1. Adna F. Weber, The Growth of Cities in the Nineteenth Century: A Study in Statistics , Columbia University Studies in History, Economics, and Public Law (New York: Macmillan, 1899), 427, 432. Rhys Isaac, The Transformation of Virginia, 1740-1790 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982), 346, suggests a similar notion might inform the whole history of Anglo-America in the "rise of impersonal contexts of interaction." Max Weber, The City , Don Martindale and Gertrud Neuwirth, trans. and eds. (New York: Free Press, 1966); Georg Simmel, The Sociology of Georg Simmel , Kurt H. Wolff, trans. and ed. (London: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1950).

2. Frederick C. Howe, The Modern City and Its Problems (New York: Charles Scribner, 1915), 252; Jonathan Prude, The Coming of Industrial Order: Town and Factory Life in Rural Massachusetts, 1810-1860 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 241-244. Morton Keller, Affairs of State: Public Life in Late Nineteenth Century America (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1977) develops the idea of increased rationalization, decreased individual responsiveness, on the national level. But see also the review of Keller by Rowland Berthoff, Journal of American History 64 (March 1978), 1140-1142.

3. There is an enormous and rich literature on the history of welfare for the poor. For an introduction see James Leiby, A History of Social Welfare and Social Work in the United States (New York: Columbia University Press, 1978); Michael B. Katz, Poverty and Policy in American History (New York: Academic Press, 1983) and Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse (New York: Basic Books, 1986); Paul Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order in America, 1820-1920 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1978), and the continuing bibliography in the Social Welfare History Group Newsletter .

4. M. Craig Brown and Charles N. Halaby, "Machine Politics in America, 1870-1945," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 17 (Winter 1987), 587-612, and Brown and Halaby, "Bosses, Reform, and the Socioeconomic Bases of Urban Expenditure, 1890-1940," in Terrence J. McDonald and Sally Ward, eds., The Politics of Urban Fiscal Policy (Beverly Hills: Sage Press, 1984), 69-100. Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure (Glencoe, N.Y.: Free Press, 1949). Terrence J. McDonald, ''Comment," Journal of Urban History 8 (August 1984), 454-462. Brown and Halaby point out that possibly the least-known bosses, Tom Dennison of Omaha (1906-1933) and George Alderidge of Rochester (1899-1921), had the longest-lived regimes. Both men and cities contradict the stereotypical urban boss's image.

5. William L. Riordan, Plunkitt of Tammany Hall: A Series of Very Plain Talks on Very Practical Politics, Delivered by Ex-Senator George Washington Plunkitt, The Tammany Philosopher, From His Rostrum—The New York County Court-House Bootblack Strand—and Recorded by William L. Riordan (New York: McClure, 1905).

This lively and fascinating book has been taken at face value by historians for decades; I am dubious about its authenticity, given its broad humor and the fact that it was published by a reformist publisher. See note 7 below.

6. Melvin G. Holli, "Samuel H. Ashbridge," in Holli and Peter d'A. Jones, eds., Biographical Dictionary of American Mayors, 1820-1980:Big City Mayors (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1981), 10: from Lincoln Steffens, "Philadelphia: Corrupt and Contented," McClure's Magazine 21 (July 1903), reprinted in Steffens, The Shame of the Cities (New York: Hill and Wang, 1957), quotation on 153.

7. Richard J. Daley, Quotations from Mayor Daley , compiled by Peter Yessne (New York: G. P. Putnam, 1969); clearly modeled on Riordan, this book takes self-damning quotations attributed to Daley by the press and arranges them topically. Both preserve the speakers' bad grammar. Compared to Plunkitt, Daley was a model of caution in his public statements on graft.

8. John M. Alswang, Bosses, Machines, and Urban Voters: An American Symbiosis (Port Washington, N.Y.: Kennikat Press, 1977), 150, argues, with no evidence at all, that urban political machines from Tweed to Daley "existed because of the very large numbers of dependent or semidependent people who have been found in the modern American city, and because it has been better able to respond quickly and directly to their needs." Alswang implicitly claims that the efficient social welfare services of the political machine contrast with the inefficient welfare systems of nonmachine-governed cities.

9. Seth M. Scheiner, "Commission Government in the Progressive Era: The New Brunswick, New Jersey, Example," Journal of Urban History 12 (February 1986), 157-180. See also Bradley R. Rice, Progressive Cities: The Commission Government Movement in America, 1901-1920 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1977).

