1. The quotation is from Benson, The Bishop-Elect , 3. For a recent, very helpful and sensible description of the bishop's position in the Western church, see Morris, The Papal Monarchy , 219-226, 527-535.

2. I would suggest that the reader approach the canon law in connection with this subject, see what sort off substance it has, through two works which would seem to come at the actual definition of bishop tangentially: Benson's Bishop-Elect , and Tierney, Foundations of the Conciliar Theory . I myself was introduced to the problem through the unpublished manuscript of Gerard Caspary, "The King and the Two Laws: A Study of the Influence of Roman and Canon Law on the Development of Ideas on Kingship in Fourteenth-Century England," which made clear to me as it would to any reader the deep interest and importance of academic, theoretical discussions by canonists of relations of bishop, chapter, and clergy to each other and to their dioceses. Caspary's manuscript not only revealed the intense interest of the subject but also at the same time revealed the kind of mind necessary to make that interest apparent—one like his, not like mine. The reader of this hook will notice immediately that it deals with practice in the diocese, not with academic or legal thought about the

diocese. This is a statement of fact, but also an apology from a student who, like Benson, Tierney, and Caspary, has had the advantage of the generously shared wisdom and knowledge, the teaching in the best sense, of the dean of American medievalists in our time, Stephan Kuttner. Although I seem to use so little what he has taught me, I trust that he will accept my thanks; I know that he will generously act as if he finds interesting canons and crayfish.

3. In order to make the reader accept and think about the dappled quality of these men, I have drawn on big and seemingly distant guns, besides Issa, Austen, Hopkins, and would here draw on Woolf's Dalloway: one cannot say "that they were this or that." The most remarkable revelation that I know of seeming contradiction in a bishop is Cheney's treatment of Hubert Walter in From Becket to Langton , 32-41, of which I have written earlier ( Two Churches , 220-221 and n. 106). Recent work has been particularly effective in revealing the complexity of fourteenth-century English bishops, see particularly: Haines, The Church and Politics in Fourteenth-Century England , especially 199-207; Wright, The Church and the English Crown , especially 243-274. Compare my "unturned" Bishop Pietro da Ferentino in Two Churches , 183.

4. For Biagio's compromise with the commune: Rieti, A.S., Statuti, I, part III, fos. 125r-125v. For the synodal constitutions see above chapter 4; the pertinent constitution, Licet ad compescendum : Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fos. 5v-6r: Martène and Durand, 8, cols. 1505-1506. The vicar general's statement: Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. proc. malef., first gathering, fo. 11v. San Benedetto Liber IV, fos. 41v-42r, and see below note 92.

5. See for example Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.G.15 (14 July 1349: Dat' et act' Goness' in palatio nostro ); Cart. Silv., 297; a more exact location ( ad siluam planam ) is given in a 10 August 1349 letter copied in Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fo. 33r. VI.M.2 includes a number of Berardo Sprangone documents for Adenolfo's electus/cpiscopus years, some of which would seem to question this dating (for example, IV.M.2 "1183" and "23 July 1197"), but Berardo's nicely written documents are surprisingly careless of dating, which is sometimes corrected and sometimes (as in the examples cited) offers conflicting incarnation and indiction dates.

6. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.G.4 (Clement VI letter).

7. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.K.10 (March 1188, electus ); IV.M.2 "1188"; IV.K.9 (1185, Benedetto still bishop).

8. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.Q.3 (12 August 1194, electus ); IV.M.2 "1194" (9 November 1194, electus ); IV.Q.4 (4 February 1195, no electus )

9. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.Q.1; IV.M.1; IV.B.2; IV.Q.3; IV.Q.4, IV.M.2; Parchment Book IV for 1212. For San Salvatore Maggiore (IV.P.1) see chapter 3, above, and note 11 below.

10. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.3, although the testimony in this the San Leopardo case in general argues for the clear distinction between episcopus and electus and the careful observation of the limited sacramental powers of the elect (particularly here by the archpriest of Corvaro). For a clear and extended discussion of contemporary canonists' opinions of the powers of an electus , see Benson, The Bishop-Elect.

11. For Abbot Giovanni (Arch. Cap., IV.P.6), see above chapter 3 note 56,

and for family and Rainaldo, notes 56 to 63, and for Tommaso (Arch. Cap., IV.P.1) see chapter 3 note 22 and see Two Churches , 109-114. For the Norman barons, see Catalogus baronum , 227-230, nos. 1143-1152. For a discussion of the family, see Sacchetti Sassetti, "Rieti e gli Urslingen," 2-3; Ughelli, Italia sacra, vol. 1, col. 1201, who had access to some Adenolfo material, some at least at Tre Fontane, called Adenolfo "de Secenariis, nobilis Reatinus," but I have found no evidence that would make this seem a proper identification; an 1188 document within the group of Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.M.2, calls the elect (in the dative) "Domino Adinulfo de la varite." See Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.G.9 for the tenementum of Lavareta in 1192. A witness, Rainaldo Pinzon', in the San Leopardo case (Arch. Cap., IV.P.3), see above chapters 1 and 3, talks of an electum de Fortisbrachia , after Benedetto. For a 1213 dispute between the chapter and Dominus Fortib' see Arch. Cap., IV.Q.8. Fortisbrachia is a name particularly connected with the Brancaleone of Romagnia, a very potent family when it is observable within the diocese, but it is not clear in what way it would be connected with Adenolfo. Rainaldo Pinzon's evidence thus may suggest another electus after Benedetto, but before Adenolfo.

12. Ughelli, Italia sacra, vol. 1, col. 1201, says "Hic cum Episcopatum abdicasset, factus est Monachus Cisterciensis in monasterium Trium Fontium de Vrbe, ut in monumentis eiusdem Coenobii habetur"; because of Ughelli's own position at Tre Fontane, it seemed to me that he might well be right about this, and in fact his statement is confirmed by a contemporary reference in a Rieti document (Arch. Cap., IV.P.6 (7)), in which a witness in the Santa Croce Lugnano case, the ex-abbot Giovanni by then a brother of San Basilio, speaks of the former bishop of Rieti "iam factus erat monachus apud Sanctum Anastasium." For recent work on Tre Fontane, with excellent pictures of its late thirteenth-century painting, see Mihályi, "I Cistercensi a Roma."

13. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.D.1; Innocent IV , no. 5614. For Tommaso see also Herde, Beiträge , 23, 24-25. For a neat recent description of canon law and the theory of provisions, see Wright, The Church and the English Crown , particularly 5-14. For the manner of electing bishops and for the sort of bishops who were desired and selected in the early thirteenth century, two works of Cheney are particularly helpful, although he is, of course, primarily concerned with English bishops: From Becket to Langton (above, note 1), particularly ch. 2, and within it particularly 20-21; and Innocent III and England , particularly ch. 4, 121-178. The best general introduction to episcopal election is probably still Barraclough, "The Making of a Bishop"; Benson's Bishop-Elect offers a very full and extended gloss on election and a rich supporting bibliography. For Italy see particularly Giusti, "Le elezioni dei vescovi"; Vasina, "L'elezione degli arcivescovi"; Two Churches , 213-218; and particularly Rigon, ''Le elezioni vescovili."

14. For Rainaldo da Arezzo's behavior see chapter 1, above.

15. For Nicola see Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.C.4, in which the witnesses in the bishop's camera at Rieti include the abbot and two monks of San Pastore (on 26 November 1294). Another Nicola document from 24 December 1295 is preserved in the A.S. at Rieti (Fondo San Domenico, no. 8, old 47); it is a letter of indulgence (40 days) "omnibus uere penitentibus et confessis qui deuote accesserint et beneficerint siue pro opere loci ecclesie Sancti Dominici de Reate

siue pro opere hedeficiorum conuentus siue pro necessitatibus quibuscumque fratrum loci eiusdem"; it is a formal open letter formerly sealed, dated on the vigil of Christmas, with incarnation, indiction, and papal year dates; it uses the style Frater Nicolaus miseratione diuina Reatin' episcopus , but the initial F of Frater was not written, that is, presumably, not completed by the scribe for whom it was reserved (although it may not have been completed because of a scribal error: omission/interlineation; but this explanation would seem to make its retention in San Domenico's archives seem rather strange—and, of course, the retention there of the document without its F may suggest that a San Domenico scribe was supposed to write it). Nicola's resignation is mentioned in the letter of translation of his successor Berardo from Ancona, Boniface VIII , no. 987. Since the date of translation is 4 February 1296, it is possible that Nicola's letter was not completed because of his resignation; it is conceivable that his resignation was prompted by the sentiments aroused in him by the Christmas season of 1295. In connection with this indulgence, these possible sentiments, and San Domenico, the reader should keep in mind San Domenico's most noted "dugentesca" painting, the Madonna enthroned, with Child, angels, and donors, now kept in the Palazzo Vescovile.

16. Gottifredo: Clément IV , no. 139; see too Cascioli, "Nuova serie dei vescovi"; for evidence of Gottifredo within the diocese: Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.A.3 (October 1265); IV.Q.6 "3" (8 December 1265); IV.K.13 (12 October 1266); Borgo San Pietro, Archivio di Monastero di Santa Filippa, 30 (5 October 1268), 34 (1276). Gottifredo was admonished by the pope not to allow the chapter of Tivoli to proceed to the election of his successor without mandate of the apostolic see, Clément IV , no. 189, an act which intensifies the historian's awareness of the significance of this point in time in the changing manner of selecting bishops. Pietro: Nicholas III , no. 105 and see below. Andrea: Honorius IV, no. 566 and see below. Berardo: Boniface VIII, no. 987; in 1281 Berardo had been a papal chamberlain (Battelli, Latium , x, 423-424); and see Honorius IV , nos. 104, 172, 601, 669; on 19 November 1296, Berardus miseratione diuina episcopus R acted in the episcopal palace at Rieti: Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.F.5; on 24 May 1298, his nephew Berardo, canon of Ancona, was his vicar general at Rieti: IV.O.5; Paravicini Bagliani notes that a Berardo da Poggio Bustone, canon of Rieti, was at Lyons with Ottobono Fieschi, cardinal deacon of Sant'Adriano (and later Pope Hadrian V, 1276) in 1274, and had been his chaplain in 1263: Paravicini Bagliani, Cardinali di curia , 1:309; but in spite of the coincidence of names this Berardo continues to be a canon after the episcopal election and even death of Bishop Berardo: Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.1, 2;III.C.3, 4.See too Pasztor, ''Per la storia dell'amministrazione," 183 (for Berardo as papal chaplain and rector of the Massa Trabaria in 5283; his short rectorship ended in his violent expulsion, the description of which is published by Pasztor); see below chapter 6. Angelo): Boniface VIII , no. 4698; of Angelo there are sharply descriptive phrases in Mariano d'Alatri, "Un mastodontico processo," particularly 305. Giovanni: Boniface VIII , no. 4836, and see above in chapter 3; on 5 August 1302 Boniface named the Franciscan Matteo bishop of Ìmola to replace Giovanni who had been translated to Rieti to replace the dead Angelo, so in fact the Franciscans did not lose a bishopric in the death and exchange: Boniface VIII ,

no. 4729; rather they gained a bishopric because Boniface also gave Nepi to a Franciscan, Paolo, on 31 August 1302: Boniface VIII , no. 4741 (and see nos. 4334 and 4684). These translations were not regularly translations of bishops from sees with a lower to a higher official value. According to Boyle, A Survey , 157, servitia communia were "normally reckoned as one-third of the income of any one year" (although these evaluations seem quite formal). In the early fourteenth century the following sees had, in these terms, the following evaluations: Rieti, 900 florins; Tivoli, 300 florins; Ancona, 900 forms; Ìmola, 1,050 florins; Orvieto, 900 florins; Olema, 750 florins; Sora, 300 florins; Nepi, 210 florins; Vicenza, 3,000 florins; Monreale, 6,ooo florins; Capua, 4,800 florins; Aquileia, 30,000 florins (and for contrast: Canterbury, 30,000 florins; Lincoln, 15,000 florins; Ravenna, 12,000 florins; Narni, 600 and 900 florins; Sutri, 150 florins; Segni, 120 florins)—figures taken from Hoberg, Taxae pro communibus servitiis . To the extent that the figures were thought to represent real income that cannot have been the reason for the translation, for instance, from Ancona to Rieti or Rieti to Orvieto; in both of these cases official convenience seems a likely reason (for an example of Raimond's being active at Orvieto while still miseratione diuina Episcopus Reatinus , on 13 August 1344, see Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I, fo. 261r). The succession list of these bishops in Eubel's Hierarchia is correct and impressive because of his (or its) common-sense correction of the much less reliable Gams ( Series episcoporum ecclesiae catholicae ): Eubel, I. 416 and particularly n.5 Ughelli ( Italia sacra , vol. 1, cols. 1205-1208) breaks Giovanni's episcopate in two but is otherwise correct in succession; Palmegiani in La cattedrale (63-64) also breaks Giovanni in two and makes Berardo Bernardo but is otherwise correct in this part of his succession; Michaeli ( Memorie , 4:225) has two Giovannis and gives his reader the choice of Berardo or Bernardo.

