1. L. Turgan, "Les établissements Oriol et Alamagny," in his Les grandes usines de la France, 16 vols. (Paris: Michel Levy, 1865-1884), 15:13-16; Stéphane Bertholon, Histoires de Saint-Chamond: notes et souvenirs d'un vieux couramiaud (Saint Etienne, n.p., 1927), p. 82; L. Jury, "L'Industrie des lacets," in L'Association pour l'Avancement des Sciences, XXVI session tenue à Saint-Etienne, août 1897, 2 vols. (Saint Chamond: A. Poméon, 1898), 2:8.

2. James Condamin, Histoire de Saint-Chamond et de la seigneurie de Jarez, depuis les temps les plus reculés jusqu'à nos jours (Paris: A. Picard, 1890), p. 643; Jury, "L'Industrie des lacets," p. 15; H. Baret, Manuel de rubanerie, passementerie et lacets (Paris: Ballière, 1924), p. 16; Bertholon, Histoires de Saint-Chamond, p. 80; Turgan, "Les établissements Oriol et Alamagny," p. 12. For the early history of Saint Chamond's braid industry, see Baret, Manuel de rubanerie, pp. 55-58; Turgan, "Les établissements Oriol et Alamagny," pp. 13-16; L.-J. Gras, Histoire de la rubanerie et des industries de la soie à Saint-Etienne et dans la région stéphanoise suivie d'une historique de la fabrique de lacets de Saint-Chamond (Saint Etienne: Théolier, 1906), pp. 706-9; J. Duplessy, Essai statistique sur le département de la Loire (Montbrison: n.p., 1818), p. 339.

3. Maurice Lévy-Leboyer, Les banques européennes et l'industrialisation internationale dans la première moitié du XIX^e siècle (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1964), p. 335.

4. See Cynthia M. Truant, "Solidarity and Symbolism among Journeymen Artisans: The Case of Compagnonnage," Comparative Studies in Society and History 21 (April 1979): 214-26; William H. Sewell, Work and Revolution in France: The Language of Labor from the Old Regime to 1848 (Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press, 1980), pp. 162-218.

5. Bertholon, Histoires de Saint-Chamond, pp. 34, 37, 42, 63-65, 70, 92.

6. Archives Nationales, Paris (henceforth AN), C956, "Enquête sur le travail agricole et industriel," arrondissement de Saint-Etienne, 1848; Armand Audiganne, Les populations ouvrières et les industries de la France dans le mouvement social du XIX^e siècle (Paris: Capelle, 1854), p. 309; Duplessy, Essai statistique, p. 392; Bernard Plessy, La vie quotidienne en Forez avant 1914 (Paris: Hachette, 1981), pp. 110-18.

7. For a useful discussion of the role of fabricants, see Plessy, La vie quotidienne en Forez, pp. 101-3. Among other ribbon fabricants who gave Saint Chamond so much to be proud of were G. Bertholon, Bertholon-Dulac, A. Thevenon-Roux, Morel, Magnin father and son, Grange, Bonnard, Coste and Co., Granjon-Gougout and Co., Charles Granjon and Co., and Dubouchet-Fond. See Condamin, Histoire de Saint-Chamond, p. 643.

8. ADL 81M 22, letter from the mayor of Saint Chamond to the prefect, 4 Feb. 1835; Duplessy, Essai statistique, pp. 396-97; L. R. Villermé, Tableau de l'état physique et moral des ouvriers employés dans les manufactures de coton, de laine et de soie, 2 vols. (Paris: Renouard, 1840), 2:47, 345.

9. Villermé, Tableau de l'état physique et moral, 2:345. For conditions of silk workers, see also Jules Simon, L'Ouvrière (Paris: Hachette, 1891).

10. Descriptions of women's silk work may also be found in Simon, L'Ouvrière, pp. 7-40; Bertholon, Histoires de Saint-Chamond, pp. 66-69; and Plessy, La vie quotidienne en Forez, pp. 107-8.

