1. Flynn, interview.

2. Taxpayer's Watchdog, editor (name withheld), interview with the author's research project, Sociology Department, UCLA (Sherman Oaks, Calif.: July 22, 1982).

3. Joe Amorelli (treasurer, Californians for Proposition 13), interview with the author's research project, Sociology Department, UCLA (Tarzana, Calif.: September 10, 1982).

4. Taxpayer's Watchdog, editor (name withheld), interview.

5. "Thousands Back Tax Protest Organization," Valley News, July 22, 1976.

6. "Homeowner Groups Set Meeting on Tax Relief," Valley News, September 5, 1976.

7. "Legislature Fails to Agree on Property Tax Relief Bill," Valley News, September 15, 1977.

8. William Robert James McQueen, Community Groups in the Eastern Santa Monica Mountains: With Special Reference to the Beverly Glen Residents Associa - soft

tion, M.A. thesis, Dept. of Geography, University of California at Los Angeles, 1979.

9. Irma Dobbyn (president, Tarzana Property Owners Association), interview with the author's research project, Sociology Department, UCLA (Tarzana, Calif.: February 4, 1987).

10. Ralph Orr (activist with the Sand Area Residents Association, Manhattan Beach), interview with the author's research project, Sociology Department, UCLA (Manhattan Beach, Calif.: February 14, 1987).

11. Regis Kennedy (president, Tarzana Property Owners Association), interview with author's research project, Sociology Department, UCLA (Tarzana, Calif.: August 12, 1982).

12. Seth Larsen (activist, Highland Property Owners Group), interview with the author's research project, Sociology Department, UCLA (Los Angeles: August 13, 1984).

13. Orr, interview.

14. Hill, interview. For a discussion of the homeowners' opposition to growth on the peninsula which led to the incorporation of the city of Rancho Palos Verdes, see chap. 3.

15. "County Tax Vote Stirs Criticism of Hayes," Torrance Daily Breeze, July 7, 1976; "Hayes Forms Tax Panels," Torrance Daily Breeze, July 20, 1976.

16. Jeannette Mucha (public-relations and press officer for Citizens for Property Tax Relief), interview with the author's research project, Sociology Department, UCLA (Redondo Beach, Calif.: July 6, 1987).

17. Gunther Buerk (board member, homeowners association on Rocking Horse Road; president, Palos Verdes Peninsula Advisory Council; founding city council member, city of Rancho Palos Verdes), interview with the author's research project, Sociology Department, UCLA (Rancho Palos Verdes, Calif.: July 2, 1987).

18. Brentwood Homeowners Association, executive secretary and director (name withheld), interview with the author's research project, Sociology Department, UCLA (Brentwood, Calif.: July 27, 1982).

19. Jim Hatch (steering committee, Citizens for Property Tax Relief), interview with the author's research project, Sociology Department, UCLA (Rancho Palos Verdes, Calif.: May 15, 1987). Ernest Dynda (director of the Agoura-Los Virgenes Chamber of Commerce; president of the United Organizations of Taxpayers), interview with the author's research project, Sociology Department, UCLA (Agoura Hills, Calif.: July 27, 1987).

20. Jane Nerpel (founder, Californians for Proposition 13; administrator, Taxpayers Watchdog), interview with the author's research project, Sociology Department, UCLA (Van Nuys, Calif.: February 4, 1982).

21. Recall that the relative affluence index is the ratio of the median family income over the figure for the L.A. area, averaged with the ratio of the percentage of professional employees over the L.A. figure.

The vast majority of blue-collar workers do not make an upper-middle-class income. For example, when Proposition 13 passed in 1978, unionized and middle-aged steelworkers and printers made less than 1.3 times the median continue

family income, but graduates of law school usually started work at salaries greater than 1.3 times the median. See Blumberg, Inequality, 76. Assuming a one-income family, associate and full professors in large state universities generally earned upper-middle-class incomes, whereas assistant professors did not. A few high administrators earned upper-class incomes, in excess of $120,000.

22. Mucha, interview.

23. Haber, interview.

24. Ibid.

23. Haber, interview.

24. Ibid.

25. Also, 130 labor and public employee organizations contributed $1.8 million, and the top officers and lobbyists (not the rank and file) could be considered to be politically influential.

26. The emphasis here on the discrepancy between political power and socioeconomic inequality differs from the existing literature on status inconsistency. That literature examines the different dimensions of socioeconomic inequality itself, such as education, income, and occupation, and attempts to link political behavior to status discrepancies (such as having a high education but low income).

27. James K. Lee (chairman, Citizens for Property Tax Relief), interview with the author's research project, Sociology Department, UCLA (Los Angeles: July 30, 1982).

