1. Cyril of Scythopolis, Vitae, in Kyrillos von Skythopolis, ed. E. Schwartz. See also Festugière, Moines d'Orient 3:1-3, Les moines de Palestine . Cyril's biographies record the lives of Saints Euthymius, Sabas, John the Hesychast, Cyriacus, Theodosius, Theognius, and Abraamius. On Cyril as a hagiographer, see, above all, Flusin, Miracle et histoire .

2. John Moschus, Pratum spirituale, PG 87.3.2851-3112.

3. Vita Euthymii 6; Vita Sabae, Prologue.

4. Festugière, Moines d'Orient 3.1:10, praises him for "une candeur charmante"; Cyril does, of course, use familiar hagiographical themes—for example, friendship with lions, divine protection, and temptation by Satan in the wilderness—that might be called "thematic stylization." But the presence of these incidents in no way undermines the historical integrity of his biographical narrative.

5. Vita Euthymii 41-60; Vita Sabae 77-90.

6. Cf., for example, Vita Euthymii 36, 40, 43; Vita Sabae Prologue, 6, 10, 15, 19, 27, 68, 77; Vita Iohannis Hesychasti 5, 11; Vita Kyriaki 8, 10. For example, Festugière, Moines d'Orient 3.1:42-44; Dictionnaire de Spiritualité 2.2, cols. 2687-90 (I. Hauscherr). On Cyril's use of dates, see, above all, Kyrillos von Skythopolis, ed. E. Schwartz, 340-55.

7. For example, Vita Euthymii 2, 16; Vita Sabae 1, 2, 9, 25; Vita Iohannis Hesychasti 1, 3; Vita Abraami . Cf. Flusin, Miracle et histoire, 89-90; and cf., for example, the parallel situations of the Cappodocian Fathers, especially Basil's network of contacts; and the situation in fifth-century Egypt. On Basil, see in particular Saint Basile, Lettres ; and the discussions in Kopecek, "Social Class"; Ramsey, "Life in the Days of St. Basil the Great," in Pauline and Other Studies, 369-406; idem, ''Noble Anatolian Family"; and Ruether, Gregory of Nazianzus . On the Egyptian situation, consider the connections laid out especially by Palladius, Historia Lausiaca ; cf. Rousseau, "Blood-relationships." The Vita Antonii, and Theodoret in his Historia religiosa, both struggle to justify the presence of uneducated, lower-class ascetic leaders.

8. For the political context, see F. T. Noonan, "Political Thought in Greek Palestinian Hagiography (ca. 526-ca. 630)" (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1975).

9. Vita Euthymii 17, 25, 38, 44; Vita Sabae 11, 17, 58, 64, 66, 67; Vita Iohannis Hesychasti 12; Vita Kyriaki 8, 9, 17; Flusin, Miracle et histoire, 126, 181-82.

10. Vita Euthymii 13; Vita Sabae 5, 14, 23, 34, 49; Vita Iohannis Hesychasti 13, 18; Vita Kyriaki 10, 16.

11. Vita Sabae 25; Vita Kyriaki 18, 19.

12. For example, Vita Euthymii 25; Vita Sabae 67; Vita Abraami .

13. For example, Vita Euthymii 10, 12, 19, 23; Vita Sabae 39, 45; Vita Kyriaki 9, 10; Vita Abraami .

14. Vita Euthymii 30, 35; Vita Sabae 31, 72, 73; Vita Iohannis Hesychasti 5; Vita Theodosii 3; Vita Abraami . This setup is closely aligned with Basil's welfare and social service program as instituted in Caesarea. Cf. Basil, Lettres 94, 142-54; and Gregory of Nazianzus, Oration 43.63. This became the model for Byzantine philanthropia ; see Constantelos, Byzantine Philanthropy and Social Welfare ; Boojamra, "Christian Philanthropia "; and Downey, " Philanthropia ."