11. AN C956, "Enquête sur le travail," 1848.

12. Simon, L'Ouvrière, pp. 7-40; Plessy, La vie quotidienne en Forez, pp. 107-8.

13. AN C956, "Enquête sur le travail," 1848; Plessy, La vie quotidienne en Forez, p. 119.

14. Villermé's investigations helped perpetuate the view that domestic industry did not pose the same health problems as did workshops devoted to silk. Citing Villermé's Tableau de l'état physique et moral, pp. 233-38, for example, William Coleman notes, "Except for the preparation of the raw silk drawn from the cocoon, the entire industry seemed not less and perhaps somewhat more salubrious than other branches of textile manufacture": William Coleman, Death Is a Social Disease: Public Health and Political Economy in Early Industrial France (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1982), p. 223. It is not clear, however, that Villermé ever spent any time in workers' homes. The government inquiry of 1848 portrays conditions in the homes of silkweavers as quite unhealthy. AN C956, "Enquête sur le travail," 1848.

15. It was possible to collect some information for 72 percent of the couples who married between 1816 and 1825. Death registrations were found for one or both spouses in 51 percent of the cases. See Appendix A for a more detailed explanation of the method of family reconstitution. Data on occupations and occupational inheritance here and below are drawn from marriage records in ADL, subseries 3E 208, 1816-1825. One hundred of the silk workers' fathers, or 39 percent, declared an occupation; of those, 41 wove ribbons. For a full representation of fathers' occupations, see Elinor Accampo, "Industrialization and the Working Class Family: Saint Chamond, 1815-1880," Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1984, p. 312.

16. ADL, series S, Chambre de Commerce de Saint-Etienne, carton 141 dossier 7, letter to the prefect from Saint Etienne regarding the law of 1841, no date.

17. See Appendix B, Table B-1, for occupational endogamy. For a discussion of occupational endogamy and other examples, see John Gillis, For Better, for Worse: British Marriages, 1600 to the Present (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), pp. 117, 175. The literacy rates in Saint Chamond are drawn from signatures on marriage records in ADL, subseries 3E 208, 1815-1825. See also Chapter 2 n. 44, and Accampo, "Industrialization," pp. 246-47.

18. See Appendix B, Table B-2, for occupational inheritance. Fifty-two percent of the grooms' fathers had died, and another 12 percent did not attend the weddings. Of the sixty fathers who declared occupations, thirty-nine were ribbon weavers. For more detail, see Accampo, "Industrialization," Table 3.13, p. 122. For occupational inheritance among ribbon weavers' daughters, see Appendix B, Table B-3.

19. Henri Guitton, L'Industrie des rubans de soie en France: des particularités de son organisation technique, économique et sociale (Paris: Sirey, 1928), quoted in Plessy, La vie quotidienne en Forez, p. 95. See also p. 118.

20. Jury, "L'Industrie des lacets," p. 5; J. Valserres, Les industries de la Loire (Saint Etienne: n.p., 1862), p. 285.

21. Valserres, Les industries de la Loire, pp. 286-90; see also Lévy-Leboyer, Les banques européennes, pp. 130-32; Baret, Manuel de rubanerie, pp. 36-54.

22. Audiganne, Les populations ouvrières, p. 399; Robert J. Bezucha, The Lyon Uprising of 1834: Social and Political Conflict in the Early July Monarchy (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1974), p. 23; Colin Lucas, The Structure of the Terror: The Example of Javogues and the Loire (London: Oxford University Press, 1973), p. 10.

23. Plessy, La vie quotidienne en Forez, pp. 107-8.

24. Valserres, Les industries de la Loire, p. 389.

25. AN C956, "Enquête sur le travail," 1848.

26. For fancier weaving as a male activity, see Archives du Ministère de la Guerre, Vincennes, MR1266, "Rapport sur la reconnaissance de la route de Saint-Etienne à Saint-Chamond," 1837; Duplessy, Essai statistique, p. 393; Audiganne, Les populations ouvrières, p. 231. The same phenomenon occurred in Lyon; see Bezucha, The Lyon Uprising of 1834, p. 194. For the concentration of plain ribbons in the countryside and patterned ribbons in the city, see Yves Lequin, Les ouvriers de la région lyonnaise (1848-1914), 2 vols. (Lyon: Presses Universitaires de Lyon, 1977), 1:23; Simon, L'Ouvrière, p. 75; and Lévy-Leboyer, Les banques européennes, p. 131.

