1. Alan Everitt, "River and Wold, Reflections on the Historical Origin of Regions and Pays," Journal of Historical Geography , III (1977): 2; see, as well, Craig Calhoun, "Community: Towards a Variable Conceptualization for Comparative Research," Social History , V (1980): 105-127.

2. "Proto-industrialization," following F. F. Mendels's now classic definition, refers here to a system of cottage industry, distinguished by production for the international market and originating in rural districts, the economies of which were based on subsistence or pastoral agriculture. See F. F. Mendels, "Proto-industrialization: The First Phase of the Industrialization Process," JEH , 32 (March 1972): 241-261 and P. Kriedte, H. Medick, and J. Schlumbohm (transl. B. Schempp), Industrialization before Industrialization: Rural Industry in the Genesis of Capitalism (Cambridge, 1981) for broad theoretical examinations of the phenomenon. For two critical appraisals, see D. C. Coleman, "Proto-Industrialization: A Concept Too Many," Ec.HR , 2d ser., XXXVI (Aug. 1983): 435ff and Gay L. Gullickson, ''Agriculture and Cottage Industry: Redefining the Causes of Proto-Industrialization," JEH , XLIII (Dec. 1983): 831ff.

3. Individually, each form of community proved conducive to the settlement of Dissenters's churches, and the Vale of Nailsworth conformed to both types; for a discussion of these community typologies, see Everitt, Pattern of Rural Dissent , pp. 22-26 and Mills, Lord and Peasant , pp. 17-19, 125; for the nature of wood-pasture regions, see Oliver Rackham, "The Forest: Woodland and Wood-Pasture in Medieval England," in Kathleen Biddick, ed., Archaeological Approaches to Medieval Europe (Kalamazoo, Mich., 1985), pp. 70-104 and Joan Thirsk, "The Farming Regions of England," in Joan Thirsk, ed., Agrarian History of England and Wales , vol. 4: 1550-1640 (Cambridge, 1967): 46-49, 67-69, 79-80.

4. For the theoretical distinction between sect and denomination, see B. R. Wilson, "An Analysis of Sect Development," in B. R. Wilson, ed., Patterns of Sectarianism: Organization and Ideology in Social and Religious Movements (London, 1967).

5. See Sidney and Beatrice Webb, English Local Government from the Revolution to the Muncipal Corporation Act , I (London, 1906): 9; see chap. 2 (below) for further discussion of the parish.

6. See Obelkevich, Religion and Rural Society , pp. 8-9; Everitt, Pattern of Rural Dissent , p. 44; Gilbert, Religion and Society in Industrial England , p. 98; and Mills, Lord and Peasant , especially chaps. 2-6.

7. VCH Glos ., XI: 136, 230-231; in the Stroud region, for instance, Rodborough parish had originated as a chapelry of Minchinhampton, and Stroud parish originally had been a chapelry of Bisley parish.

8. Ibid., p. 215; the Anglican chapel, established at Nailsworth in 1794, had remained unconsecrated.

7. VCH Glos ., XI: 136, 230-231; in the Stroud region, for instance, Rodborough parish had originated as a chapelry of Minchinhampton, and Stroud parish originally had been a chapelry of Bisley parish.

8. Ibid., p. 215; the Anglican chapel, established at Nailsworth in 1794, had remained unconsecrated.

9. GRO CL P/37, boundary map.

10. See fig. 3, below.

11. BPP Population, I, Sessions 1831 and 1842-3 (Dublin, 1968; reprint). Avening parish in 1801, 1811, and 1831 included the chapelry of Nailsworth, but in 1821 Nailsworth was entered only with Minchinhampton; in 1841, it was divided appropriately among each of the parishes.

12. GRO MF447, Longtree Hundred Land Tax Returns, 1780-1794.

13. VCH Glos ., XI: 211.

14. Both Manor and parish were conterminous; see chap. 2 for further discussion.

15. Glos. Colln., Gloucester City Library, RF 167.2 (1-4), Horsley Manor Records, "Particulars of Leases and Rents, 1666-99."