15. Vita Euthymii 41, 43, 44 48-60; Vita Sabae 78-84.

16. Vita Euthymii 17, 25; Vita Sabae 58, 64, 65, 67; Flusin, Miracle et histoire, 123-25.

17. For example, Vita Sabae 44.

18. For example, the treatment in Frend, Rise of the Monophysite Movement .

19. Vita Euthymii 30, 35. There is a familiar motif here of spurning a woman's audience, however virtuous or pious she may be; the summary model is that of Arsenius, in the Apophthegmata patrum, PG 65.95-98. See also Festugière, Moines d'Orient 1, Culture ou Sainteté, 47-48.

20. Vita Euthymii 43.

21. Vita Sabae 50-54.

22. Ibid., 55.

23. Ibid., 56-57. Cf. Evagrius, HE 3.31, 33.

21. Vita Sabae 50-54.

22. Ibid., 55.

23. Ibid., 56-57. Cf. Evagrius, HE 3.31, 33.

21. Vita Sabae 50-54.

22. Ibid., 55.

23. Ibid., 56-57. Cf. Evagrius, HE 3.31, 33.

24. Vita Sabae 64, 66-67, 70. Cf. Procopius, Anecdota 11.24-26.

25. Vita Sabae 71-75. Sabas treats Theodora rather more kindly than Euthymius treated Eudocia, even while holding her Monophysitism in utter disdain.

26. Vita Euthymii 2, 20, 26-27.

27. Vita Euthymii 30; Vita Sabae 38, 52, 55, 74; Vita Iohannis Hesychasti 27.

28. Vita Euthymii 27, 30, 43, 45; Vita Sabae 30, 33, 35-36, 38, 50, 56-57, 60, 72, 74, 83-90; Vita Kyriaki 11-15; Vita Theodosii 1; Vita Theognii . Cyril's condemnation of Leontius of Byzantium is scathing. The contrast to the opinion of modern scholars is noteworthy. Cf. Gray, Defense of Chalcedon, 90-103; Wigram, Separation of the Monophysites, 120; Moeller, "Chalcédonisme et le néo-chalcédonisme"; Sellers, Council of Chalcedon .

29. Cyril does mention an anchoress in the desert: Vita Kyriaki 18-19. There may not have been convents within the specific geographical area Cyril writes about outside Jerusalem, but the convents in and around the Holy City were certainly renowned. Consider those founded by Jerome and Paula, and Rufinus and Melania. There were also desert communities of women south of Cyril's region, in lower Palestine. Cf., for example, C. J. Kraemer, Jr., ed., Excavations at Nessana 3, Non-Literary Papyri (Princeton, 1958), P. Nessana 25 (?), 29, 31, 62, 79; and the Piacenza Pilgrim, Travels 12, 16, 22, 34; which mention communities throughout the Holy Land. I am indebted to Peter Donovan for these references.

30. Vita Euthymii 16, 31; Vita Sabae 7, 29, 69; Vita Kyriaki 4. Compare the similar attitude in Egypt, Chitty, Desert a City, 66-67.

31. Vita Sabae, 47. Women were not allowed to enter the monasteries even when in need: Vita Euthymii 54.

32. Vita Euthymii 1, 3, 23, 30, 35, 52, 54; Vita Sabae 53, 62-63, 68, 70-71, 80; Vita Kyriaki 18-19; Vita Iohannis Hesychasti 23-24.

33. Vita Euthymii 1, 3; Vita Sabae 75; Vita Iohannis Hesychasti 20, 23-24; Vita Theodosii 1; Vita Theognii .

34. Vita Sabae 62-63. Cf. Flusin, Miracle et histoire, 180-81.

35. Cf. Baynes, "The Pratum Spirituale, " in Byzantine Studies, 261-70; Chadwick, "John Moschus"; and "Jean Moschus," Dictionnaire de Spiritualité 8, cols. 632-40 (E. Mani).