Scheiner's data are all in percentages, the basis and limitation of the following reanalysis. His sums indicate that the wards were relatively evenly divided in their voting populations, but it is impossible to derive the actual numbers to use. There are two pairs of highly intercorrelated variables, and I have used only one of each pair in the regressions. Thus Natives may be read as the reciprocal of Foreign, Professional as the reciprocal of Blue Collar. The dependent variables are two votes on whether or not to create a nonpartisan commission form of government in New Brunswick, one in 1913 and one in 1915. The cases are the nineteen wards. Independent variables are each ward's proportion of Democrats (the reciprocal of Republicans), Factory Workers, Retail Workers, Professionals, and Native Borns.

ment of a Western State, Missouri, 1820-1860 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1954), 35. For the classic exposition of the law as an agent of economic change, see J. Willard Hurst, Law and the Conditions of Freedom in the Nineteenth Century United States (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1956) and Hurst, Law and Economic Growth: The Legal history of the Wisconsin Lumber Industry (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1964). John A. Fairlie, "Municipal Corporations in the Colonies," Essays in Municipal Administration (New York: Macmillan, 1910), 48-94. See the several works by Hendrik A. Hertog: The Properties of the Corporation: New York City and its Law, 1730 to 1870 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1983); "Property as Government in Eighteenth Century America: The Case of New York City," Journal of Legal Studies 10 (1981), 305-348; ''Because All the World Was Not New York City: Governance, Property Rights, and the State in the Changing Definition of a Corporation, 1730-1860," Buffalo Law Review 29 (1979), 91-109; "The Public Law of a County Court: Judicial Government in Eighteenth Century Massachusetts," American Journal of Legal History 20 (1976), 282-329. For a history of city corporations which focuses on the issues of public v. private, see Gerald Frug, "The City as a Legal Concept," Harvard Law Review 99 (1980), 1059-1154. Morton J. Horowitz, " Santa Clara Revisited: The Development of Corporate Theory," West Virginia Law Review 88 (Winter 1985-1986), 173-224, argues for a late nineteenth-century redefinition of corporations as persons.

11. Eric H. Monkkonen, " Bank of August v. Earle : Corporate Growth v. States' Rights," The Alabama Historical Quarterly 34 (Summer 1972), 113-130. R. Kent Newmeyer, The Supreme Court under Marshall and Taney (New York: Crowell, 1968), 72-81. According to Newmeyer, through the early court decisions on corporations, "the legal foundation was being laid for the promotional, non-regulatory state of post-Civil War America" (81).

12. Paul Studenski and Herman E. Kroos, Financial history of the United States: Fiscal, Monetary, Banking, and Tariff, Including Financial, Administrative, State, and Local Finance , 2d ed., (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1963), 59-60. They cite Edward D. Durand, The Finances of the City of New York (New York: Macmillan, 1898), 30.

13. On the conservatism of local government, see Studenski and Kroos, Financial History , 131-132. Note that Prude, Coming of Industrial Order , 243, mentions parenthetically how as Oxford began to provide urban services within its "expanded conception of the public good," its also went into debt. I argue that it was precisely this ability and activity that made possible a new conception of public good, of the service city.

14. Seth Low, former mayor of Brooklyn, contributed a chapter to James Bryce's monumental study, The American Commonwealth (New York: Macmillan, 1891) rev. 3d ed., 1917, vol. 1, 624-625, where he stated that the "motive" to achieve incorporated city status has been "to make available the credit of the community in order to provide adequately for its own growth."

15. David H. Pinckney, Napoleon III and the Rebuilding of Paris (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1958).

16. On general incorporation, see Lawrence M. Friedman, A History of American Law (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1973), 447. See also, Thomas K. McCraw, ed., Regulation in Perspective: Historical Essays (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1981), and idem, Prophets of Regulation: Charles Francis Adams, Louis D. Brandeis, James M. Landis, Alfred E. Kahn (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1984).

17. Jerome M. Clubb and Howard W. Allen, "Collective Biography and the Progressive Movement: The 'Status Revolution' Revisited," Social Science History 1 (Summer 1977), 518-534.

18. David C. Hammack, Power and Society: Greater New York at the Turn of the Century , (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1982), 320-326; Estelle F. Feinstein, Stamford in the Gilded Age: The Political Life of a Connecticut Town, 1868-1893 (Stamford, Conn.: Stamford Historical Society, 1973); Carl V. Harris, Political Power in Birmingham, 1871-1921 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1977); Harold L. Platt, City Building in the New South: The Growth of Public Services in Houston, Texas, 1830-1915 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983). Hammack's book contains a fine-grained analysis of New York City politics and decision making, while his notes constitute an excellent bibliography of the sociological, historical, and political science literature constituting the pluralist school of political analysis.