28. Noorda, interview. Close, interview. Darrow Miller (director, Cheviot Hills Homeowners Association), interview with the author's research project, Sociology Department, UCLA (Cheviot Hills, Calif.: August 9, 1982).

29. Brentwood Homeowners Association, executive secretary and director, interview.

30. Kennedy, interview.

31. Brentwood Homeowners Association, executive secretary and director, interview.

32. Lee, interview.

33. Ibid.

32. Lee, interview.

33. Ibid.

34. Maurice Hart, letter to the editor, Valley News, August 4, 1976.

35. Emphasis added. Brentwood Homeowners Association, executive secretary and director, interview.

36. Peppard, interview.

37. Brentwood Homeowners Association, executive secretary and director, interview. Miller, interview.

38. One would expect to find more harmonious relations between upper-middle-class homeowners and local business leaders in those locales where the issues of growth were not as salient. Specifically, although controversies over urban growth did exist in Sherman Oaks, Brentwood, and other Valley and hillside communities in 1976, the controversies were far less intense compared to the ones in West Covina in 1957. Relations between the upper-middle class and community business leaders were likely to be more cooperative if the area's growth rate had leveled off. During the 1950s, the number of housing units in West Covina increased by 891 percent; upper-middle-class homeowners frequently fought with community business leaders on growth issues. In the 1970s the housing units on the Palos Verdes peninsula increased by 89 percent; in Sherman Oaks, continue

13 percent; and Brentwood, 2 percent. This made possible more harmonious relations between community businesses and the upper-middle class.

39. Amorelli, interview.

40. Taxpayer's Watchdog, editor, interview.

41. Ibid.

40. Taxpayer's Watchdog, editor, interview.

41. Ibid.

42. Buerk, interview.

43. Mucha, interview.

44. Buerk, interview.

45. Peppard, interview.

46. Ibid.

47. Ibid.

45. Peppard, interview.

46. Ibid.

47. Ibid.

45. Peppard, interview.

46. Ibid.

47. Ibid.

48. This tax rate was applied in fiscal 1976 to an assessed value that was one-quarter of market value.

49. Steve Frank (president, CIVICC; vice-president, BUStop), interview with the author's research project, Sociology Department, UCLA (Sepulveda, Calif.: August 30, 1982).

50. Ibid.

49. Steve Frank (president, CIVICC; vice-president, BUStop), interview with the author's research project, Sociology Department, UCLA (Sepulveda, Calif.: August 30, 1982).

50. Ibid.

51. Dan Hon (founding chair of the Canyon County Formation Committee, Santa Clarita Valley), interview with the author's research project, Sociology Department, UCLA (Newhall, Calif.: September 14, 1982).

52. "County Secession Move On," Torrance Daily Breeze, August 31, 1975. The resentment against paying for the inner-city welfare roles was heightened because the inner city was largely black and Hispanic. One study done for the secession movement revealed that the proportion of the population on welfare in the South Bay was the same as the rest of Los Angeles County. But many believed that the welfare payments in the South Bay were legitimate because the recipients were white. "All these little blonde girls you saw riding around with two little kids in the back of the Volkswagen were on welfare, and they're all living in Palos Verdes. . . . What we didn't have was an excessive population of black people. . . . You could almost count it—lily white." South Bay secession movement, activist (name withheld), interview with the author's research project, Sociology Department, UCLA (place and date withheld).

53. Dynda, interview.

54. Ibid. Dan Shapiro (president, Studio City Residents Association), interview with the author's research project, Sociology Department, UCLA (Studio City, Calif.: January 27, 1986).

53. Dynda, interview.

54. Ibid. Dan Shapiro (president, Studio City Residents Association), interview with the author's research project, Sociology Department, UCLA (Studio City, Calif.: January 27, 1986).

55. Jim Walker (leader, South Bay secession movement), interview with the author's research project, Sociology Department, UCLA (Catalina Island, Calif.: August 11, 1987).

56. Hon, interview.

57. Bill New (organizer, People's Advocate) interviews with the author's research project, Sociology Department, UCLA (West Los Angeles, Calif.: May 29, 1982, and June 18, 1982).

58. Kathy Bergstrom (steering committee, Citizens for Property Tax Relief), interview with the author's research project, Sociology Department, UCLA (Hermosa Beach, Calif.: September 4, 1982). break

59. Close, interview. Noorda, interview.

60. Warren Steams (president, North Santa Monica Homeowners Association), interview with the author's research project, Sociology Department, UCLA (Westwood, Calif.: August 5, 1982).

61. Eunice McTyre (secretary, Taxpayers Watchdog), interview with the author's research project, Sociology Department, UCLA (Chatsworth, Calif.: July 15, 1982). Taxpayer's Watchdog, editor, interview.