27. AN C956, "Enquête sur le travail," 1848.

28. Plessy, La vie quotidienne en Forez, pp. 108-11.

29. AN C956, "Enquête sur le travail agricole et industriel," canton of Saint Chamond, 1848.

30. Ibid.

31. Ibid.

32. Ibid. For the noxious effects of breathing silk dust, see Coleman, Death Is a Social Disease, pp. 223-24.

33. AN C956, "Enquête sur le travail agricole et industriel," canton of Saint Chamond, 1848.

34. Ibid.

35. ADL 81M 22, letter from the Consultative Chamber of Arts and Manufactures to the prefect, 1813; letter from the Consultative Chamber to the minister of the interior, 27 May 1809.

36. Jury, "L'Industrie des lacets," p. 6; Bertholon, Histoires de Saint-Chamond, pp. 81-82.

37. ADL 56M 4, 1824-1847, document 37, report to the minister of manufactures and commerce, 1830s; there were eighteen ribbon fabricants in Saint Chamond employing 392 workers in the city, 1,240 in the countryside; Archives de la Ministère de la Guerre, Vincennes, MR1266, "Rapport sur les environs de Saint-Chamond," 1843. Among the more important fabricants of ribbons who converted to braids were Bergé in 1848, Balas-Dubouchet in 1859, and the Grangier brothers (who became Grangier-Reymond) in 1860. See Condamin, Histoire de Saint-Chamond, pp. 640-43; Bertholon, Histoires de Saint-Chamond, p. 82. See also ADL, series S, Archives de la Chambre de Commerce, carton 139 dossier 1, register of deliberations, 27 Jan. 1840. The government inquiry of 1848 reported that 415 men and 615 women were employed in the ribbon fabrique in the canton of Saint Chamond. This number includes the countryside, and the total of 1,030 compares with 1,632 reported in the previous decade. See AN C956, "Enquête industrielle et sociale des ouvriers et des chefs d'ateliers rubaniers," arrondissement of Saint Etienne, 1848.

38. The calculation of 43 percent underrepresents the geographical stability of ribbon weavers, for those who had died prior to 1850 were included in the denominator. See Appendix B, Table B-4, for analysis of occupations and geographical stability.

39. ADL, subseries 3E 208, births, marriages, and deaths in Saint Chamond, 1816-1865; reconstituted families beginning with marriage no. 27, 13 Jan. 1819, and marriage no. 11, 4 Jan. 1820.

40. See Chapter 2.

41. These rates of marriage are based on the number of children ever born and do not take into account those who died prior to reaching adulthood. Of those who survived, 35.4 percent of the sons married in Saint Chamond and 40.2 percent of ribbon weavers' sons married in Saint Chamond. Because many infant deaths were not registered in Saint Chamond (see Chapter 2), using the total number of births rather than the total number who survived is more accurate. See Appendix B, Table B-5.

42. ADL, subseries 3E 208, births, marriages, and deaths in Saint Chamond, 1816-1865; reconstituted family beginning with marriage no. 392, 20 Sept. 1819.

43. Of those who survived to adulthood, 41.6 percent of all daughters married in Saint Chamond, while 35 percent of the ribbon weavers' daughters did. Again, these figures cannot be taken at face value because, particularly among the children of ribbon weavers, deaths were underregistered (see Chapter 2). For second-generation marriages, see Appendix B, Table B-5. Of twenty-eight ribbon weavers' daughters who married (including those from "open" families), twelve married ribbon weavers or men associated with the industry, eight married metal workers (most of whom were skilled), two married shoemakers, and one each married a hotel boy, a railroad employee, a confectioner, a café keeper, and a pharmacist.

44. Valserres, Les industries de la Loire, p. 336.

45. Quoted from the Chambre Syndicale by Plessy, La vie quotidienne en Forez, p. 101.

46. Villermé, Tableau de l'état physique, p. 401. For the incompatibility of iron and silk, see also ADL, series S, Chambre de Commerce de Saint-Etienne, carton 139 dossier 2, "Extrait du registre des délibérations de la séance," 27 Jan. 1840, and carton 59 dossier 1, Jules Janin, "La ville de Saint-Etienne," 1831.

47. M. Capnophobe, dit Stéphanois la Vérité, Les machines à vapeur et les grands foyers de combustion à la houille en présence de l'industrie rubanière, Aug. 1854, quoted by Plessy, La vie quotidienne en Forez, p. 91.