19. Hammack, Power and Society , 320, 322, 323, 322-326.

20. Ibid., 309.

21. Paul F. Lazersfeld, "The Logical and Methodological Foundations of Latent Structure Analysis," in Samuel A. Stouffer, ed., Measurement and Prediction (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1950). For an introduction to the complex ideas implied, see Herbert A. Simon, Administrative Behavior: A Study of Decision-Making Processes in Administrative Organization (New York: Free Press, 1976), "On the Concept of Organizational Goal," 257-278.

22. John R. Stilgoe, Metropolitan Corridor: Railroads and the American Scene (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1983). Data on railroads and towns greater than 10,000 calculated from Bureau of the Census Office, Report on the Social Statistics of Cities . . . 1890 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1895), table 74, 133-137.

23. For the role of the private builder in forcing on cities planning codes and zoning, see Marc A. Weiss, The Rise of the Community Builders: American Real Estate Developers, Urban Planners, and the Creation of Modern Residential Subdivisions (New York: Columbia University Press, 1987). Weiss compares the real estate industry's creation of planning to the participation of other industries in the creation of regulatory law.

24. Maris A. Vinovskis, The Origins of Public High Schools: A Reexamination of the Beverly High School Controversy (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985) reanalyzes the thesis proposed by Michael B. Katz, The Irony of Early School Reform: Educational Innovation in Mid-Nineteenth Century Massachusetts (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1968), who claimed that the working class of Beverly opposed high schools. Diane Ravitch, The Revisionists Revisited: A Critique of the Radical Attack on the Schools (New York: Basic Books, 1978), and Michael B. Katz, Class, Bureaucracy, and Schools: The Illusion of Educational Change in America (New York: Praeger, 1971); David B. Tyack, The One Best System: A History of American Urban Education (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1974). Quotation from Carl F. Kaestle and Maris A. Vinovskis, Education and Social Change in Nineteenth-Century Massachusetts (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1980), 140. See their separate analysis of two places, which highlights the differences between an aggressive small city, lively Lynn, and a rural area, boring Boxford, 140-184.

25. Roger Lane, Violent Death in the City: Suicide, Accident and Murder in Nineteenth-Century Philadelphia (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1979). Finally, when schooling is considered as investment in human capital, the urban contribution to the overall national investment far exceed the rural contribution, once again highlighting the urban promotion of the economic transformation of the nineteenth century. Kaestle and Vinovskis, Education and Social Change , 194, shows how rural per capita schooling expenditures were only about half those of small cities, one-fourth those of a metropolis, even though schooling expenditures took up a larger share of the rural budget.

26. For a detailed set of analyses of the relationship of tramping to economic growth, see the articles in Eric H. Monkkonen, ed., Walking to Work: Tramps in America, 1790-1935 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1984).

27. A list of pre-1935 urban technical and reform journals includes the following, listed by title, founding organization, date of journal's founding, and other titles:

State organizations: The Municipality: Devoted to the Interests of Local Government (League of Wisconsin Municipalities, 1900); Municipal Law Reporter (1909) followed by The Borough Bulletin (1917) Penn.; followed by Pennsylvanian: The Magazine of Local Governments, Incorporating The Authority, The Hub, The Township Commissioner, The Borough Bulletin, Pennsylvania League of Cities, Assessors' Newsletter, Horizons ); Kansas Municipalities: A Monthly Review of Municipal Progress and Problems (League of Kansas Municipalities, 1914); American Municipalities (Iowa and Nebraska, pre-1914); Texas Municipalities (League of Texas Municipalities, 1914); Minnesota Municipalities (League of Minnesota Municipalities, 1916); New Jersey Municipalities (New Jersey State League of Municipalities, 1917); Nebraska Municipal Review (League of Nebraska Municipalities, 1917); Illinois Municipal Review (The Illinois Municipal League, 1922); Virginia Municipal Review (League of Virginia Municipalities, 1924); Colorado Municipalities: The City Officials Magazine "A Review of Civic Progress: Official Organ of The Colorado Municipal League" (1925); Oklahoma Municipal Review (The Oklahoma Municipal League, 1926); Michigan Municipal Review (League of Michigan Municipalities, 1928); The Kentucky City (The Kentucky Municipal League, 1930).

