1. Loehr, "Beginnings," p. 211. For studies of the art of Han, see F. S. Drake, "Sculptured Stones of the Han Dynasty"; Fischer, "Peinture chinoise"; Hou, "Recherches"; Nagahiro Toshio, Kandai gazo * no kenkyu * .

2. Loehr, "Beginnings"; Laing, "Neo-Taoism." When Ellen Laing conducted her research, only one set of Seven Worthies murals was available to her. She was therefore denied the advantage of the broader sample available to me. Indeed, it was the later publication of two more sets of portraits that first prompted my reexamination of the issues.

3. Laing, "Neo-Taoism," p. 8.

4. For a recent application of the concept of individualism, more Western than Chinese in its approach, see Ying-shih Yü, "Individualism and the Neo-Taoist Movement in Wei-Chin China." For important studies of the concept of man in the early period, see, e.g., Donald J. Munro, The Concept of Man in Early China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1969); Herbert Fingarette, Confucius—The Secular as Sacred (New York: Harper Torchbooks, Harper and Row, 1972).

5. Nagahiro, Kandai gazo no kenkyu, p. 10 (English summary).

6. For the archaeological report of the spectacular Mawangdui finds, see continue

      Hunansheng bowuguan, Changsha Mawangdui yihao Han mu; the probable identity of the corpse and date of the tomb are discussed in vol. 1, pp. 156-58. Many of the early research papers on the tomb and its contents have been collected in Hunansheng bowuguan, Mawangdui Han mu yanjiu. See also Chow Fong, "Ma-Wang-Tui"; Michael Loewe, Ways to Paradise, pp. 29-30, for dating. I wish to express my gratitude to the authorities at the Hunan Provincial Museum for their generous help when I visited the museum in 1984.

7. For possible functions, see, e.g., Shang Zhitan, "Mawangdui yihao Han mu 'feiyi' shishi"; Sun Zuoyun, "Changsha Mawangdui yihao Han mu chutu huafan kaoshi"; Hou, "Recherches," p. 55. For the disagreements, see Loewe, Ways to Paradise, p. 33; Anna Seidel, "Tokens of Immortality in Han Graves." For other examples of "journey" paintings, see Wang Zhongshu, Han Civilization, p. 181.

8. Loewe, Paradise, p. 46.

9. Tjoe-som Tjan, trans., Po Hu T'ung: The Comprehensive Discussions in the White Tiger Hall, vol. 2, p. 487. See also James Legge, trans., Li Ki III.V.6; X.II.1.

10. When I was in China, several scholars expressed to me their conviction that the figure of the countess in the painting is a physical likeness of the deceased. Insofar as gender and age are concerned, I agree. Dessication of the corpse, however, prevents an accurate comparison of profiles. One can observe a similarity of all the profiles of the lady and her female attendants, who may all be members of the same family and share a family resemblance. The profile shapes may, however, be conventional. The question of likeness remains open.

11. Innumerable references to inclining the body, bending the body, bowing, etc., as gestures of deference or submission in a variety of contexts are found in the Li ji. See, e.g., Legge, Li Ki IX.III.23. For the offering of the tray, see Li Ki, I.II.I-1.1: "When a thing is carried with both hands, it should be held on a level with the heart."

12. An Zhimin believes these two figures to be the Dasiming and Xiaosiming, the Greater and Lesser Lords of Life ("Changsha xinfaxian de Xi Han bohua shitan," p. 45). Michael Loewe, however, disputes this and believes them to be the Porters, or Gate-wardens, of Heaven ( Paradise, pp. 33, 48-49).

13. Loewe, Paradise, p. 30; Shang Zhitan, "Mawangdui," p. 43, for summoning the soul; Wang Zhongshu, Han Civilization, p. 181, for the funeral procession. For the status of and distances traveled by guests at one Western Han funeral, see Yangzhou bowuguan et al., "Jiangsu Hanjiang Huchang wuhao Han mu," W W 1981.11:17, 20.