17. Jacopo: Boniface VIII , no. 3183;A.S.V., AA, Arm. I-XVIII, 3895, contains a 4 April 1302 letter from Charles of Valois to Jacopo bishop of Rieti his vicar general; its reference to (genitive) "nobilis uiri Maghinardi Pagani de Susenana" is suggestive: for Mainardo da Susinana, see Waley, The Papal State , index references under Susinana and Pagani, and particularly 193-194; would it not make sense for the bishop to have been a Romagnol from near Faenza? For Charles of Valois as rector of four provinces and for his vicars, see Waley, The Papal State index under Valois, and particularly 104 and 316.

18. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.F.1 (collation); see Clément VI , no. 147, and nos. 195, 439, 440, 473, 494, 682, 716, 893, 1066. Also Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.6 (vacant through translation) and III.B.8, and also II.E.1, II.F.3 (use of vicar general Philip' de Sen') and also Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 507, present in Rieti, 20 October 1345; see Eubel, Hierarchia , Supplementum. For Raimondo and Cola, Anonimo romano, see Porta, ed., Cronica , 131, 138. The anonymous author calls the vicar "uno oitramontano, granne decretalista e vescovo de Vitervo" (131) and the editor corrects the Viterbo to Orvieto (n. 268). (For these passages in English translation, see Wright, The Life of Cola di Rienzo , 64, 73, 74.) For the climbing of the Campidoglio see Porta, Cronica , 113 and Wright, Cola di Rienzo , 41. The chronicler's confusion of Viterbo and Orvieto is amusingly echoed by the eminent French editors of Clément VI in referring to a letter (no. 3954) in which monies earlier collected by the dead bishop from offerings

at the altars of St. Peter's are being sought for return to the papal camera; the mistake was not made by the compiler of the papal register: Reg. Vat. 142, fo. 52. A nice introduction to Raimond's confusion and/or horror over Cola's behavior is to be found in Cosenza's ed. of Petrarch, The Revolution of Cola di Rienzo ; see index under Raymond of Chameyrac.

19. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.1, see above chapter 3. The following are the succession lists of significant modern historians. Ughelli: Adenulphus; Fr. Raynaldus (O.S.B. Sacrae Theologiae Magister); Odo (1227); Raynerius; another Raynerius; Fr. Dominicus; Raynaldus; Thomas. Michaehi (beginning in 1215): Rainaldo I; Rainerio II; Giovanni II; Rainerio III; Rainaldo II; Thomas I. Palmegiani: Adinolfo Secenari; Rainaldo I; Rainerio II; Giovanni II; Rainerio III; Rainaldo II; Tommaso I. Eubel (beginning between 1209 and 1215): Rainaldus O.S.B.; Odo "(sed. 1227?)"; Rainerius; Joannes "(sed. 1236?)"; Rainaldus de Aretio O. Min; Thomas. Eubel's list is very faulty but obviously, unlike the others, presented with considerable hesitation. The presence of all these phantom Rainerios is the result of faulty extension. The two names Rainaldo and Rainerio are, of course, easily confused; and both are frequently and similarly abbreviated. It seems to have been possible for thirteenth- and early fourteenth-century Reatines themselves to have made mistaken extensions (but not of episcopal names); so that the canon Ventura who did not often use his patronymic or surname is sometimes called Ventura Raynaldi and sometimes Ventura Rainerii: Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.n; II.B.2; III.D.2; IV.F.4; IV.O.5. That the name of all three bishops Rain' was Rainaldo is perfectly clear in the documents preserved at Rieti and Borgo San Pietro and in Cronica fratris Salimbene (never, I believe, is Rainerio used). For Rainaldo de Labro: II.C.1; IV.G.3 (1215, 1230); IV.Q.3 "l3" (1215); IV.Q.1 (1220); VI.G.7 (1220); IV.M.4 (1216, 1226); and also Borgo San Pietro, Archivio del Monastero di Santa Filippa, 14 (1231); for 21 February 1234 see IV.P.4 and above chapter 3 note 41; for Rainaldo Bennecelli: Borgo San Pietro, Archivio del Monastero di Santa Filippa, 19. Rainaldo da Arezzo's name is clear in Sahimbene. For an example of a gratuitous and misleadingly mistaken extension by the editors of Gregory IX's register, see Gregory IX , no. 2927.

20. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.M.2; IV.M.3. For Adenolfo at Rieti, see for example: IV.B.2; IV.K.10; IV.M.1; IV.Q 3, IV.Q.4, IV.Q.5; Parchment Book IV, fo. 1.

21. For Gentile de Pretorio at Rieti (besides Tommaso's account in IV.P.1): Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.M.3 (3 March 1214); Borgo San Pietro, Archivio di Monastero di Santa Filippa, 20. The dorse notation on the IV.M.3 document says 1213, and the papal year date of Innocent III seems to say "xiiij" (1211), but the indiction year is clearly "ij," and, although the year date is not entirely legible, it concludes with for minims. The papal year date must have been written carelessly so that its "v" looks like "ij."

22. Rieti, Arch Cap., IV.G.3 (for both the 1215 and the 1233 documents—a witness in 1233 is, in the genitive, Ahibrandi notarii episcopi); II.C.1; II.C.3; II.C.4; IV.M.4; IV.Q.1; IV.Q.3; VI.G.7; VIII.B.1; VIII.B.3; VIII.B.4; Parchment book IV, fo. 13; Borgo San Pietro, Archivio del Monastero di Santa Filippa, 14; Gregory IX , nos. 2927, 4491.

23. Rieti, Arch Cap , IV.Q.1; IV.Q.2, IV.O.1, IV.G.8; and Parchment Book IV, fos. 44r-44v.

24. Borgo San Pietro, Archivio del Monastero di Santa Filippa, 19; Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.O.4, and of course IV.P.1. For reference to death: IV.A.5 and Salimbene, 322.

25. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.A.5, II.B.1; also see documents in IV.Q.3 and IV.Q.10.

26. Riett, Arch. Cap., IV.M.2 (18 September 1198); IV.M.2 (16 December 1206); IV.M.1 "30" (July 1212).

27. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.M.1 (20 February 1204).

28. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.M.1 "20" (1206, but inconsistency in dating), IV.M.1 (1207) with a witness Sinballo Benetelli (or Benecelli). In the printed version of IV.P.1 (Desanctis, Notizie storiche , app. n.2, xv-xix), the bishop is twice given the name benecelli without capital and in italics (and it should be noted that in both cases the genitive "Rainaldi" is printed); the manuscript says (1) "Rain' Bnneccell'"; and (2) "R. beneccell," at least as I read it. The names "Senebaldus Bennecellus (or Benetellus)'' and "Petrus judex Benectelli" appear in the "1225" survey: Arch. Cap., "1212," fo. xxii r (43).

29. It would seem possible that Rainaldus the bishop is identical with the canon Pbr. Rainaldus, who appears at Rieti between 1200 and 1240 (when he is also called prepositus , which, if later usage can be a guide, means prepositus of Santa Cecilia, or Sant'Angelo):IV.M.1; IV.G.3; IV.O.1; IV.D.11; IV.P.6; IV.Q.2. But the presence of both Rainaldus Bennecelli and Presbiter Rainaldus Berardi Dodonis in a 1207 document (IV.M.1 "1207") makes identification difficult.

30. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.G.8: "in nomine domini, amen. Anno eiusdem mill' cc xxxviii, temporibus domini Gregorii viiii pape anno pontificatus eius xi, indictione xi, mens' martii, die x, in presenctia dompni Johannis Arlocti et Oddonis Alfan' ac aliorum testium (?). Ego quidem dompnus Sinibaldus de Baluiano titulo donationis inter uiuos, pro magno amore quem in te habeo, do, dono, trado atque concedo tibi Johanni Leonis nepoti domini Johannis Episcopi Reatin' irreuocabiliter largiendo id est omnia iura que habeo et mihi competent uel competere possunt quocumque et qualitercumque in ecclesia Sancti Angeli de Arpaniano et te in locum meum eiusdem ecclesie substituo ad honorem et reuerentiam domini episcopi memorati." Gentile's Pretorio may, of course, have been a local place, see Michaeli, Memorie , 2:190.

31. Cronica fratris Salimbene , 205-207; above chapter 1; see the comprehensive article by Mariano d'Alatri, "II vescovo nella cronica di Salimbene," particularly 11, 12-16, but also in general both for the article's acute observations and for its bibliography.

32. Cronica fratris Salimbene , 322-329, particularly here 322.

33. Sbaralea, Bullarium franciscanum , 3:330-331, no. 48 (2 August 1278); the letter is only calendared in Nicholas III , no. 105.

34. Because Pietro was a bishop of Sora at the end of the Hohenstaufen period he is fortunate enough to be included in one of the most elegantly scholarly historical works that has been written about medieval Italy in this century, Kamp, Kirche und Monarchie , 1:105. In this work Pietro's official career, particularly as it is visible in papal registers, is traced with careful exactness; my de-

scription of that career follows Kamp closely. Another detailed account of the career (in this case because Pietro ended his life as patriarch of Aquileia) is to be found in Paschini, "Il patriarcato di Pietro Gera." For the Spanish mission, see Linehan, The Spanish Church , 218-220; Nicholas III , nos. 739, 742-743. For Clement IV's collation of his educated chaplain rather than the abbot of Casamari to Sora: Clément IV , no. 442: "Petrum Romani seu de Ferentino capellanum nostrum," and see no. 192: "magistrum Petrum dictum Romanum de Ferentino capellanum nostrum"; and nos 268, 934, 1947, 1949, 2014. Carlo F. Polizzi of Padua has discovered and is publishing a document which lists books (more than 25) and other belongings which Patriarch Pietro had deposited with the Dominicans of Venice. The list of books, which Polizzi will explicate fully, includes historical, legal, theological, and liturgical works, and "Seneca" and ''Avicenna" as well as Thomas and Bonaventura. I am deeply grateful to Dr. Polizzi for his having told me of the document, shown it to me, and sent me a copy. Although it is difficult to know what books in a prelate's library he knew well or had read, these books suggest an even richer Pietro than was earlier visible, and make seem more serious his title magister .

35. Sbaralea, Bullarium franciscanum , vol. 3, no. 48.

36. For Giacomo Sarraceno: Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.Q.2; IV.N.2; VI.G.7; II.C.1 (e, x, y: acts in 1233 as proctor for Bishop Rainaldo de Labro); III.D.2; II.D.3; II.D.4 (absent, infirmus , 1253); II.D.5; IV.D.4 (again ill, 1259); III.B.3; III.B.6; IV.H.4.; III.B.1; and also Rieti, A.S., San Domenico, 6; see too below chapter 6 and Palmegiani, Rieti , 311 (for a remembered bishop Giacomo and S. Lucia, Rieti); sometimes the canon placed first in lists of canons seems quite clearly to be he who is oldest in tenure; Giacomo is so placed, for example, in Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.3, 6 (1261); IV.H.4 (4 June 1278); II.C.3 (1280). For Teballo, VI.G.7, and chapter 2 above. For Rainaldo's gift, IV.L.10. It is clearly unlikely that the Giacomo of 1280 is the canon "Jacobbus" of 1181 (IV.Q.2). There clearly seem to have been at least two canons Giacomo, and I have thought that the division between them probably came in the 1220s or 1230s, probably between 1233 and 1238, see "Localism and Longevity," 298. J[erome] P[oulenc] in noticing Sacchetti Sassetti's Un ospite (in Archivum franciscanum historicum , 59 [1966]:502) quickly summarized opinions on the connection between the bishop-elect and the early thirteenth-century canons from the family. Poulenc was mistaken, I obviously believe, in his negative reaction to the possibility of a canon's being nearly eighty-five years old, even though I think that it is probable that the Jacobbus of 1220 is not the Jacobus of 1278. Jacobus, who Nicholas III said had voluntarily resigned the see, is not included in a list of canons from 20 March 1286 (IV.H.4), and was probably dead by then.

37. Cronica fratris Salimbene , 297; see Mariano d'Alatri, "Il vescovo nella cronica di Salimbene," 9-11 for Salimbene's way of describing and praising men.

38. Linehan, The Spanish Church , 255.

39. Palmegiani, La cattedrale , 62.

40. Although it is tempting to connect Pietro's Romanus with his curial youth or his curial relatives, the curial connection is not at all a sure reason why he was, when he was, called Romanus rather than, or as well as, Egiptius , the question is sharpened by the association with Pietro of his vicar general at Rieti,

another Petrus Romanus, or Petrus de Roma. The problem of what Pietro was called by his contemporaries and why he was called what he was called is a surprisingly difficult one.