National organizations: National Municipal Review , succeeding Proceedings of The . . . Conference for Good City Government And the . . . Annual Meeting of The National Municipal League (Title Varies: Proceedings of The National Conference For Good City Government , Philadelphia, 1894); City Government: A Monthly Magazine Devoted to The Practical Affairs of Municipalities (Related to American Society of Municipal Improvements (?), 1896; originally may have been Municipal Journal ; changed name to Public Works ); Municipal Affairs: A Quarterly Magazine Devoted to The Consideration of City Problems from the Standpoint of the Taxpayer and Citizen (New York Reform Club, Committee On Municipal Administration, 1897); League of American Municipalities (1898); The American City (1909); City Manager Bulletin , succeeded by Public Management (City Managers Association, 1933); The United States Municipal News (American Municipal Association, and U. S. Conference of Mayors, 1934); succeeded by The Mayor , 1934-71; Local Government Administration: An International Quarterly Review (1935); Legal Notes on Local Government (Section of Municipal Lawyers of American Bar Association, 1936).

City engineering journals: Plumber & Sanitary Engineer (December 1877-November 1880); Sanitary Engineer (December 1880-October 1886); Sanitary Engineer And Construction Record (November 1886-October, 1887); Engineering & Building Record and The Sanitary Engineer (October 8, 1887-November 1890); The Engineering Record, Building Record and Sanitary Engineer (1890-1902); Engineering News (1902-1917); Engineering News-Record (1917). Transactions of the American Society of Civil Engineers (American Society of Civil Engineers, 1867).

28. John D. Buenker and Nicholas C. Burckel, Progressive Reform: A Guide to Information Sources (Detroit: Gale Research Co., 1980); Judith W. Leavitt, The Healthiest City: Milwaukee and the Politics of Health Reform (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982); Judith Rosenberg Raftery, "The Invention of Modern Urban Schooling: Los Angeles, 1885-1941," (Ph. D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1984). For the fascinating story of school dental clinics and the surprising illustration of how their half-century existence was forgotten in the 1960s, see Steven L. Schlossman, JoAnne Brown, and Michael Sedlak, The Public School in American Dentistry (Santa Monica, Calif.: Rand, 1986). On the professionalization of progressives, see Clarke A. Chambers, Seedtime of Reform: American Social Service and Social Action, 1918-1933 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1963), and Allen F. Davis, Spearheads for Reform: The Social Settlements and the Progressive Movement, 1890-1914 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967).

29. For a discussion of "incremental" fiscal history, see McDonald and Ward, "Introduction," The Politics of Urban Fiscal Policy , 13-38.

30. Mark I. Gelfand, A Nation of Cities: The Federal Government and Urban America, 1933-1965 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1975).

31. Frank Morn, The Eye That Never Sleeps: A History of the Pinkerton National Detective Agency (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1982); Eric H. Monkkonen, review of Morn in American Historical Review 88 (April 1983), 488; Rhodri Jeffreys-Jones, "Review Essay on U.S. Detectives," in Journal of American Studies 17 (August 1983), 265-274.

32. Alfred D. Chandler, Jr., The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in American Business (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1977), esp. 94-108.

33. For a discussion of the complex issues surrounding historical indicators of crime, see Eric H. Monkkonen, "The Quantitative Historical Study of Crime and Criminal Justice in the United States," in James Inciardi and Charles Faupel, eds., History and Crime: Implications for Contemporary Criminal Justice Policy (Beverly Hills: Sage Press, 1980), 53-73; Monkkonen, "Municipal Reports as an Indicator Source: The Nineteenth Century Police," Historical Methods 12 (Spring 1979), 57-65; and V. A. C. Gatrell, "The Decline of Theft and Violence in Victorian and Edwardian England," in Gatrell, B. Lenman and G. Parker, eds., Crime and the Law: The Social History of Crime in Western Europe since 1500 (London: Europa, 1980), 238-370.

34. Douglas Greenberg, Crime and Law Enforcement in the Colony of New York, 1691-1776 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1976), 216, finds a rise in crimes of violence in the eighteenth century. In "Crime, Law Enforcement, and Social Control in Colonial America," American Journal of Legal History 26 (October 1982), 304, Greenberg claims that colonial offenses against morality declined in the eighteenth century. William E. Nelson, "Emerging Notions of Criminal Law in the Revolutionary Era," New York University Law Review 42 (May 1967), 450-482; Theodore N. Ferdinand, "Criminality, the Courts, and the Constabulary in Boston: 1702-1967," Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency 17 (July 1980), 198-199, table 3, has good evidence that the apparent concern with crimes against morality in the colonial era is to a certain extent an artifact of the way in which researchers, particularly Nelson, have analyzed the data. By looking at the proportion of offenses, rather than the per capita or even absolute rates, the low amounts of property crime and crimes Of violence make crimes against morals seem high. For Boston, between the year 1702 and the nineteenth century, all offenses had actually increased, including those against morality, except that the latter had increased less than others.