14. Hunansheng bowuguan, "Changsha Mawangdui ersanhao Han mu fajue jianbao," pp. 39-48, 63; Jin Weinuo, "Tan Changsha Mawangdui sanhao Han mu bohua," pp. 40-44. The tomb is datable to 168 B.C. When in Changsha, I was informed that the male figure clearly discernible on the copy of this banner, currently on display at the Hunan Provincial Museum, was a reconstruction based on two images in the badly damaged silk painting attached to the wall of the tomb. I do not doubt that the figure on the banner is a portrait of the male deceased, but I do not think that it can be used as evi- soft

      dence. For discussion, see Hou, "Recherches," p. 45. Sun Zuoyun suggests that one small figure on the no. 1 coffin may be a portrait of the deceased ("Changsha Mawangdui," p. 254); see also Hou, "Recherches," pp. 45-47. The suggestion is tempting, but this tiny image is so badly damaged as to be barely discernible.

15. Hunansheng bowuguan, "Ersanhao Han mu," p. 43. For the distinction between hun and po, see, e.g., Loewe, Paradise, pp. 9ff. For other kinds of "reports," see, e.g., the list of deities to whom sacrifices were made for the protection of the deceased found in a Western Han tomb in Hanjiang County, Jiangsu ( WW 1981. 11:17).

16. Linyi Jinqueshan Han mu fajue zu, "Shandong Linyi Jinqueshan jiuhao Han mu fajue jianbao," pp. 24-27 (p. 26 for discussion of date); Liu Jiaji and Liu Bingsen, "Jinqueshan Xi Han bohua linmo hougan," pp. 28-31.

17. The figure's blue robe and seated position to the right of the other figures are the traditional "signs" of an elderly woman (Liu and Liu, "Jinqueshan," p. 30). Since the coiffures of the accompanying figures resemble those of the seated woman, we may infer that these figures are also female.

18. No preserved corpse survives to corroborate this assumption. On the contrary, it is the painting that is used as evidence for the assumption that the wood coffin was used for the burial of a female.

19. The collar, or lapel, of this robe has more folds or stripes than have the others; stripes or folds decorate his lower sleeve, whereas none appear on the sleeves of others. More important, the stripe at the bottom of the right figure's robe is measurably broader than the lower stripes of the others', while hanging from his sash or girdle is the shou, the ritual or court braid that reveals the "wearer's station in life." Varying-colored shou were prescribed for different ranks. As Zhongguo lidai fushi points out, headgear denotes office; the shou denotes rank within the office or within the nobility (p. 39).

20. Tjan, Po Hu T'ung, vol. 2, p. 623.

21. Juan 30, p. 1717.

22. Hou Han shu, juan 62, p. 2068.

23. Ibid., juan 64, p. 2108. For the political implications of this act, see Martin J. Powers, "Pictorial Art and Its Public in Early Imperial China," p. 150.

22. Hou Han shu, juan 62, p. 2068.

23. Ibid., juan 64, p. 2108. For the political implications of this act, see Martin J. Powers, "Pictorial Art and Its Public in Early Imperial China," p. 150.

24. Han shu, juan 65, p. 2841. Translated by Burton Watson, Courtier and Commoner, p. 80.

25. "Lu Lingguang dian fu," Wen xuan, juan 1, pp. 233-34.

26. Ibid., p. 233.

25. "Lu Lingguang dian fu," Wen xuan, juan 1, pp. 233-34.

26. Ibid., p. 233.

27. Han shu, juan 53 p. 2428.

28. See Robert L. Thorp, "The Mortuary Art and Architecture of Early Imperial China."

29. Édouard Chavannes, Mission archéologique dans la Chine septentrionale, vol. 2, atlas, fig. 75; Feng Yunpeng and Feng Yunyuan, Jinshi suo, juan 9.

