and 16 H 8 (1897).

67. Fournier, "Notice," 1895, AGGA, 16 H 8.

68. Fournier, "Notice," 1895, AGGA, 16 H 8; and governor-general to commanding general, 20 October 1896, AGGA, 2 U 22.

69. E. Graulle, Insurrection de Bou-Amama (avril 1881) (Paris: H. Charles-Lavauzelle, 1905); and Peter von Sivers, "Secular Anxieties and Religious Righteousness: The Origins of the Insurrection of 1881 in the Nomadic and Sedentary Communities of the Algerian Southwest," Peuples Méditerranéens 18 (1982): 145-62.

70. Muhammad b. Abi al-Qasim to Captain Crochard, 10 March 1897, AGGA, 16 H 61; as Nacib, Cultures , 255, observes, the language used by the shaykh strongly suggests he was under duress when designating his nephew to succeed him.

71. Women, whether European or indigenous, are notably absent from the enormous literature both colonial and recent on nineteenth-century Algeria. Aside from a few brief references in the literature to extraordinary females--holy, learned women like Zaynab or heroines such as Lalla Fatima, who led the 1854 Kabyle resistance--the history of women in colonial North Africa or in earlier periods constitutes a virtually blank page. There are two recent contributions to the historical literature on women in nineteenth-century Africa: Dalenda Largueche and Abdelhamid Largueche,

Marginales en terre d'Islam (Tunis: Cérès Productions, 1992), which examines, among a number of significant topics, the legends surrounding a female saint, Lalla Manoubia; and Jean Boyd's study of a female religious leader from the Sokoto Caliphate, The Caliph's Sister, Nana Asma'u, 1793-1865: Teacher, Poet, and Islamic Leader (London: Frank Cass, 1989).

72. Ann Thomson, Barbary and Enlightenment: European Attitudes towards the Maghreb in the Eighteenth Century (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1987); and Marnia Lazreg, "The Reproduction of Colonial Ideology: The Case of the Kabyle Berbers," Arab Studies Quarterly 5, 4 (1983): 380-95.

73. Hubertine Auclert, Les femmes arabes en Algérie (Paris: Éditions Littéraires, 1900), 3.

74. Al-Hafnawi, Ta'rif , 352. Dabbuz in Nahda does not mention Zaynab, although her father and cousin are discussed at length. The lack of information on Zaynab is no mere coincidence. Zaynab's cousin and rival may have had his revenge by excising her from the written record since he composed the history of al-Hamil, Kitab .

75. Nacib, Cultures , 254, states that she was about forty years old at the time that Isabelle Eberhardt visited her in 1902, which would mean that her date of birth was closer to 1860; if we accept the later date, Zaynab may have been born while the shaykh was in the Ziban at the Rahmaniyya zawiya of the Awlad Jallal. Most French colonial officers from the period, however, estimated that she was about fifty years old at the time of her death in 1904.

76. Commanding general, "Rapport," 1897, AGGA, 16 H 8.

77. Mackworth, The Destiny , 157.

78. Guillaumet, Tableaux , 121. Seclusion should not, however, be equated necessarily with powerlessness or social marginalization. In 1903-1904, Isabelle Eberhardt resided in the zawiya of Kanadsa, located in the southwestern confines between Morocco and Algeria. There she observed that while the women of the zawiya formed "a little world apart," that world had its own hierarchy which was endowed with certain kinds of power. Moreover, the mother of the zawiya's head shaykh, Sidi Brahim (Ibrahim), "was entirely in charge of its internal administration: expenses, monetary funds, pious offerings. One never sees her but one feels everywhere her power, feared and venerated by all, this old Muslim queen-mother lives here almost cloistered and but rarely leaves (the zawiya), heavily veiled, to visit her spouses' tombs." Isabelle Eberhardt, Écrits sur le sable , vol. 1 of Oeuvres complètes , annotated and introduced by Marie-Odile Delacour and Jean-René Huleu, preface by Edmonde Charles-Roux (Paris: Bernard Grasset, 1988), 248.

79. Al-Hajj Muhammad, Kitab , 60; and Fournier, "Notice," 1895, AGGA, 16 H 8.

80. Helen C. Gordon, A Woman in the Sahara (New York: Stokes, 1914), 77.

81. Major Crochard to commanding general, 20 July 1897, AGGA, 2 U 22, says the following: "Those who see her, because she does not fear to show herself, recognize in [Zaynab] the physical traits of her father."

