1. A modern style of music connected with the syncretistic Indian Shaker religion is not considered in the present study.

2. In early (circa 1900-1910) recordings the melodic form is more loosely structured and in cantometrics terminology would be coded (10) simple litany with much variation or (8) complex litany with moderate variation (see appendix 3). The formal device of including repeated or new material at a higher pitch level was noted as a distinctive aspect of

Yuman Indian music and labeled "the rise" by Herzog (1928:193). Later, in his attempt to summarize North American Indian musical styles, Bruno Nettl asserted that this was a general characteristic of California Indian singing (1954:18-19). This conclusion was almost certainly premature, for Nettl failed to address the cultural diversity of the region, and many California Indian musical styles were not considered. Still, various forms of what may be called "the rise" are indeed found widely throughout this area, even in cultures that are otherwise quite different from one another. The significance of these correspondences is difficult to assess at this writing and would require a more detailed analysis of recordings from other California Indian peoples.

3. An aural presentation entitled "Multipart Singing Among the Tribes of California" was given by the author at the annual meeting of the Society for Ethnomusicology in Los Angeles (1984). This included early and recent recordings of multipart singing from the Yurok, Hupa, Pomo, and Diegueño. Among the Pomo and Diegueùo polyphony was shown to be rather sporadic but undeniably present. The presentation also included recordings illustrating the social unison texture typical of the Yokuts, Mono, and other central tribes of the San Joaquin Valley and Sierra foothills. That the Diegueño style (of southern California) might be historically related to polyphonic practices of the northern California tribes seems rather unlikely, given the intervening styles and considering that the northern and southern provinces are so different in other aspects of culture, but the possibility of a relationship cannot be categorically denied.

4. The cantometrics methodology includes a relatively systematic categorization of various types of polyphony (Lomax 1976:209-210).

5. The style itself and its apparent implications relating to gender in Yurok and Hupa culture are discussed in two other essays by the author (Keeling 1985, 1989).

6. The corpus includes eight recordings collected by Mary Woodward in 1953 and three collected by Richard Keeling in 1979.

7. Thirteen recordings sung by Phoebe Maddox (Karok) and collected by Helen Roberts in 1926 were considered (American Folklife Center, Library of Congress: HHR 7a-f and 8a-g).

8. A group of thirty-one girls' puberty dance songs as sung by Van Duzen Pete and his wife (both Nongatl) were collected by Goddard in 1907. The recordings are available at the Lowie Museum of Anthropology (24-1732 through 24-1752).

9. A distinct "sobbing" delivery is apparent in Roberts's recordings of the Karok singer Phoebe Maddox, and some of her songs approximate the predominant style in other respects (for example, wider range).

10. See, for example, the deer-hunting song sung by Jimmy Jackson

(example 31) or the "song for a young man to improve his looks" sung by Ernest Marshall (example 68).

11. See, for example, a love song by Mary Grimes (example 48). A "song to stop the rain" sung by Ella Norris (example 67) should also be cited. Though herself of Yurok descent, Ella Norris lived at Crescent City (near the border of Tolowa territory) and knew several Tolowa songs.

12. The love song performed by the Yurok singer Sara Frank (example 47) seems to be an exception to this general rule.

13. Yurok examples include the following, identified by function: song to purify a house after sickness (example 25), songs for deer medicine (examples 27, 28, and 30), song for love medicine (example 40), and song for medicine for rough water (example 65). The two non-Yurok examples were love songs sung by Tom Hill (Chilula) in 1905 (examples 39 and 41).

14. The Yurok examples include the following, identified by function: songs for love medicine (examples 42, 43, and 44), and a song for basket weaving (example 49). The non-Yurok example was a doctoring song sung by Mary Grimes (Tolowa) in 1903 (example 24).