16. Joan Thirsk, "The Farming Regions of England," in Thirsk, ed., Agrarian History , IV: 7-9 and passim.

17. W. I. Minchinton, "Agriculture in Gloucestershire during the Napoleonic Wars," Trans. B & G Arch. Soc . LXVIII (1949): 168.

18. Figure 1 is courtesy of Denis R. Mills.

19. The Cotswoldian , ca. 1854; A. H. Smith, The Place Names of Gloucestershire , XXXVIII (Cambridge, 1964): 102; VCH Glos ., XI:209.

20. F. T. Smythe, Chronicles of Shortwood , 1705-1916 (Bristol, 1916), p. 2. Nailsworth seems to have originated as the boundary of an eighth-century Woodchester estate; see VCH Glos ., XI: 209.

21. Stroud Jnl ., 25 February 1871; see E. M. Carus-Wilson, Medieval Merchant Venturers (London, 1954), chap. IV for a discussion of early fulling mills.

22. See R. Perry, "The Gloucestershire Woollen Industry, 1100-1690," Trans. B & G Arch. Soc ., LXVI (1945): 51ff. and E. M. Carus-Wilson, "Evidences of Industrial Growth on some Fifteenth Century Manors," Ec.HR , 2d ser., XII (1959): 195-196.

23. See Mann, Cloth Industry in the West of England (Oxford, 1971): 62 for marketing, and chap. 4 (below) for the structure of the

putting-out system regionally; for the transition from the putting-out to the factory system in Gloucestershire, see chap. 6, below.

24. Beginning as by-employments, these forms of occupation persisted as such into the seventeenth century when, as the system of protoindustry advanced they began to become full-time occupations. For England generally, see Alan Everitt, "Farm Labourers," in J. Thrisk, ed., Agrarian History , IV: 425-429; J. Thrisk, "Industries in the Countryside," in F. J. Fischer, ed., Essays in the Economic and Social History of Tudor-Stuart England (Cambridge, 1961), pp. 77-88; for Gloucestershire, see ibid. and Mann, The Cloth Industry in the West of England , pp. 90, 92, and 102. Mann writes, for instance, that: "the village freeholder or copyholder who was also a clothier or weaver was still much in evidence in the seventeenth century," although "[m]ost weavers were people with no land or with so little that it amounted to no more than a garden."

23. See Mann, Cloth Industry in the West of England (Oxford, 1971): 62 for marketing, and chap. 4 (below) for the structure of the

putting-out system regionally; for the transition from the putting-out to the factory system in Gloucestershire, see chap. 6, below.

24. Beginning as by-employments, these forms of occupation persisted as such into the seventeenth century when, as the system of protoindustry advanced they began to become full-time occupations. For England generally, see Alan Everitt, "Farm Labourers," in J. Thrisk, ed., Agrarian History , IV: 425-429; J. Thrisk, "Industries in the Countryside," in F. J. Fischer, ed., Essays in the Economic and Social History of Tudor-Stuart England (Cambridge, 1961), pp. 77-88; for Gloucestershire, see ibid. and Mann, The Cloth Industry in the West of England , pp. 90, 92, and 102. Mann writes, for instance, that: "the village freeholder or copyholder who was also a clothier or weaver was still much in evidence in the seventeenth century," although "[m]ost weavers were people with no land or with so little that it amounted to no more than a garden."

25. Glos. Colln., RF167.1, Horsley Manor Records, Prosecutions before the manor court, ca. 1802.

26. GRO, Gloucester Dioscesan Records [hereafter GDR], Will of John Pavey, October 8, 1764.

27. See Stroud Jnl ., 13 May 1854, report of a meeting of the Nailsworth Literary and Mechanics Institute; cf. Dennis R. Mills, "The Nineteenth-Century Peasantry of Melbourn, Cambridgeshire," in Richard M. Smith, ed., Land,. Kinship and Life-Cycle (Cambridge, 1984), pp. 481, 499.

28. Glos. Jnl ., 9 June 1806, 19 March 1810, and 29 July 1811.

29. In differences-of-proportions tests between the Vale hamlets and the inner periphery, the following Z statistics proved to be significant under the normal curve: for wool workers, Z = 4.675 and for agricultural laborers, Z = 2.448.