82. Guillaumet, Tableaux , 121.

83. The hubus document, dated 31 August 1877, is found in AGGA, 16 H 61, appended to the report dated 3 September 1897.

84. Zaynab to commander of Bu Sa'ada, 29 September 1899, AGGA, 16 H 61.

85. Gouvian, Kitab , 205.

86. Depont and Coppolani, Les confréries , note 1, 409-10.

87. Ibid.

86. Depont and Coppolani, Les confréries , note 1, 409-10.

87. Ibid.

88. Commanding general, "Rapport," 1897, AGGA, 16 H 8.

89. General Collet Meygret to governor-general, 22 October 1897, AGGA, 16 H 61.

90. General de Mazieux to commanding general, 10 October 1899, AGGA, 2 U 22.

91. Commanding general, "Rapport," 1897, AGGA 16 H 8.

92. Ibid.; and numerous dossiers contained in AGGA, 2 U 22.

91. Commanding general, "Rapport," 1897, AGGA 16 H 8.

92. Ibid.; and numerous dossiers contained in AGGA, 2 U 22.

93. Commanding general, "Rapport," 1897, AGGA, 16 H 8; and AGGA, 2 U 22.

94. Fournier, "Notice," 1895, AGGA, 16 H 8; Crochard to commanding general, 20 July 1897, AGGA, 2 U 22; and commanding general, appendix to the 1897 "Rapport," 1898, AGGA, 16 H 8. As mentioned above, Muhammad b. Abi al-Qasim had inherited his sufi master's baraka upon Sidi al-Mukhtar's death in 1862. With the passing of Sidi Muhammad in 1897, some argued that the spiritual succession and the baraka should return to the Rahmaniyya zawiya in Awlad Jallal. Indeed, one of Sidi al-Mukhtar's sons, Muhammad al-Saghir, had resided in al-Hamil for a long time. Other Rahmaniyya centers--as well as the Tijaniyya--often followed the practice of alternating succession between two prominent families and zawiyas. Rahmaniyya notables in the pre-Sahara invoked the precedent set by Shaykh Muhammad b. 'Azzuz, who at his death in 1819 passed over his own sons to designate Sidi 'Ali b. 'Umar of Tulqa as his spiritual successor.

95. Julia Clancy-Smith, "The House of Zainab: Female Authority and Saintly Succession in Colonial Algeria, 1850-1904," in Women in Middle Eastern History: Shifting Boundaries in Sex and Gender , Nikki R. Keddie and Beth Baron, eds. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), 254-74.

96. Crochard to commandant, cercle of Bu Sa'ada, 20 July 1897, AGGA, 2 U 22.

97. The issue of moral-political "rapprochement" or "control" over Islam and indigenous educational institutions was of grave concern to colonial authorities at the century's end. This is illustrated by two works

published in the 1880s--Ernest Mercier's L'Algérie et les questions algériennes (Paris: Challamel, 1883) and Gustave Benoist's De l'instruction et de l'éducation des indigènes dans la province de Constantine (Paris: Hachette, 1886). Benoist, 3, laments the fact that the goals of "moral rapprochement" and "assimilation" between the "two races" had not been achieved even after half a century of French colonialism. The explanation for this singular failure lies in the works and educational activities of Muslim leaders, like Muhammad b. Abi al-Qasim, whose partial withdrawal into a neutral space permitted the semiautonomous zawaya schools to exist.

98. Commanding general, "Rapport," 1897, AGGA 16 H 8. The dispute was over the body of Sidi Ahmad al-Tijani, who had expired in Gummar, near Tammasin; Sidi Ahmad's brother and successor, Sidi Bashir, backed by the powerful Aurélie Picard, sought to exhume the corpse in the heat of summer and take it back to 'Ain Madi for burial, thereby assuring control over the popular pilgrimages connected with the dead saint.