30. Shi ji, by Sima Qian, juan 17, p. 1909; juan 63, p. 2140.

31. For Sichuan, see Wen You, Sichuan Handai huaxiang xuanji, fig. 43; for Jiangsu, Chavannes, Mission, vol. 1, fig. 1218; for Shandong, Chavannes, Mission, vol. 2, atlas, figs. 137, 169; Université de Paris, Corpus des pierres sculptées Han (Estampages), vol. 1, fig. 118; vol. 2, figs. 194, 219; for Helingeer, Helingeer Han mu bihua, pp. 24-25, 138. break

32. For Shandong, Chavannes, Mission, vol. 1, p. 1235; vol. 2, atlas, fig. 194; Université de Paris, Corpus des pierres, vol. 1, figs. 112, 170, 191, 195; vol. 2, fig. 87; Käte Finsterbusch, Verzeichnis und Motivindex der Han-Darstellungen, vol. 2, fig. 352; WW [979.9:3, 4, figs. 5 and 7; WW 1982.5:74-84, figs. 9.12, 10.13; Zeng Zhaoyu et al., Yinan guhuaxiang shimu fajue baogao, p. 40, plate 59, fig. 48. For Henan: KG 1964.2, fig. 1.1; Finsterbusch, Verzeichnis, vol. 2, fig. 1013. For Shaanxi: Finsterbusch, Verzeichnis 2, fig. 404. Finsterbusch also reproduces an uninscribed stone from Sichuan identical to Wen You's fig. 43 (vol. 2, fig. 145).

33. Cited by Anna Seidel, La Divinisation de Lao Tseu dans le Taoïsme des Han, p. 109 and n. 2.

34. Ibid., pp. 122-23.

33. Cited by Anna Seidel, La Divinisation de Lao Tseu dans le Taoïsme des Han, p. 109 and n. 2.

34. Ibid., pp. 122-23.

35. Chavannes, Mission, vol. 2, atlas, fig. 137; Feng and Feng, Jinshi suo, shisuo 4.

36. Michel Soymié, "L'Entrevue de Confucius et de Hiang T'o," pp. 367-87; see also WW 1979 9:3, 4 and figs. 5, 7.

37. Zeng, Yinan, p. 40.

38. Édouard Chavannes, Les Mémoires historiques de Se-ma Ts'ien, vol. 5, pp. 299-301, n. 4; Chavannes, Mission, vol. 1, p. 220. For the disagreements, as well as a full discussion of the historicity of the meeting, see Aat Vervoorn, "Eremitism in China to 220 A.D. ," pp. 95, n. 127; 180, n. 31. The reality of the encounter is of no concern for the problem posed here. What matters is the tradition, or shared belief.

39. For a summary of the political conflicts of Latter Han, see Chi-yun Chen, Hsün Yüeh ( A.D. 148-209): The Life and Reflections of an Early Medieval Confucian, chap. 2; for the nature of Han Confucianism, see Benjamin E. Wallacker, "Han Confucianism and Confucius in Han." For the union of Confucian and Daoist themes in Han funerary art, and for their political implications, see, e.g., Martin Powers, "Hybrid Omens and Public Issues in Early Imperial China," pp. 28-32.

40. T'ung-tsu Ch'ü, Han Social Structure, p. 205. For the discussion of the political uses of this standard for recommendation, see pp. 204-7.

41. Sanguo zhi (Wei shu), juan 16, pp. 514-15. The Hou Han shu states that in A.D. 165 the emperor sacrificed to Laozi at the temple in Huxian; the following year he sacrificed to Laozi in the Palace of the Brilliant Dragon ( juan 8, p. 3188).

42. Shuijing zhu, juan 23, p. 742. This also dates the erection of the temple, for it must have been between A.D. 147, the year of Huan's accession, and 149. If so, the emperor was still a child and under the influence of his relatives by marriage, the Liang family. It was not until 159 that the emperor, aided by the eunuchs, wrested control of the government. During the years thereafter, the Confucian officials and scholars were to become increasingly alienated. For an account of the events that led to the Great Proscription of scholars and officials of 167-184, see Rafe DeCrespigny, "Politics and Philosophy under the Government of Emperor Huan (159-168 A.D. )" and Portents of Protest in the Later Han Dynasty.