15. The recording was collected by Kroeber in 1907 and is available at the Lowie Museum of Anthropology (24-1146).

16. The recording was collected by Kroeber in 1907 and is available at the Lowie Museum of Anthropology (24-1021).

17. The recording was collected by Goddard in 1901 and is available at the Lowie Museum of Anthropology (24-1699).

18. Examples 29 and 53 are exceptions. These have a narrow melodic range and can also be classified along with the "animal songs" to be discussed next.

19. The "animal songs" are very prominent in the large corpus of Karok songs collected by Helen Roberts in 1926, and the following animals are represented: bear (13 songs), coyote (9 songs), deer (9 songs), snake (6 songs), dog (3 songs), mountain lion (3 songs), quail (3 songs), blue jay (3 songs), chicken hawk (3 songs), wood rat (2 songs), duck (2 songs), frog (2 songs), blue crane (2 songs), lizard (2 songs), mink (2 songs), wildcat, eel, thrush, hummingbird, mouse, catfish, snail, raccoon, beaver, turtle, meadowlark, angleworm, chipmunk, turtledove, bumblebee, robin, eagle, owl, butterfly, squirrel, jacksnipe, fox, skunk, wren, and yellowhammer.

Among the Karok "animal songs" transcribed in this study are songs by Pete Henry (examples 26, 32, 33, and 34), Phoebe Maddox (examples 50, 56, and 65), Ira Stevens (example 55), and Mrs. Brigmore (example 66).

20. Besides the songs of Frank Douglas (Yurok), which were discussed in chapter 3 but not transcribed, this study includes musical transcriptions

of Yurok "animal songs" as sung by Sara Frank (examples 47 and 59), Johnny Cooper (examples 52, 54, 57, and 58), and Captain Spott of Rekwoi (examples 60-63).

21. The Hupa examples in this category were sung by Jimmy Jackson (example 31), Henry Hostler (example 51), and Ernest Marshall (example 68).

22. Tolowa songs in this category were sung by Mary Grimes (example 47) and Ella Norris (example 67).

23. Wiyot examples discussed here were sung by Molly Brainerd (examples 45 and 46).

24. This is true of the "animal songs" by Frank Douglas (Yurok) that are described in chapter 3. The lack of pitch focus in these songs is illustrated by use of sound registrations produced by a melograph in Keeling (1982 a :438-442).

25. The chronology is by Kroeber's admission the weakest element in this reconstruction and is only discussed toward the end of the paper; for the most part these estimates or guesses are based upon analysis of shell mounds in the San Francisco Bay area (1923:139-142).

26. Characterizations for this and the following (Aboriginal) period are based largely on information in Spencer, Jennings, et al. (1965, 1977) and in Clark (1962:212-239).

27. It seems important to emphasize here that contacts across the Amerasian Arctic have been continuous and to warn against the interpretation that these only occurred during the Paleo-Indian period as defined above. The most striking evidence of this is the existence of Eskimo-Aleut populations on both sides of the Bering Strait (Erickson 1970:133).

The earliest migrations occurred at a period when the physical characteristics defining the Mongoloid race were less clear than they are today, so that the populations descended from early immigrants tend to have less Mongoloid features than those who came later. By contrast, the Eskimos are distinctly Mongoloid in appearance and have very close cultural affinities with various indigenous peoples of northeastern Asia.

28. Much of the information summarized here is drawn from Clark (1962:229-235).

29. Sources include Bogoraz (1902), Chard (1960), Drucker (1965), Hallowell (1926), Hultkrantz (1979), Ray (1932), and Spencer, Jennings, et al. (1965).

30. The resemblance between a lullaby (B 3 ) on Alan P. Merriam's commercial recording Songs and Dances of the Flathead Indians (Merriam 1953) and a basket song as sung by Aileen Figueroa (example 50) is particularly striking.

31. It is interesting to note, however, that a symbology equating crying and singing has also been noted in Gros Ventre music in a recent study by Hatton (1988).

32. This is a point that is touched upon briefly in Herzog (1935 b :131) but not discussed in Lomax (1968) or Erickson (1970).