99. Fournier, "Notice," 1895, AGGA, 16 H 8.

100. General de Mazieux to commanding general, 10 October 1899, AGGA, 2 U 22.

101. Commanding general, "Rapport," 1897, AGGA, 16 H 8.

102. Another element that placed colonial authorities in an awkward position was Zaynab's fragile health. According to local officers, she suffered from a "grave nervous condition" and from "chronic bronchitis." While the first disorder, "une maladie nerveuse," was frequently cited in European medical circles of the period as a typically female pyschosomatic complaint and is thus subject to skepticism, the second was probably due to tuberculosis, which grievously afflicted the Muslim population; Crochard to commander, cercle of Bu Sa'ada, 20 July 1897, AGGA, 2 U 22.

103. Ibid.

102. Another element that placed colonial authorities in an awkward position was Zaynab's fragile health. According to local officers, she suffered from a "grave nervous condition" and from "chronic bronchitis." While the first disorder, "une maladie nerveuse," was frequently cited in European medical circles of the period as a typically female pyschosomatic complaint and is thus subject to skepticism, the second was probably due to tuberculosis, which grievously afflicted the Muslim population; Crochard to commander, cercle of Bu Sa'ada, 20 July 1897, AGGA, 2 U 22.

103. Ibid.

104. Abun-Nasr, Tijaniyya , 88-89, and AGT, D-156-1, note that colonial efforts to control sufi orders in Tunisia were less successful when females members were concerned. Significantly, the protectorate was able to interfere more massively in the selection of male muqaddams than of female shaykhs of the Rahmaniyya or Tijaniyya brotherhoods. Between 1891, when the first colonial sufi investigation was launched, and 1917--some twenty-seven years--French officials were completely ignorant of the existence of female sufis. Finally in 1917, an investigation revealed that in the Tunis region alone, some eighteen women held authentic ijazas (certificates attesting to sufis' worthiness to initiate members in an order) as muqaddamat (female sufi circle leaders) of the Tijaniyya order.

105. Crochard to commanding general, 22 October 1897, AGGA, 16 H 61.

106. Ibid.

107. Ibid.

105. Crochard to commanding general, 22 October 1897, AGGA, 16 H 61.

106. Ibid.

107. Ibid.

105. Crochard to commanding general, 22 October 1897, AGGA, 16 H 61.

106. Ibid.

107. Ibid.

108. General Moutz to commanding general, 18 September 1897, AGGA, 2 U 22.

109. General Meygret to governor-general, 22 October 1897, AGGA, 16 H 61.

110. Allan Christelow, "Algerian Islam in a Time of Transition, c. 1890-c. 1930," MR 8, 5-6 (1983): 124-30.

111. General Meygret to governor-general, 22 October 1897, AGGA, 16 H 61.

112. Ageron, Les algériens 1: 478-527; and David Prochaska, Making Algeria French: Colonialism in Bône, 1870-1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 198-205.

113. General de Mazieux, 10 October 1899, AGGA, 2 U 22.

114. Gouvian, Kitab , 207; and "Dossiers de Renseignements," 29 April 1916, AGGA, 2 U 22.

115. Zaynab to commandant, cercle of Bu Sa'ada, 29 September 1899, AGGA, 16 H 61; and AGGA, 2 U 22.

116. Zaynab to commandant, cercle of Bu Sa'ada, 29 September 1899, AGGA, 16 H 61; and AGGA, 2 U 22.

117. Zaynab to commandant, cercle of Bu Sa'ada, 29 September 1899, AGGA, 16 H 61; and AGGA, 2 U 22.

118. Zaynab to commandant, cercle of Bu Sa'ada, 29 September 1899, AGGA, 16 H 61; and AGGA, 2 U 22.

119. Zaynab to commandant, cercle of Bu Sa'ada, 29 September 1899, AGGA, 16 H 61; and AGGA, 2 U 22.

120. Gouvian, Kitab , 205-6.

121. De Galland, Excursions , 73-74; the Frenchman also noted in the course of his personal interview with Zaynab in her residence that he had time to "examine her face; her eyes were particularly beautiful."

122. General de Mazieux, 10 October 1899, AGGA, 2 U 22.

123. Ibid. One of the many lacunae in our information about Zaynab's spiritual life and activities is the matter of her daily relationship with female members of the Rahmaniyya.