41. For these Egiptius benefices and for the uncle Pietro Egiptius, see Kamp, Kirche und Monarchie, 1:104 and nn.63, 64, and 65; Innocent IV , nos. 331, 1471, 4453, 7665 and Urban IV , nos. 934, 1947, 1949, 2014. As Kamp points out there is a short biographical sketch of Pietro in Dictionnaire d'histoire et de géographie ecclésiastiques , vol. 11 (1949), coll. 898-899 (by L. Jadin, under "Capoue," coll. 888-907).

42. Cheney, "Cardinal John of Ferentino"; not only for Giovanni but also for a Pietro and his prebend of North Newbald (and a scathing comment of William Prynne's), see Cheney, Innocent III and England , 38-39, 87, 155, 224, 226, 230-231, 296, 94 (and also) Clay, ed., York Minster Fasti , 57, for the nephew Cardinal Stefano of Fossanova). For other Ferentino clerks in England, see Sayers, Papal Judges Delegate , 136 (Giovanni, Andrea), 328 (Giovanni da Fumone, canon of Sant'Angelo Ferentino) and my York Metropolitan Jurisdiction , 126, 132, 186 (Bartolomeo); for Ferentino clerks in Italy, see Waley, The Papal State , 104, 316 (Davide, Caetani connection), 236, 241-242 (Riccardo and a nephew), 312, 313, 320 (Orlando, cousin of Alexander IV).

43. Register of Walter Giffard , 170 no. 2; Guiraud, Cadier, and Mollat, eds., Les reqistres de Grégoire X et de Jean XXI , no. 81 (Gregory X): concerning a dispute between Cardinal Anchier and William Wickwane, chancellor of York, over a prebend in York minster formerly held by Mgr Pietro "de Egiptii" da Ferentino (by then, 25 October 1272, dead). For "Bartholomeus Giptius" in the circle of Gregorio da Montelongo, patriarch of Aquileia in 1269, Kamp, Kirche und Monarchie, 1:104 n. 65, and Marchetti-Longhi, Gregorio da Montelongo , 357 and 422.

44. Kemp, Kirche und Monarchie, 1:104-105 nn.60-75; Urban IV , nos. 192 and 268; Clément IV , no. 442; John XXI (and Gregory X ), no. 84; Martin IV , nos. 26-28, 87; Honorius IV , nos. 560, 592; Boniface VIII , nos. 942, 1217, 1569-70, 2541; Honorius IV , nos. 818-819, 950-952; Nicholas IV , nos. 560-562, 566-567, 570, 698; Boniface VIII , nos. 2215, 3131. See Waley, The Papal State , 241, where as archbishop of Monreale he is seen active with Riccardo of Ferentino, who has a troublesome nephew (and too conciliatory in the Romagna ? because of bribery), and 318. For the difficulty with Aquileia see for example Paschini, "Il patriarcato di Pietro Gera"; or Traversa, Quellenkritik .

45. Not too much should be made of this knightly/baronial distinction: the title knight is applied to extremely elevated central Italian nobles; without a real knowledge of local and extended Egiptius holdings and power it is impossible to gauge the strength of their position in and around Ferentino. The evidence suggests to me, however, a family of some local significance and by the generation after Pietro specifically knightly, but particularly dependent on office, and specifically curial office.

46. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VIII.B.9.

47. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.E.1.

48. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.E.4; "contra generalem libertatem ecclesiasticam" is from VIII.B.9.

49. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.C.2.

50. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.E.2. For the copy of a Florentine statute: II.F.1.

51. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.E.3. Pietro styles himself: "Petrus permissione diuina Episcopus Reatin' in regno Sicilie citra Calabriam super recolligendis decimis et legatis deputatis ad terre sancte subsidium per sedem apostolicam delegatus" and the letter sent from him was described by the notary Andrea da Popleto as having been sealed with a pendant seal of green wax. Although Pietro is here acting as collector, he is securing the archpriest of San Pietro di Popleto to himself and his successors as bishops of Rieti.

52. Mazzoleni, ed., Le pergamene di Capua , 2:45-47, no. 145, dated in Capua, notarized, subscribed: "presens scriptum . . . fieri fecimus subscriptione nostra propria subsignatum." There is a brief notice in Ughelli, Italia sacra , vol. 6, col. 341.

53. Bianchi, Documenta historiae forojuliensis , 245, 249; and for the Cremonese, see Traversa, Quellenkritik , 30.

54. Garufi, Catalogo illustrato , 61-63, nos. 134, 135 (and one should note that Giacomo has a seal).

55. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.1; 11.E.5; IV.M.5; III.B.2. There is a conceivable connection between this Pietro Romano canon of Ferentillo, and that Pietro Romano, canon of Sant'Angelo Rieti, who made his will in his house on 23 July 1309, chose burial at Sant'Angelo, and made his nephews his heirs (Rieti, A.S., pergamene, comune, 23 July 1309: Bellucci, no. 82); although Giovanni Papazurri's Rieti is noticeably full of Romans (normally called "de Urbe").

56. A.S.V., Fondo Celestini, 19, 20. Pietro uses the style "dei gratia," and Fondo Celestini, 27, 28, 29. Again Pietro, or the second of his Ferentine notaries, uses the style "dei gratia."

57. For the death and burial of Celestine, see Herde, Cölestin V , particularly 160. For Tommaso da Ocre's gift, see Panavicini Bagliani, I testamenti , 324. For Celestinian monasteries, see Moscati, "I monasteri di Pietro Celestino," and for Sant'Antonio, 114.

58. Marsella, I vescovi di Sora , 82. Marsella also called Pietro (81) a "uomo di vasta cultura, cappellano pontificio, esperto conoscitore delle anime." Marsella does not really at all suggest the sort of evidence that led him to arrive at this description, but he doles say "era stato anche arcidiacono di York in Inghilterra ed aveva acquistata una meravigliosa pratica della vita pastorale." It would have been marvelous indeed if Pietro had gained experience of the pastoral life from the sort of archidiaconate he had been thought to have held at York, but in fact Kamp ( Kirche und Monarchie, 1:104 n. 63) has shown that the source in which Ughelli thought he found Pietro's archdeaconry does not contain it. Ruocco, Storia di Sarno , 1:207-208, talks of the extent of the diocese of Sarno in the later thirteenth century.