62. Farmer, interview.

63. Virgil Elkins (board member, United Organizations of Taxpayers; Orange County chairman, Taxpayers, Inc.; president, Orange County Taxpayers Association), interview with the author's research project, Sociology Department, UCLA (Santa Ana, Calif.: March 18, 1982).

64. Lyle Cook (activist in campaign for Proposition 13; candidate for state assembly, American Independent Party), interview with the author's research project, Sociology Department, UCLA (Fresno, Calif.: September 18, 1987). Paul Gann (founder, People's Advocate), interview with the author's research project, Sociology Department, UCLA (Carmichael, Calif.: August 28, 1987).

One tax reduction petition that Paul Gann unsuccessfully circulated contained several progressive provisions—an increase in the homeowner's exemption and a provision mandating that renters be given tax relief as well as homeowners. When Jarvis and Gann decided to join forces and were negotiating the specific provisions of what became Proposition 13, Gann insisted that assessments should be limited as well as the tax rate; this provision would benefit homeowners, whose assessments were rising faster than business's. Proposition 13 did contain a provision limiting the annual increase in assessments to 2 percent (regardless of the inflation of market prices, which was much higher). Gann and Jarvis agreed, however, that the reduction in tax rates to 1 percent would apply to both business and homeowners.

Gann argued against higher taxes on businesses because they would then merely raise prices the consumers would have to pay: "I've been in and worked with the free enterprise system and I know that business doesn't pay taxes. Business collects the money but they collect it from the people who they do business with. So we, the people, pay the taxes whether big business collects it and turns it over to the government or we send it in direct." Gann, interview.

65. Glendale News Press, June 6, 1978; May 27, 31, 1978.

66. Lee, interview.

67. Haber, interview. Frank, interview. Charles Betz (board member, United Organizations of Taxpayers), interview with the author's research project, Sociology Department, UCLA (West Los Angeles, Calif.: February 16, 1982).

68. Valley News, April 9, 1978. In addition, the Hillsborough Homeowners Association of San Mateo County, which represented a wealthy residential community in northern California, contributed $9,000.

69. Elkins, interview. Taxpayer's Watchdog, editor, interview.

70. Frank, interview.

71. Poulson, interview. Lee, interview. break

72. In the 40th, 39th, 38th, and 37th Assembly Districts, respectively. The inner-city 47th District voted 35 percent in favor of Proposition 13.

High-income individuals supported Proposition 13 strongly. The higher the income, the stronger the support. 68 percent of those earning above $30,000 (1.6 times the L.A.-SMSA median in 1978) favored the proposition immediately before the election. Field Institute, The California Poll, Release #975, June 2, 1978.

High-income earners were also likely to be homeowners; this group strongly favored Proposition 13. In a multicausal model, the direct effect (controlling for proximate variables) of homeownership on support for the tax revolt, as indicated by the standardized coefficient, was +0.12. Income had a total effect of +0.16 but a direct effect of zero. Sears and Citrin, Tax Revolt, 96-100, 207-212.

73. Poll data indicates that professionals and business elites oppose policies to redistribute wealth from the affluent to the poor. Steven Brint, "The Political Attitudes of Professionals," Annual Review of Sociology 11 (Palo Alto, Calif.: Annual Reviews, Inc., 1985), 389-414.

74. Ronald Inglehart, "Post-Materialism in an Environment of Insecurity," American Political Science Review 75 (December 1981), 880-900. Alvin W. Gouldner, The Future of Intellectuals and the Rise of the New Class (New York: Seabury Press, 1979). Gouldner argued that professionals would lean to the left not because of their newly found power but rather because of their deprivation; many highly educated persons faced dismal employment prospects. Everett Carll Ladd, Jr., "The New Lines Are Drawn: Class and Ideology in America," Public Opinion 1 (July/August 1978), 48-53.

75. Fifty-four percent of college grads voted for Prop. 13, a smaller percentage than the electorate. Exit poll, Los Angeles Times, June 7, 1978. Nathan Glazer, "Lawyers and the New Class," in Robert L. Bartley, et al., The New Class? ed. B. Bruce Biggs (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction, 1979). Brint, "Professionals."

76. For example, across the entire United States in 1979, there were only 23 female mechanical engineers and 53 female airline pilots and navigators making $50,000 or above, compared to 3,896 and 20,976 men in the same job categories and income level. U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1980 Census of the Population, Detailed Population Characteristics, United States Summary, sect. A, vol. 1, pt. 1 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1982).

77. Brint, "Professionals." The professionals' support of environmental issues is probably not an indication of their postmaterialism. The desire for a home in an aesthetic environment, for example, by necessity is also a desire for a more expensive home. Environmentalism is the icing on the materialistic cake. Lipset and Schneider, Confidence Gap, 245.