122. General de Mazieux, 10 October 1899, AGGA, 2 U 22.

123. Ibid. One of the many lacunae in our information about Zaynab's spiritual life and activities is the matter of her daily relationship with female members of the Rahmaniyya.

124. Captain Lehureaux, Bou-Saada, cité du bonheur , 70, cited by Nacib, Cultures , 255.

125. In her provocative study "Rethinking Colonial Categories: European Communities and the Boundaries of Rule," CSSH 31, 1 (1989): 134-61, Laura Ann Stoler examines the crucial role of European women in shaping colonial rule. The part that indigenous females played in determining colonial boundaries has, for the most part, not been considered. See also the collection of essays in Nupur Chaudhuri and Margaret Strobel, eds., Western Women and Imperialism: Complicity and Resistance (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1992).

126. A fuller account of Eberhardt, as well as references to the numerous works devoted to her life and writings, is found in Julia Clancy-

Smith, "The 'Passionate Nomad' Reconsidered: A European Woman in l'Algérie Française (Isabelle Eberhardt, 1877-1904)," in Western Women and Imperialism: Complicity and Resistance , Nupur Chaudhuri and Margaret Strobel, eds. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1992), 61-78.

127. Prochaska, Making Algeria French .

128. Clancy-Smith, "'The Passionate Nomad'"; and Mackworth, The Destiny , 39; see also Jenny Sharpe, Allegories of Empire: The Figure of Woman in the Colonial Text (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1993).

129. Annette Kobak, Isabelle: The Life of Isabelle Eberhardt (New York: Knopf, 1989), 54.

130. Mackworth, The Destiny , 155.

131. Gordon, A Woman , 77. In the last years of the century, more and more Europeans came to al-Hamil. Charles de Galland visited al-Hamil in 1897, performing a sort of exoticist pilgrimage, and was immediately enchanted by Lalla Zaynab's appearance: "In her flowing robes of dazzling whiteness, the marabuta appeared before us. In the walls of this monastery, in nature's meditative calm, among her people, she filled the roles of a queen, a nun, a holy mystic, and a medieval Abbess." The Frenchman even dedicated his book to Zaynab, writing in the preface "To the marabuta, Lalla Zaynab, who welcomed us with so much kindness." De Galland, Excursions , 73. According to Pierre Eudel, D'Alger à 'Bou-Saada (Paris: Challamel, 1904), 114, Zaynab's hospitality toward Europeans was such that she even sent her own carriage from al-Hamil to Bu Sa'ada in order to transport foreign visitors to the zawiya in comfort. Of course this may have been part of a strategy to offset the hostility of the nearby office of the Affaires indigènes in Bu Sa'ada.

132. Eberhardt, 8 June 1902, Oeuvres complètes 1: 445.

133. 133. Jean Noël, Isabelle Eberhardt, l'aventureuse du Sahara (Algiers: Éditions Baconnier, 1961), 171.

134. Isabelle Eberhardt, Lettres et journaliers , Eglal Errera, ed. (Arles; Éditions Actes du Sud, 1987), 189.

135. Ibid., 189.

136. Ibid., 189.

137. Ibid., 189; and Mackworth, Destiny , 158.

134. Isabelle Eberhardt, Lettres et journaliers , Eglal Errera, ed. (Arles; Éditions Actes du Sud, 1987), 189.

135. Ibid., 189.

136. Ibid., 189.

137. Ibid., 189; and Mackworth, Destiny , 158.

134. Isabelle Eberhardt, Lettres et journaliers , Eglal Errera, ed. (Arles; Éditions Actes du Sud, 1987), 189.

135. Ibid., 189.

136. Ibid., 189.

137. Ibid., 189; and Mackworth, Destiny , 158.

134. Isabelle Eberhardt, Lettres et journaliers , Eglal Errera, ed. (Arles; Éditions Actes du Sud, 1987), 189.

135. Ibid., 189.

136. Ibid., 189.

137. Ibid., 189; and Mackworth, Destiny , 158.

138. Eberhardt, Lettres , 189.

139. Noël, Isabelle Eberhardt , 171.

140. Eberhardt, Oeuvres complètes 1: 124.

141. Eberhardt, Lettres , 203.

142. Kobak, Isabelle , 191.

143. Ross E. Dunn, Resistance in the Desert: Moroccan Responses to French Imperialism, 1881-1912 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1977), 204-26.