30. GRO P181/OV 7/1.

31. GRO GDR, Will of John Harvey, February 19, 1811.

32. For further discussion, see below, and chap 6, "Capital and Labor in the Industrial Revolution."

33. PRO Prob. 11/2113/379.

34. PRO Prob. 11/1921/14; IR26/1541; see also the example of Edward Sheppard of Uley, below, chap. 7, first section.

35. PRO Prob. 11/1560/704; IR26/601.

36. PRO Prob. 11/2149/248; GRO MF447, Minchinhampton Tithe Survey, ca. 1840.

37. PCC wills were those of testators owning property in more than one diocese; they tended to be wealthier than testators whose wills were proved in the diocesan courts, although there were exceptions.

38. Esther Moir, "The Gentlemen Clothiers: A Study of the Orga-

nization of the Gloucestershire Cloth Trade, 1750-1835," in HPR Finberg, ed., Gloucestershire Studies (Leicester, 1957), pp. 242-243.

39. Ibid., p. 243, the cases of George Paul and Nathaniel Wathen; see A. T. Playne, The History of Minchinhampton and Avening (Gloucester, 1915).

38. Esther Moir, "The Gentlemen Clothiers: A Study of the Orga-

nization of the Gloucestershire Cloth Trade, 1750-1835," in HPR Finberg, ed., Gloucestershire Studies (Leicester, 1957), pp. 242-243.

39. Ibid., p. 243, the cases of George Paul and Nathaniel Wathen; see A. T. Playne, The History of Minchinhampton and Avening (Gloucester, 1915).

40. See Glos. Jnl ., 15 July 1822 for both advertisements; see also Lawrence and Jeanne C. Fawtier Stone, An Open Elite? England, 1540-1880 (Oxford, 1984), p. 230 and Edward A. Allen, "Public School Elites in Early Victorian England: The Boys at Harrow and Merchant Taylors' Schools from 1825 to 1850," Journal of British Studies , XXI (Spring 1982): 88-91 and passim.

41. See R. Trumbach, The Rise of the Egalitarian Family: Aristocratic Kinship and Domestic Relations in Eighteenth Century England (New York, 1978), pp. 87-96; also Stone, An Open Elite? , pp. 221-238.

42. See G. C. Brauer, The Education of A Gentleman: Theories of a Gentlemanly Education in England, 1660-1775 (New York, 1959); F. Musgrove, "Middle-Class Education and Employment in the Nineteenth Century," Ec.HR , 2d ser., XII (1959): 101-102, 109; Roy Porter, English Society in the Eighteenth Century (New York, 1982), p. 176; and Stone, An Open Elite? , pp. 243-246 for an appreciation of the comparative attitudes of businessmen and the landed elite toward classical studies and higher education, especially between 1670 and 1820. See also Allen, "Public School Elites," pp. 88-89, in which public school reform, by adapting to middle-class values, allegedly strengthened the aristocratic and landed Establishment; cf. Martin J. Weiner, English Culture and the Decline of the Industrial Spirit, 1850-1980 (Cambridge, 1981), who argues the reverse.

43. GRO GDR, Will of Samuel Jenkins, May 22, 1838.

44. Ibid., Will of Isaac Hillier, Sepember 7, 1886.

43. GRO GDR, Will of Samuel Jenkins, May 22, 1838.

44. Ibid., Will of Isaac Hillier, Sepember 7, 1886.

45. Letter from E. H. Playne to "Alec," April 8, 1889, inquiring about the family genealogy. Playne Family Paper, David Playne, Bannut Tree, Avening, Stroud, Gloucestershire.

46. GRO D2424/3, Shortwood Baptist Church Roll.

47. PRO Prob. 11/1795/66, Will of Edward Bliss, the Elder, a Baptist deacon; see ibid.

46. GRO D2424/3, Shortwood Baptist Church Roll.

47. PRO Prob. 11/1795/66, Will of Edward Bliss, the Elder, a Baptist deacon; see ibid.

48. PRO Prob. 11/1818/438; IR26/1317, Will of Nathaniel Dyer.

49. PRO Prob. 11/1851/536; IR26/1377, Will of Richard Bartlett.

50. See GRO GDR, Wills of George Ralph, March 28, 1829, George Mason, October 26, 1816; and William Stokes, the Elder, April 30, 1821.