43. See DeCrespigny, "Politics and Philosophy," p. 75.

44. Ibid., pp. 76-80; Anna Seidel, "The Image of the Perfect Ruler in early Taoist Messianism" and Divinisation, pp. 37-43, 111-12. break

43. See DeCrespigny, "Politics and Philosophy," p. 75.

44. Ibid., pp. 76-80; Anna Seidel, "The Image of the Perfect Ruler in early Taoist Messianism" and Divinisation, pp. 37-43, 111-12. break

45. Translated by Anna Seidel, in "Image of the Perfect Ruler," p. 225, emphasis added. For the changing status of Laozi during Latter Han, see also Seidel, Divinisation; Ying-shih Yü, "Life and Immortality in the Mind of Han China," pp. 104-5 and n. 103; DeCrespigny, "Politics and Philosophy," pp. 76-80.

46. Tjan, Po Hu T'ung, vol. 2, p. 587.

47. Shi ji, juan 47, p. 1909.

48. Huainanzi, juan 19, p. 17a, adds that Confucius listened to his words.

49. Soymié, "L'Entrevue," pp. 367-73.

50. Han shu, juan 56, p. 2510. The identification of "the person from Daxiang" as Xiang To is made by Meng Kang, n. 2.

51. Soymié, "L'Entrevue," p. 379.

52. WW 1979.9:5, fig. 7.

53. "The Master said, 'To those whose talents are above mediocrity, the highest subjects may be announced. To those who are below mediocrity, the highest subjects may not be announced'" ( Analects 6. 19 [James Legge trans., The Chinese Classics, vol. 1; reprint, Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1970]).

54. I wish to thank Martin Powers for sharing with me his interpretation of the Xiang To image. Many of his ideas are incorporated in my discussion.

55. Analects 2. 19 (Legge translation).

56. Tjan, Po Hu T'ung, vol. 2, p. 600. Three chapters of this work are devoted to wearing apparel. With regard to degrees of and dress for mourning, Legge remarks that "no other subject occupies so prominent a place in many of the books of the Li Ki" ( Li Ki, Appendix to Book II, p. 202).

57. For a study of the various forms of Han dynasty eremitism, see Vervoorn, "Eremitism."

58. Rakuro * Saikyo * -tsuka, plates 40-52. For an early report of this find in English, see Kosaku * Hamada, "On the Painting of the Han Period," pp. 36-38.

59. Laurence Sickman and Alexander Soper, The Art and Architecture of China, p. 74, figs. 42 and 43.

60. Rakuro, pp. 1-8 (Chinese text).

61. Ibid., p. 1. Shi ji, juan 55, pp. 2044-47; Han shu, juan 40, pp. 2033-36; juan 72, p. 3056. It is possible that the basket dates from about the same time as the completion of Ban Gu's history, ca. A.D. 80.

60. Rakuro, pp. 1-8 (Chinese text).

61. Ibid., p. 1. Shi ji, juan 55, pp. 2044-47; Han shu, juan 40, pp. 2033-36; juan 72, p. 3056. It is possible that the basket dates from about the same time as the completion of Ban Gu's history, ca. A.D. 80.

62. Shi ji, juan 55, p. 2047; Han shu, juan 40, p. 2036.

63. Vervoorn, "Eremitism," pp. 208-9; for Latter Han rulers' conspicuous attempts to woo recluses and scholars to court, esp. chap. 3; for moral and exemplary eremitism, pp. 237ff; for fame, pp. 321-22.

64. Hamada, "Painting of the Han," p. 38. The remark occurs in a discussion of the very high quality of the painting.

65. Vervoorn, however, cites a lacquer worker, Shentin Pan, who was also a scholar ("Eremitism," p. 249).

66. Maribeth Graybill, "Kasen-e: An Investigation into the Origins of the Tradition of Poet Pictures in Japan," p. 53.

67. Zhongguo lidai fushi identifies the robes of the seated figures as those of government officials (p. 46, fig. 63). The decorous garments of the Four continue

      Graybeards make it clear that their flight to the mountains was a virtuous flight that had nothing to do with extra-Confucian concerns.

68. Analects 2. 10 (Legge translation).