48. Duplessy, Essai statistique, pp. 148, 155.

49. Audiganne, Les populations ouvrières, p. 318.

50. Duplessy, Essai statistique, pp. 148, 155.

51. Louis Reybaud, "Rapport sur la condition morale, intellectuelle et matérielle des ouvriers qui vivent de l'industrie du fer, 1866-1871" (Musée Sociale, no. 9920, vol. 4).

52. For the local history of nail making, see L.-J. Gras, Essai sur l'histoire de la quincaillerie de petite métallurgie à Saint-Etienne et dans la région stéphanoise (Saint Etienne: Théolier, 1904), p. 51; Duplessy, Essai statistique, p. 329; Bertholon, Histoires de Saint-Chamond, pp. 107-8; Maxime Perrin, Saint-Etienne et sa région économique: un type de vie industrielle en France (Tours: Arrault, 1937), pp. 216-17; Jean-Paul Bravard, "La clouterie dans la région de Firminy," Notes d'histoire: au pays de cloutiers (Firminy: Maison de la Culture de Firminy, February 1977): 1-18.

53. ADL, series S, Chambre de Commerce de Saint-Etienne, carton 131 dossier 9, Chambre Consultative des Arts et Manufactures, "Mémoire sur l'industrie," 24 March 1810.

54. Unless otherwise indicated, this and the following discussion are based primarily on the text of interviews with former nail makers and descendants of nail makers in the hamlet of Ouilles, conducted by Jean-Paul Bravard, 22 January 1977; see Bravard, "La clouterie dans la région de Firminy."

55. Gras, Essai sur l'histoire de la quincaillerie, p. 104; Bravard, "La clouterie dans la région de Firminy."

56. Gras, Essai sur l'histoire de la quincaillerie, p. 104.

57. Sociability around the forge is discussed in the interviews Bravard conducted; see "La clouterie dans la région de Firminy." Of twenty-two brides' fathers who declared their occupation as nail maker between 1816 and 1825, ten had sons-in-law who were also nail makers.

58. Bravard, "La clouterie dans la région de Firminy."

59. Of twenty-two nail makers' daughters who married, thirteen performed silk work of some kind: Accampo, "Industrialization and the Working Class Family," p. 309. For the combination of silk and metal in the same household, see ADL 40M 93, document 238, report on the establishment of a metallurgical factory, 24 March 1841.

60. John Gillis, on the other hand, found occupational endogamy among miners and metal workers in England in the 1840s; see For Better, for Worse, p. 118

61. Bravard, "La clouterie dans la région de Firminy." For occupational inheritance, see Appendix B, Table B-6. Out of 102 nail makers, the fathers of 67.6 percent had died or simply did not declare occupations, and another 3 percent did not attend the weddings. Of 24 fathers who declared their occupations as nail makers, 17 had sons in the same occupation.

62. See Appendix B, Table B-4.

63. Bernard Farber, Guardians of Virtue: Salem Families in 1800 (New York: Basic Books, 1972), p. 97.

64. ADL, subseries 3E 208, families reconstituted from marriages no. 2, 5 Jan. 1824; no. 20, 1 March 1824; no. 23, 15 Feb. 1817; no. 29, 3 July 1816.

65. Quoted in Bravard, "La clouterie dans la région de Firminy," p. 14.

66. Of forty-three nail makers' sons for whom occupations could be found, ten declared themselves to be nail makers, nine declared jobs of varying skill levels in heavy metallurgy, and five were ribbon weavers. The remainder declared the following: cooper (2), tailor (2), miner (3), reader (liseur for ribbon weaving), mason, cabinet merchant, apprentice confectioner, plasterer, gardener, dyer, telegraph employee, apprentice locksmith.

67. Of the daughters who survived to adulthood, 39 percent married in Saint Chamond. But because deaths were under-registered (see Chapter 2), this percentage cannot be taken at face value. These calculations are based on "closed" reconstituted families—that is, those in which the recorded death of either spouse had provided a known end to the period of family formation (for a full explanation of family reconstitution, see Appendix A). Among the families of all nail makers, regardless of whether they were "open" or "closed," fifty-two daughters married; of those, twelve married nail makers and twelve married workers in heavy metallurgy. The remainder married stonecutters (4), miners (5), bakers (2), cabinet makers (2), ribbon weavers (6), farmers (2), a locksmith, a loom mechanic, a carriage driver, a blacksmith, a master bootmaker, a shoemaker, and a postal worker.

68. Farber makes this argument in Guardians of Virtue, pp. 105-10.