51. GRO GDR, Will of Daniel Cook, March 8, 1838; GRO D2424/3, Shortwood Baptish Church Roll.

52. GRO GDR, Will of Cornelius Bowne, February 23, 1803; GRO

D1406, Thomas Family Papers. Bowne's trustees, James Thomas and William Biggs, were deacons of the Forest Green Congregationalist Church.

53. GRO GDR, Will of Robert Mason, January 21, 1778 and Thomas Baker, July 5, 1927.

54. PRO B3/3746-7, Court of Bankruptcy examinations. This image of an entrepreneurial laboring class conflicts with E. P. Thompson's belief in the pervasiveness of collectivist values among its members; see E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (New York, 1963), p. 356; idem, "The Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the Eighteenth Century," Past and Present , 50 (1971).

55. GRO GDR, Will of Thomas Bird, the Elder, May 26, 1823; for other examples, see Wills of William Jennings, November 4, 1809; Thomas Young, March 15, 1834; John Arundell, Augtust 11, 1810; William Herbert, March 10, 1838; and Nathaniel Wheeler, January 15, 1800.

56. A John Webb was baptized at the Shortwood Baptish Church in 1825, two years after the testator's death; the testator's daughter, Mary Bird, may have been the same one who was baptized at Shortwood in 1795 and who died in 1844; see GRO D2424/3/517 and 1135. Thomas Bird might have attended as a hearer.

57. See H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills, eds., From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology (New York, 1958), p. 187.

58. For the survival of such an ethos in eighteenth-century Britain, see Samuel H. Beer, British Politics in the Collectivist Age (New York, 1965), p. 9. Beer writes: "In spite of lip service to Locke, eighteenth-century England was far from being an individualist society and, on the plane of operative ideals, the image of social reality had a strong corporatist tinge. Again, in Old Whig as in Old Tory thought, the corporatist was inseparable from the hierarchic ideal." Lawrence and Jeanne C. Fawtier Stone, by emphasizing the exclusiveness of the landed elite, strongly suggest the persistence of a customary hierarchy well past the eighteenth century; cf. Stone, An Open Elite?

59. See Neil Smelser, "Toward a Theory of Modernization," in George Dalton, ed., Tribal and Peasant Economies: Readings in Economic Anthropology (Garden City, N.Y., 1967), pp. 38-39; for a specific illustration of this tendency, see D. G. Hey, "A Dual Economy in South Yorkshire," Ag.HR , XVII (1969).

60. The value of personal property was recorded in diocesan wills to the nearest interval in the period after 1780; for PCC wills, values appeared in estate duty registers, PRO class IR 26. Leasehold land was included in the valuations, but freehold land was not; see letter, Capital

Taxes Office to A. M. Urdank, Inland Revenue BP 1/79, April 23, 1979. Cf. James P. P. Horn, "The Distribution of Wealth in the Vale of Berkeley, 1660-1700," Southern History , III (1981), especially for a correlation between personal and total wealth; and Wrightson and Levine, Poverty and Piety , pp. 33-34, for an analysis of wealth distribution at Terling that follows a simpler and more traditional hierarchical path.

61. Two extreme exceptions were excluded from this analysis: the estates of Daniel Cook, haymaker, and David Ricardo, the Elder, the great political economist and lord of the manor of Minchinhampton. To have included them would have seriously distorted the overall distribution. Ricardo was both banker and esquire, which affirms a pattern of mobility already cited, and his estate was valued under £500,000; see PRO Prob. 11/1676/596 and IR26/973.

62. See Anthony Giddens, The Class Structure of Advanced Societies (New York, 1975), p. 107. Giddens writes: "Mobility has sometimes been treated as if it were in large part separable from the determination of class structure. According to Schumpeter's famous example, classes may be conceived of as like conveyances, which may be constantly carrying different 'passengers' without in any way changing their shape. But, compelling though the analogy is at first sight, it does not stand up to closer examination. . . . In general, the greater the degree of 'closure' of mobility chances—both intergenerationally and within the career of the individual—the more this facilitates the formation of identifiable classes." Cf. Franklin F. Mendels, "Social Mobility and Phases of Industrialization," Journal of Interdisciplinary History , VII (1976): 193-216.