59. This point is made by Kamp, Kirche und Monarchie , 1:104 n. 59; and he avoids using the names Gera, Gerra, Guerra by which Pietro has commonly been identified. Although I follow him in this avoidance it doles seem to me unlikely that such a long and general usage should have been built on nothing. It is conceivably of some significance that Bishop Pietro's marshal at Rieti on 26 September 1278 was called Guerro (or thus I interpret the oblique Guerro

melescalco of Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.1). Given my belief that mistakes like the name Guerra are unlikely to have come out of thin air, it is at least ironic that I have created a mistaken name for Bishop Pietro out of pretty thin air, a name which I hope will deceive no one: in writing of Bishop Pietro in my "Localism and Longevity" I inadvertently typed Véroli for Ferentino. I did not notice the error in proofreading, and it has generally gone unnoticed. I found it in reading the passage (296) in preparing this chapter. The name Gerra is firmly used by Traversa, for Pietro and his family, who thinks he sees it in the chronicler "Juhan": see particularly Traversa, Quellenkritik , 33 n. 1 and 47 n. 4, See too 34. I myself have not found the name in "Julian," but ''Julian" is a rather difficult source for a historian not from Friuli.

60. Cronica fratris Salimbene , 281-282.

61. Scalon, La biblioteca arcivescovile di Ùdine , 161-163, no. 92. The codicil, which was written in an interesting manuscript which Scalon describes, is transcribed by Scalon on 162. The 18 line text of the codicil (fo. 58v of MS F.33.III.18, but now called by its Scalon number) is surprisingly difficult to read exactly, and my own transcription differs slightly from Scalon's, but the difference does not affect materially the meaning of the text. (I believe that Scalon has omitted from line 9 of the text the words quolibet anno in die anniversarii sui and has replaced them with quolibet tempore in die depositionis sue , and we show other minor differences; but, again, the text is in parts very difficult to read.) One should also consult Scalon, Necrologium aquileiense , 1:145. For the deposition in Santa Maria, see Dalla Barba Brusin and Lorenzoni, L'arte del patriarcato , plate 187. For their help in Ùdine I should particularly like to thank Dottoressa Ivonne Zenarola Pastore, director of the Archivio di stato, Professor Luigi De Biasio, in whose care is the Biblioteca Arcivescovile, Dottor Aldo Rizzi, director of the Museo Civico, and Dottoressa Lelia Sereni, director of the Biblioteca Comunale "Vincenzo Joppi."

62. Tambara, ed., Juliani canonici , 31; see the Milan 1738 edition of vol. 14 at cols. 1206-1207. Compare Nicoletti, Patriarcato d'Aquileia , 39: "nella chiesa principale fu pomposamente sepolto, avendo con gran gloria governato la sedia un anno sette mesi ventisei giorni" and for Pietro's actual marble tomb, once on the left of the main door, see Paschini, "Il patriarcato di Pietro Gera," 104.

63. F. Jo. Fran. Bernardo Maria de Rubeis, "Dissertationes variae eruditionis": Venice, Biblioteca Marciana, MSS Latin, Clas. XIV, Cod. 133 (Coll. 4284), particularly fo. 308v (a copy of the antiquarian's Venetian manuscript is in the Biblioteca Comunale of Ùdine: Man. Coin. 648, see gatherings 328 and 329). See Bianchi, Documenta historiae forojuliensis , 10-11. Obviously Pietro was not the first patriarch to include Franciscans in his familia, see Ùdine, A.S., Archivio notarile, Busta 5118, 1296, 1 for a Franciscan chaplain.

64. See above, chapter 2.

65. For the growing number of Franciscan bishops, see Thomson, Friars in the Cathedral . It is helpful to recall that Benvenuto's candidacy falls at the midpoint between the death of the first Franciscan bishop of Rieti, Rainaldo, and the translation to Rieti of the second, Angelo. For Benvenuto da Orvieto see Mariano d'Alatri, L'inquisizione francescana nell'Italia centrale , 144.

66. Honorius IV , nos. 566 (27 July 1286), 592 (20 August 1286).

67. Nicholas III , no. 600; see Innocent IV , 110. 4453 and Kamp, Kirche und Monarchie , 1:104.

68. Ughelli, Italia sacra , vol. 1, cols. 1205-1207.

69. Cassino, Aula 2, caps. LXXIII, fasc. 1, no. 11: the document is written, in a good hand with fixed margins, in 13 lines on a parchment 20 cm wide and 13.7 cm high; it has a flap, with three holes on flap and body for affixing the seal. I should like to thank Dom Tommaso Leccisotti for admitting me to the archives and allowing me to transcribe the document. For an introduction to Marsi, see Kamp, Kirche und Monarchie , 1:28-33; although Kamp stops before the time of Andrea's administration, he includes, as he does for each diocese with which he deals, a concise description of the diocese and a full bibliography for it.

70. For this tenure at Ferentino I follow Eubel, Hierarchia . For Cosma e Damiano at Tagliacozzo see Inguanez, "Le pergamene del monastero."

71. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.E.6 and VII.F.3.

72. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.E.2.

73. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.D.5; III.B.3; III.B.6; III.D.10; IV.K.13; A.S., San Domenico, 6 (old 99); his real connection with Sant'Eleuterio is suggested by the presence of a Sant'Eleuterio witness on 31 October 1261: III.B.6.

74. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.D.5; II.D.10; and IV.O.5.

75. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.D.10; IV.A.3; Urban IV , no. 1186.

76. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.1, 3, 5-6.

77. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.O.5 "9."

78. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.B.2. Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 7, 15, 16. See too "Vescovi e vicari generali," n. 30: it is extremely strange that a scribe who knew Ventura as well as Matteo Barnabei must have known him would use the wrong patronymic; perhaps he was Ventura Rainaldi Rainerii or Rainerii Rainaldi. See above chapter 4 note 114.

79. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.H.4; III.C.2; VII.F.3; IV.O.5 "9"; II.B.2; IV.C.8; IV.F.4; III.B.1, 8, 9, 13-14 (on 8 he objects to a chapter action of transfer on 10 October 1278); Book "6," Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 2-4, 5, 6, 15-16; in "6" in a reassignment of prebendal holdings in 1307, and in Matteo Barnabei in Bishop Giovanni's synodal acts of 5 February 1315, Ventura's is the second name listed, probably a reference to his seniority. See Brentano, ''Who was Bishop Andrea?"

80. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.E.8, copy of 23 October; Mazzatinti, in an uncharacteristic mistake, says that Ventura is being provided as bishop: Gli archivi , 251.