For rise in thefts of deception, see Eric H. Monkkonen, The Dangerous Class: Crime and Poverty in Columbus, Ohio, 1860-1885 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1975), 35-39. John D. Hewitt and Dwight W. Hoover, "Local Modernization and Crime: The Effects of Modernization on Crime in Middletown, 1845-1910," Law and Human Behavior 6 (1982), 313-325, find no rise in thefts by deception for the period they analyze in Muncie. Evidence for decline in public disorder is analyzed in Monkkonen, "A Disorderly People? Urban Order in Nineteenth and Twentieth Century America," Journal of American History 68 (December 1981), 539-559; for comparable data on homicide, see Lane, Violent Death in the City .

35. Howard Zehr, "The Modernization of Crime in Germany and France, 1830-1913," Journal of Social History 8 (Summer 1975), 117-141; idem, Crime and the Development of Modern Society: Patterns of Criminality in Nineteenth Century Germany and France (London: Croom Helm, 1976); Vincent McHale and Eric A. Johnson, "Urbanization, Industrialization and Crime in Imperial Germany," Social Science History 1 (Fall 1976/Winter 1977), 45-78, 210-247; Abdul Q. Lodhi and Charles Tily, "Urbanization, Crime and Collective Violence in 19th-century France," American Sociological Review 37 (October 1972), 520-532.

36. Monkkonen, "A Disorderly People?"; Monkkonen, "Toward an Understanding of Urbanization: Drunk Arrests in Los Angeles," Pacific Historical Review L (May 1981), 234-244. This pattern did not hold true for St. Louis: see Eugene J. Watts, "Police Response to Crime and Disorder in Twentieth-Century St. Louis," Journal of American History 70 (September 1983), 340-358. Norbert Elias, The Civilizing Process , Edmond Jephcatt, trans. (New York: Urizen, 1978).

37. Lane, Violent Death in the City , shows that even though homicide rates declined in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, the chances of being killed by a stranger or by a gun increased. Christopher Stone, "Vandalism: Property, Gentility, and the Rhetoric of Crime in New York City, 1890-1920," Radical History Review 26 (October 1982), 13-36, shows how the consciousness or concern—it is not clear which—about public destructiveness increased in New York.

38. T. D. Woolsey, "Nature and Sphere of Police Power," Journal of Social Science (1871), 111. Monkkonen, The Dangerous Class . Earliest British source in Oxford English Dictionary, 1859, citing Arthur Helps, Friends in Council: A Series of Readings and Discourses Thereon , Ser. II, vol. I, ii (London, 1859), 131. Clive Emsley, Policing and Its Context, 1750-1870 (New York: Schocken, 1983), 87, identifies the earliest usage of the phrase by Henri Fregier, in France, as 1840. Thomas Duesterberg, "The Origins of Criminology in France: Penal Reform and Scientific Criminology in the Age of Revolution, 17891840," 11-12, in John A. Conley, ed., Theory and Research in Criminal Justice: Current Perspectives (n.p.: Anderson, 1979), argues that Fregier's Des Classes Dangereuses de ]a Population dans les Grandes Villes (Paris: Bailliere, 1840) represented the position of liberal social economists, put forward to counter those who explained crime by examining the individual.

39. Thomas M. Pitkin, The Black Hand: A Chapter in Ethnic Crime (Totowa, N.J.: Bowman and Littlefield, 1977).

40. Henry George, Social Problems (Chicago, 1883), 317, cited by Weber, The Growth of Cities , 368, 407.

41. Monkkonen, Police in Urban America, 1860-1920 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 109-128. James Q. Wilson in Varieties of Police Behavior: The Management of Law and Order in Eight Communities (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1968) shows how some police departments have made their "catch-all" function into the main orientation of the department, in what Wilson terms a "service style."

42. For studies on trash and traffic, see Martin V. Melosi, Garbage in the Cities: Refuse, Reform, and the Environment, 1880-1980 (College Station: Texas A & M Press, 1981), and John A. Gardiner, Traffic and the Police: Variations in Law-Enforcement Policy (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1969).