36. John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 179.

37. Ibid., 84, 87, 89, 120-21, 170, 179. Cf. Cyril, Vita Sabae 24; Vita Kyriaki 18-19.

36. John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 179.

37. Ibid., 84, 87, 89, 120-21, 170, 179. Cf. Cyril, Vita Sabae 24; Vita Kyriaki 18-19.

38. John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 14, 19, 39, 45, 97, 135.

39. Ibid., 136, 186, 207.

40. Ibid., 186, 193, 201, 207.

41. Ibid., 131-32.

42. Ibid., 20-21, 99. Cf. Cyril, Vita Sabae 14; Vita Kyriaki 16; Vita Iohannis Hesychasti 13.

38. John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 14, 19, 39, 45, 97, 135.

39. Ibid., 136, 186, 207.

40. Ibid., 186, 193, 201, 207.

41. Ibid., 131-32.

42. Ibid., 20-21, 99. Cf. Cyril, Vita Sabae 14; Vita Kyriaki 16; Vita Iohannis Hesychasti 13.

38. John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 14, 19, 39, 45, 97, 135.

39. Ibid., 136, 186, 207.

40. Ibid., 186, 193, 201, 207.

41. Ibid., 131-32.

42. Ibid., 20-21, 99. Cf. Cyril, Vita Sabae 14; Vita Kyriaki 16; Vita Iohannis Hesychasti 13.

38. John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 14, 19, 39, 45, 97, 135.

39. Ibid., 136, 186, 207.

40. Ibid., 186, 193, 201, 207.

41. Ibid., 131-32.

42. Ibid., 20-21, 99. Cf. Cyril, Vita Sabae 14; Vita Kyriaki 16; Vita Iohannis Hesychasti 13.

38. John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 14, 19, 39, 45, 97, 135.

39. Ibid., 136, 186, 207.

40. Ibid., 186, 193, 201, 207.

41. Ibid., 131-32.

42. Ibid., 20-21, 99. Cf. Cyril, Vita Sabae 14; Vita Kyriaki 16; Vita Iohannis Hesychasti 13.

43. John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 38; cf. Cyril, Vita Euthymii 17.

44. See chap. 6.

45. John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 26.

46. Ibid., 30.

47. Ibid., 48-49.

48. Ibid., 106.

49. Ibid., 29, cf. 36.

45. John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 26.

46. Ibid., 30.

47. Ibid., 48-49.

48. Ibid., 106.

49. Ibid., 29, cf. 36.

45. John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 26.

46. Ibid., 30.

47. Ibid., 48-49.

48. Ibid., 106.

49. Ibid., 29, cf. 36.

45. John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 26.

46. Ibid., 30.

47. Ibid., 48-49.

48. Ibid., 106.

49. Ibid., 29, cf. 36.

45. John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 26.

46. Ibid., 30.

47. Ibid., 48-49.

48. Ibid., 106.

49. Ibid., 29, cf. 36.

50. Another shared motif is the relationship between holy men and wild beasts, particularly lions. For example, Cyril, Vita Euthymii 13; Vita Sabae 23, 33-34, 49; Vita Iohannis Hesychasti 13; Vita Kyriaki 49-50; and John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 2, 18, 58. For a measure of realism beyond the motif, compare these with the nuns' lion in the Piacenza Pilgrim, Travels 34. In general, see Festugière, "Lieux communs"; and idem, Moines d'Orient 1:53-57. Cf., for example, Theodoret, Historia religiosa 6.

51. Archaeological evidence appears to indicate that the sixth century witnessed an expansionist period in Palestine, despite the plague and other factors. For example, H. D. Colt, ed., Excavations at Nessana 1 (London, 1962), and C. J. Kraemer Jr., ed., Excavations at Nessana 3, Non-Literary Papyri (Princeton, 1958); and Cameron, "Late Antiquity." But cf. Patlagean, Pauvreté économique, 74-92, on Palestine's share of catastrophes, particularly of famine. Six earthquakes only are recorded for Palestine in the sixth century, of which two, in 502 and 531, were serious. Cf. Kallner-Amiran, "Revised Earthquake-Catalogue," 1-2. For a particular case in point see Downey, Gaza in the Early Sixth Century .