81. Lib. perg di Matteo Barnabei, 15: 1 March 1315. The reader should be aware of the presence of the canon Ranaldo presbiteri Rinaldi from 1252 to 1260: Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.D.2; II.D.3; IV.D.5; and of the earlier canon the priest Rainaldo from 1200 to 1249: IV.M.2; IV.M.1 "17" and "3"; TV.O.1; IV.P.6 "1," "2," and "7"; IV.G.3; IV.Q.2 (where he is also called, in 1239 and 1240, prepositus , that is, probably of a local collegiate chapter like Sant'Angelo.

82. See above chapter 2 and Two Churches , 259-260.

83. Gregorovius, History of the City of Rome , 6:412; for the exiles see above chapter 4.

84. I mean faintly to echo the joke which Gregorovius repeats ( History of the City of Rome , 6:476): "It is said that one day he [Gregory XI] asked a prelate, 'Lord Bishop, why do you not go to your see?' To which the bishop answered, 'And you, Holly Father, why do you not go to yours?'" Gregorovius's central Italy in the later fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries is perhaps too disturbed to be credible. See, too, Partner, The Lands of St. Peter , particularly 361 for the attack on the "bad shepherds" in the 1370s.

85. These documents have been collected and calendared by Lippens, "Fra Biagio da Leonessa," particularly for the catalog, 6:115-129; Rieti, Arch. Cap., VIII.G.14 IX.F.9; VI.G.15; II.G.6; IV.G.3; VIII.D.11; VII.D.3 VII.G.10; VII.G.17; II.G.7; VII.G.11; VII.G.12; V.D.1; VI.G.17; II.G.9; IV.K.14; and presumably VIII.G.3 and V.B.1 which show Gregory XI responding to episcopal petitions concerning Rieti. See too A.S., Statuti, I, fos. 125r-v.

86. Pastoral examples: Lippens, "Fra Biagio da Leonessa," 6:117, 118, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129; Arch. Cap., VIII.G.14; VI.G.16; VII.G.15; II.G.6; VII.D.3; VII.G.10; VII.G.17; VII.G.11; VII.G.12; VII.G.7; V.D.1; VI.G.17; II.G.9; V.B.1; II.G.10. Papal imposts: Lippens, "Fra Biagio," 6:117-118, 119, [20, 122-123, 126, 128; Arch. Cap., IV.E.4; IV.G.3; II.G.5; IV.G.1; IV.G.2. Albornoz and Naples: Lippens, "Fra Biagio,'' 6:121, 122, 124-125; Arch. Cap., IV.E.5; VIII.D.10; VIII.D.11; IV.E.6; II.G.7. For Clement VI's commission to Biagio to visit his diocese, and its implications for the definition of episcopal office: Lippens, "Fra Biagio," 6:120; Arch. Cap., I.B.2. For Biagio as one of the conservators of San Silvestro in Capite in Rome, in 1364, see Lippens, "Fra Biagio," 6:125, from Bullarium franciscanum , 6:376, no. 911.

87. Michaeli, Memorie , 3:86; Ughelli, Italia sacra , vol. 1, col. 1208.

88. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.G.1 (and II.G.2, 3, 4); A.S.V., OS , 22, fo. 34r, Mgr. Neapoleone de Fonterolis da Forlì promises 300 florins, plus 5, on 16 February 1348 (24 cardinals present).

89. Pagliarini, Croniche di Vicenza , 105. Modern Vicentine historians have treated Pagliarini's text and sources with cautious doubt. Mantese (below, note 91) uses the Latin text preserved in the Archivio di stato at Vicenza; note that the name is also spelled Paglierini. Pagliarini should now be approached through Grubb's edition of the earliest known Latin edition. Grubb, who establishes very close dating for the core of the Cronicae (1497-98), speaks in his introduction of the Biagio passages and of Mantese's reaction to them (xxv). Grubb's Cronicae include the Latin texts of the supposed appeals by the civil authorities and people of Vicenza and also by the clergy against Biagio and to Clement VI, upon which texts Pagliarini's own narrative seems to be based. That narrative with "Proh dolore!" in place of "Deh, o dolore!" is also harshly effective in Latin (146-150).

90. Riccardi, Storia dei vescovi vicentini , 135.

91. Mantese, Memorie storiche , 3:150-158, from which the material in this paragraph is taken; Biagio's relations with the Scaligeri and the Vicentine accusations against him are treated in a fuller political perspective by Mantese on 3:65-70, 74-80. I should like to thank Professor Mantese for his kind advice and help, and also to thank Howard Burns who suggested that I ask Professor Mantese for help.

92. For Biagio's household and officials, see for example Riccardi, Storia dei vescovi vicentini , 132-133, including Nicolo da Lionessa, Andrea da Lionessa, Gelucio da Lionessa, and Albert de Clamp', OFM; some of these men were clearly learned in the law and Mantese ( Memorie storiche , 580) talks of the use by bishops of Vicenza, including Biagio, of vicars general who were canonists; see Mantese (154-158) for additional members of Biagio's familia, and for Nicolo and Matteo again (as nephews), but also a monk from Vicenza and a canon of Treviso, for example. Napoleone of Forlì's connection with Biagio and Rieti is complicated by the fact that although he was used by Biagio before Rieti he had other Rieti connections (Raimond: Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.G.4); the connection with the Florentine merchant Andrea Gethi should be noted, and it should be noted that the copied Florentine statute was copied in 1353, see note 50 above. For San Benedetto (Libro IV, fos. 41v-42r) see note 4 above; three of Biagio's familiares are present for the action in the cloister (Angeluctio de Cassia, Gualterio Jahanuctii, and Raynallo Jannis de Campania); a notary and scribe of the bishop and chapter redacted the document: Giovanni Nutii Riccardelli da Rieti, notary by imperial authority; the canons are Giovanni de Montegambaro, Ballovino, Lauriano Gilioni, Matteo Maglano, Tommaso Petri, Ludovico Cole, Gianandrea Cecchi, Gianandrea Cole, Nutio Vannis, Therio Lalli, Liberato Berallutii, Pietro Johannutii; the nuns, Donna Nicholasia, Donna Stefanuctia di don Giovanni, Sour Bonarda di Symone, Sour Mariola di don Giovanni, Suor Agostina, Suor Angete di don Oddone, Sour Caterina, Suor Cecilia, Suor Madalena, Suor Benedetta, Suor Ceccharella, Suor Vanna, Suor Paulucia, Suor Lippa, Suor Caritia, Suor Lucia, Suor Jocabutia, Suor Amedeo, Suor Appollonia, Suor Andreoccia, Suor Antonia. Biagio's gift is Libro IV, fo. 49r.