43. Philip Abrams, Historical Sociology (West Compton House, England: Open Books, 1981).

44. Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (New York: Random House, 1977).

45. Douglas L. Jones, "The Strolling Poor: Transiency in Eighteenth Century Massachusetts," Journal of Social History 8 (Spring 1975), 36.

46. Richard Sennett, The Uses of Disorder: Personal Identity and City Life (New York: Vintage, 1970).

47. Richard Hofstadter and Michael Wallace, eds., American Violence: A Documentary History (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1970); Adrian Cook, The Armies of the Streets: The New York City Draft Riots of 1863 (Lexington: Kentucky University Press, 1974); William M. Tuttle, Jr., Race Riot: Chicago in the Red Summer of 1919 (New York: Atheneum, 1970).

48. Wilbur R. Miller, Cops and Bobbies: Police Authority in New York and London, 1830-1870 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976), 153-154, has shown that ethnicity of New York City officers had little measurable relationship to the ethnicity of those whom they arrested. John C. Schneider, Detroit and the Problem of Order, 1830-1880: A Geography of Crime, Riots, and Policing (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1980), 138, discusses the lack of ethnic riots.

49. Bruce Laurie,"Fire Companies and Gangs in Southwark: The 1840s," in Allan F. Davis and Mark Haller, eds., The Peoples of Philadelphia: A History of Ethnic Groups and Lower-Class Life, 1790-1840 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1973), 71-87.

50. Four South Boston high school students visited Charlotte, North Carolina, to observe in person an example of successful crosstown busing to achieve integration, New York Times (24, October 1974), 36. See Jone Malloy Southie Won't Go: A Teacher's Diary of the Desegregation of South Boston High School (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1986).

51. On black mayors in the South, see the discussion by Edward F. Haas, "The Southern Metropolis, 1940-1976," in Blaine A. Brownell and David R. Goldfield, The City in Southern History: The Growth of Urban Civilization in the South (Port Washington, N.Y.: Kennikat, 1977), 185.

52. See Carl Abbott, The New Urban America: Growth and Politics in Sunbelt Cities (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1981), 3-10, for a historiographical analysis of the media phenomenon of the "sunbelt" mystique. For an excellent survey of the literature in addition to the phenomenon itself, see the introduction to Richard M. Bernard and Bradley R. Rice, Sunbelt Cities: Politics and Growth since World War II (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1983), 1-30. Kirkpatrick Sale, Power Shift: The Rise of the Southern Rim and its Challenge to the Eastern Establishment (New York: Random House, 1975).

53. Edwin D. Shurter, ed., The Complete Orations and Speeches of Henry W. Grady ([Austin?] Tex.: South-West, 1910): Grady's constant refrain was for the South to diversify and industrialize, to become like the manufacturing belt. An audience at the Dallas State Fair in 1887 heard him use Grand Rapids, Michigan, as a model for the South. Grand Rapids specialized in manufacturing furniture from nearby forest products; Grady argued that forested parts of the South could do the same, ignoring the obvious problems of transportation, population, and competing manufacturing enterprises (51). Presumably he would have been pleased with the belt of furniture manufacturing cities stretching along Interstate 85 from High Point to Thomasville in North Carolina, but disappointed that this enterprise has not diversified the regional economy to the extent he desired. See Arthur M. Schlesinger, The Rise of the City, 1878-1898 (New York: Macmillan, 1933), 1-21, for a discussion of the city in the South.

54. Keay Davidson, "San Diego Loses to Austin in Luring High-Tech Firm," Los Angeles Times (18 May 1983), 1, 18. Also, in the San Diego Union , Fred Muir, "Hopes Fade for Research Firm Here" (17 May 1983), A-1,9; and Fred Muir, "Three Factors Cited in Loss of Big Research Center" (18 May 1983), A-1, 5; and editorial, "Lessons of Defeat" (13 May 1986), B-6. Also, Lawrence Ingrassia, "Four Cities Vie for High-Tech Joint Venture,'' The Wall Street Journal (12 May 1983), 35, 39; Robert S. Jones, "City Rejected for Research Center," Atlanta Constitution (18 May 1983), C-1,3; John Walsh, "Texans Woo and Whelm MCC," Science , 220 (3, June 1983), 1025; Joseph P. Kahn, "The Isosceles of Texas is Upon Us," Inc. 5 (October 1983), 155-158. For an advice-giving analysis of city/business partnerships, see Richard Erickson, "Trends for Economic Development," The American City & County 100 (October 1985), 50-54.