144. The French military doctor, Sylvestre, who completed the death certificate for Zaynab, described the cause of death as due to "pulmonary failure" and "cardiac arrest," resulting from a chest disease (probably tuberculosis); Monot to commanding general, 19 November 1904, AGGA, 2 U 22.

145. Gordon, A Woman , 78.

146. Abundant documentation regarding the legal and financial disputes unleashed by Zaynab's death is found in AGGA, 2 U 22.

147. Major Guillamat to commandant, cercle of Bu Sa'ada, 9 November 1910, AGGA, 2 U 22; and Julia Clancy-Smith, "The Shaykh and His Daughter: Coping in Colonial Algeria," in Struggle and Survival in the Modern Middle East , Edmund Burke III, ed. (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1993), 145-63.

148. Ageron, Les algériens 2: 1056-1138; and Sa'adallah, La montée .

149. Gordon, A Woman , 77.

150. Ibid., 76-78. Gordon also provides a physical description of the new shaykh: "He stood now, awaiting us, at the portals of the zawiya, his expression faintly amused, faintly curious, and perhaps a little hard. Wrapped in the folds of a coffee-colored burnous, the hood of which was drawn over his head, with large brown eastern eyes set wide apart in a somewhat fleshy face, he might well have passed for a rather coarse elderly woman, but for his immense nose, too heavy even for a big man. . . . Certainly it was in somewhat disdainful fashion he acknowledged, in our presence, the salutations of his humble followers, who stopped low to kiss the edge of his burnous."

151. Ibid., 78.

149. Gordon, A Woman , 77.

150. Ibid., 76-78. Gordon also provides a physical description of the new shaykh: "He stood now, awaiting us, at the portals of the zawiya, his expression faintly amused, faintly curious, and perhaps a little hard. Wrapped in the folds of a coffee-colored burnous, the hood of which was drawn over his head, with large brown eastern eyes set wide apart in a somewhat fleshy face, he might well have passed for a rather coarse elderly woman, but for his immense nose, too heavy even for a big man. . . . Certainly it was in somewhat disdainful fashion he acknowledged, in our presence, the salutations of his humble followers, who stopped low to kiss the edge of his burnous."

151. Ibid., 78.

149. Gordon, A Woman , 77.

150. Ibid., 76-78. Gordon also provides a physical description of the new shaykh: "He stood now, awaiting us, at the portals of the zawiya, his expression faintly amused, faintly curious, and perhaps a little hard. Wrapped in the folds of a coffee-colored burnous, the hood of which was drawn over his head, with large brown eastern eyes set wide apart in a somewhat fleshy face, he might well have passed for a rather coarse elderly woman, but for his immense nose, too heavy even for a big man. . . . Certainly it was in somewhat disdainful fashion he acknowledged, in our presence, the salutations of his humble followers, who stopped low to kiss the edge of his burnous."

151. Ibid., 78.

152. Nacib, Cultures , 258.

153. 'Ali Merad, Le reformisme musulman en Algérie de 1925 à 1940: Essai d'histoire religieuse et sociale (Paris: Maison des Sciences de l'Homme, 1967).

154. Ahmad Tawfiq al-Madani, Hayat kifah (mudhakkirat) , 2 vols. (Algiers: SNED, 1976-1977), 2: 93-96.

155. Nacib, Cultures , 240, note 5, 245-49, and 256. Emile Dermenghem, Le culte des saints dans l'Islam maghrébin (Paris: Gallimard, 1954), 187-88, observed a collective pilgrimage to the tomb-shrine of Sidi 'Abd al-Rahman in the suburb of Algiers as late as the eve of the Algerian revolution. Jean Despois, Le Djebel Amour (Paris: PUF, 1957), 96-97, mentions mass pilgrimages to Rahmaniyya shrines in the Sahara until well after the First World War.

156. In one sense, Shaykh Muhammad bears a resemblance to the West African sufi, Cerno Bokar, born a decade before the French conquest of Mali. As Louis Brenner, West African Sufi: The Religious Heritage and Spiritual Search of Cerno Bokar Saalif Taal (Berkeley and Los Angeles:

University of California Press, 1984), points out, 17, Cerno "acted almost as if the conquest had never occurred."