93. See above chapter 3.

94. Boniface VIII , no. 4698; and no. 4684 license for loan, no. 4729 Matteo OFM to Ìmola because Giovanni to Rieti, no. 4741 Paulo OFM to Nepi because Angelo (dead) had been translated to Rieti, no. 4836 Giovanni to Rieti because Angelo dead. Angelo had been given Nepi on 1 June 1298, no. 2601. Angelo's services, A.S.V., OS , 1, fo. 17v, 300 florins and two; 17 cardinals; promise, dated 15 June 1302, is marked "solut."

95. Mariano D'Alatri, "Un mastodontico processo," 299. See for Angelo also Mariano D'Alatri, L'inquisizione francescana nell'Italia , 99-100, 144.

96. Mariano D'Alatri, "Un mastodontico processo," particularly 300-301.

97. Mariano D'Alatri, "Un mastodontico processo," 301, 305.

98. Mariano D'Alatri, "Un mastodontico processo," 305.

99. Mariano D'Alatri, "Un mastodontico processo," 302.

100. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.D.10; Mariano D'Alatri, L'inquisizione francescana nell'Italia , app. 8, 120-121.

101. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.M.5.

102. Mariano D'Alatri, "Un mastodontico processo," 305.

103. Rieti, A.S., II.F.1. A.S.V., OS , 6, fo. 184r (old 182r), promise of services of 300 florins plus five, 18 cardinals.

104. Lippens, "Fra Biagio da Leonessa," 6:116, n. 4.

105. Clément VI , nos. 147, 195, 439, and see through nos. 440, 473, 494, 682, 716, 893, and to 1066 and 1633 (13 April 1348), but no. 1933 (8 February 1349,

another urban vicar and elect of Orvieto): if his anniversary day (see note 109 below), 5 April, is the day of his death, had he died on 5 April 1348 without the curia's being aware of it by 13 April?

106. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., II (variously marked: "Sextus Liber Contractuum"; "Liber IV"; "1347"; "Libro Terzo''; "1344-1347") is a paginated paper book with various episcopal and capitular acts which is particularly rich in material from the episcopate of Bishop Raimond. It does not establish the fact that he failed to take his diocesan tasks seriously or that he was never in his diocese, but it does give the names of various vicars general, vicars, and proctors who represented him in Rieti: for example, 22, 13 November 1345, Cicchus Johannis de Bussata, vicarius et procurator generalis (and on 13, 25 October 1344, Cicchus is identified as a prebendary, and on 45-46 in March 1345 as archpriest of San Sebastiano of Poggio Fidoni and on 44 in the same month the church of Rieti grants to him (called here "de Bussata") and his brother Cola right and actions in a piece of land in Torrente). For Ciccho as vicar general see too Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 534, and see above chapter 4. In the Lib. con. et col., II, 22, on 10 November 1345, Don Francesco da Ofagnano di L'Aquila (de Ofaniano de Aquila) is acting as Raimond's vicar general, he is called a canon, and in fact he was possessed of an expectancy in Rieti on 7 August 1337 when he was a canon of the church of Ofagnano, with benefice, and held a benefice in the church of Santa Maria Ofagnano, L'Aquila and Sulmona dioceses (Vidal, ed., Benoît XII , no. 4596): on 28 September 1341 he was listed thirteenth among the canons, was chosen a scrutator for electing, and was a subdeacon (Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I, fos. 65r, 65v). On 10 March and 9 July 1345, the vicar general is Filippo "de Senis" (Lib. con. et col., II, 66, 44), who on 21 December 1344 (32-33) could be seen as a prebendary of the church of Rieti involved in the exchange of prebendal benefices. He can be seen acting as vicar general in 1345: Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 537, 539; and in the acts preserved in II.F.3.

107. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., II, 29, 38.

108. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 507.; Lib. con. et col., II, 22.

109. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., II, 31. Liber Int. et exit., 1363. Parchment Liber IV, in a section of this book written by the notary by imperial authority, Johannes q. Raynalluctii, Anniversaries, fo. 20r. Ughelli, Italia sacra , vol. 1, col. 1208, includes an inscription from old St. Peter's which records the consecration by Raimond, when he was bishop of Rieti and urban vicar, of the altar of Saint Anthony Abbot, which had been built by Nicola degli Astalli, canon of St. Peter's with a conceded indulgence, on 23 March 1344, Clément VI , no. 3954 (calendar with mistaken bishopric): A.S.V., Reg. Vat. 142, fo. 52r-v (no. 222) records on 13 September 1348 the effort of the papal camera in Avignon through the treasurer of the Tuscan patrimony to recover monies from offerings at altars of St. Peter's gathered earlier in Raimond's career and not returned to the camera—this memorial to Raimond in papal records makes nice contrast with his memorial at Rieti.

110. Ughelli, Italia sacra , vol. 1, col. 1208. Palmegiani ( La cattedrale , 64) says, "Tommaso II (a. 1339)." A nice example of Tommaso's diplomatic, on

paper, from 1340, is interleaved in Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I at present between fos. 64 and 65: It seems to be in the hand of Matteo Barnabei, was sealed, with the seal "nostre curie," is 29 cm wide by 15.5 high, uses the style dei et apostolice sedis gratia, Episcopus Reatin' , and enjoins registration. (The use here of the style apostolice sedis gratia for a bishop who had been elected by his chapter, should be noted.)

111. A.S.V., Reg. Vat. 175, fo 325r. It is just possible that "Marterio" should be read "Marerio."

112. A.S.V., Reg. Vat. 175, fos. 325r-v.

113. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 415, 454; see above chapter 4 note 46.

114. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 475-476.

115. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I, fo. 65r.

116. Eubel, "Der Registerband," 123-212, nos. 38, 39, 41, 43, 53, 87, 101, 125, 126, 134, 154, 161, 166. For the antipope see Maceroni, L'antipapa Niccolo V .

117. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I, fos. 74-75.

118. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., II, 17.

119. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Cart. Silv. See above chapter 4 note 103.

120. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Cart. Silv., for example 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 66, 68, 71-72, 74, 81, 82-84, 85, 88, 91-92, 95.

121. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Cart. Silv., 69.

122. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Cart. Silv., 11-12.

123. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Cart. Silv., 70, 102-103, 90.

124. For Padua, I am, of course, following Rigon, see above note 13.

125. This question has received an extended answer for twelfth-century Auxerre: Bouchard, Spirituality and Administration .

126. See above note 34.

127. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.O.5.

128. Cavell, "Epistemology and Tragedy," 43.