52. Cyril, Vita Sabae 72-74; Cf. Procopius, Anecdota 11.24-29. See Avi-Yonah, Jews of Palestine, 241-43.

53. John of Ephesus, Lives, 21, PO 17:287-88.

54. Ibid., 289.

55. Ibid.

56. Ibid., 291-92.

57. Ibid., 12, PO 17:180-81.

58. Ibid., 38, PO 18:643-45. On this episode see Harvey, "Physicians and Ascetics." What makes this episode so striking is the contrast to how other hagiographers portray illness and healing. Cf., for example, Adnès and Canivet, "Guérisons miraculeuses." Furthermore, John is prepared to call on "secular" doctors. Cf. Constantelos, "Physician-priests."

53. John of Ephesus, Lives, 21, PO 17:287-88.

54. Ibid., 289.

55. Ibid.

56. Ibid., 291-92.

57. Ibid., 12, PO 17:180-81.

58. Ibid., 38, PO 18:643-45. On this episode see Harvey, "Physicians and Ascetics." What makes this episode so striking is the contrast to how other hagiographers portray illness and healing. Cf., for example, Adnès and Canivet, "Guérisons miraculeuses." Furthermore, John is prepared to call on "secular" doctors. Cf. Constantelos, "Physician-priests."

53. John of Ephesus, Lives, 21, PO 17:287-88.

54. Ibid., 289.

55. Ibid.

56. Ibid., 291-92.

57. Ibid., 12, PO 17:180-81.

58. Ibid., 38, PO 18:643-45. On this episode see Harvey, "Physicians and Ascetics." What makes this episode so striking is the contrast to how other hagiographers portray illness and healing. Cf., for example, Adnès and Canivet, "Guérisons miraculeuses." Furthermore, John is prepared to call on "secular" doctors. Cf. Constantelos, "Physician-priests."

53. John of Ephesus, Lives, 21, PO 17:287-88.

54. Ibid., 289.

55. Ibid.

56. Ibid., 291-92.

57. Ibid., 12, PO 17:180-81.

58. Ibid., 38, PO 18:643-45. On this episode see Harvey, "Physicians and Ascetics." What makes this episode so striking is the contrast to how other hagiographers portray illness and healing. Cf., for example, Adnès and Canivet, "Guérisons miraculeuses." Furthermore, John is prepared to call on "secular" doctors. Cf. Constantelos, "Physician-priests."

53. John of Ephesus, Lives, 21, PO 17:287-88.

54. Ibid., 289.

55. Ibid.

56. Ibid., 291-92.

57. Ibid., 12, PO 17:180-81.

58. Ibid., 38, PO 18:643-45. On this episode see Harvey, "Physicians and Ascetics." What makes this episode so striking is the contrast to how other hagiographers portray illness and healing. Cf., for example, Adnès and Canivet, "Guérisons miraculeuses." Furthermore, John is prepared to call on "secular" doctors. Cf. Constantelos, "Physician-priests."

53. John of Ephesus, Lives, 21, PO 17:287-88.

54. Ibid., 289.

55. Ibid.

56. Ibid., 291-92.

57. Ibid., 12, PO 17:180-81.

58. Ibid., 38, PO 18:643-45. On this episode see Harvey, "Physicians and Ascetics." What makes this episode so striking is the contrast to how other hagiographers portray illness and healing. Cf., for example, Adnès and Canivet, "Guérisons miraculeuses." Furthermore, John is prepared to call on "secular" doctors. Cf. Constantelos, "Physician-priests."

59. Cf. Hopkins, "Contraception in the Roman Empire"; Patlagean, "Sur la limitation"; and Sigerist, Civilization and Disease (New York, 1944), esp. 69-71.

60. Lives, 6, PO 17:118.

61. Ibid., 25, PO 18:614-18.

62. Ibid., 615.

63. Ibid., 616.

60. Lives, 6, PO 17:118.

61. Ibid., 25, PO 18:614-18.

62. Ibid., 615.

63. Ibid., 616.

60. Lives, 6, PO 17:118.

61. Ibid., 25, PO 18:614-18.

62. Ibid., 615.

63. Ibid., 616.

60. Lives, 6, PO 17:118.

61. Ibid., 25, PO 18:614-18.

62. Ibid., 615.

63. Ibid., 616.