63. See "Introduction" (this volume), n. 1. Both Elie Halèvy and E. P. Thompson emphasize the role of Methodism in communicating Puritan, middle-class values to the working class, but each focuses on elements of collective subordination of one class to another, such as "work discipline." However, Puritan values also included the promotion of individual autonomy, which sometimes translated into entrepreneurial behavior, even among the working classes.

64. GRO, ROL C4, E. Witchell, The Geology of Stroud and the Area Drained by the Frome (Stround, 1885), pp. 1-4.

65. GRO MA 19/71, Geological Survey Map; Ordinance Survey Map, six-inch scale, Glos. XLIX (1885 ed.).

66. VCH Glos . XI: 207.

67. Ibid.

66. VCH Glos . XI: 207.

67. Ibid.

68. See William Cobbett, Rural Rides (London, 1967, reprint), p. 375.

69. GRO ROL C4, Witchell, The Geology of Stroud , p. 31.

70. See Jennifer Tann, "Some Problems of Waterpower—A Study of

Mill Siting in Gloucestershire," Trans. B & G Arch. Soc ., LXXXIV (1965): 53-77; GRO ROL C4. E. Witchell, The Geology of Stroud , p. 5.

71. Ibid., ROL C4. The Lias Clay is usually found at the lowest point in the Vale; it is followed in ascending order by the Supra-Liassic or Cotswold Sand, the Inferior Oolite, Fuller's Earth, the Great Oolite, and Forest Marble.

72. Ibid.

70. See Jennifer Tann, "Some Problems of Waterpower—A Study of

Mill Siting in Gloucestershire," Trans. B & G Arch. Soc ., LXXXIV (1965): 53-77; GRO ROL C4. E. Witchell, The Geology of Stroud , p. 5.

71. Ibid., ROL C4. The Lias Clay is usually found at the lowest point in the Vale; it is followed in ascending order by the Supra-Liassic or Cotswold Sand, the Inferior Oolite, Fuller's Earth, the Great Oolite, and Forest Marble.

72. Ibid.

70. See Jennifer Tann, "Some Problems of Waterpower—A Study of

Mill Siting in Gloucestershire," Trans. B & G Arch. Soc ., LXXXIV (1965): 53-77; GRO ROL C4. E. Witchell, The Geology of Stroud , p. 5.

71. Ibid., ROL C4. The Lias Clay is usually found at the lowest point in the Vale; it is followed in ascending order by the Supra-Liassic or Cotswold Sand, the Inferior Oolite, Fuller's Earth, the Great Oolite, and Forest Marble.

72. Ibid.

73. Data in tables 8 and 9 were derived from the acreage returns of 1801, PRO, Home Office 67/3, reprinted in W. E. Minchinton, "Agriculture in Gloucestershire"; a Minchinhampton parish valuation, ca. 1804, GRO P217a VE 1/1; the 1838-1841 tithe surveys for Avening, Horsley, and Minchinhampton, GRO MF447, the Minchinhampton Tithe Terrier, ca. 1777, GRO P217 IN 31, and the Avening tithe book, ca. 1784, GRO P29 OV1/2; for shrinkage of the wasteland at Avening and greater concentration of ownership at Horsley, see chap. 2, tables 13 and 14.

74. The estimate of arable acres sown in 1838 for each type of crop ( X' ) is derived from the equation X' = y/z(m) , where y represents the acreage sown by type of crop in 1801; z , the total acreage sown in 1801; and m , the total arable acreage in 1838.

75. The Nailsworth Brewery, owned by Samuel and Joseph Clissold, deacons of the Shortwood Baptist Church [!], covered nearly two acres and was considered the most important brewery in the Stroud district. Brewing was often carried on by individuals operating on a small scale, however, as evidenced by Gloucester Journal advertisements; see, for instance, Glos. Jnl ., 27 January 1823, advertisement for the sale of "a leasehold messuage with brewhouse and workshop recently built."

76. The mean national wheat yield in 1838 was 33.1 bushels per acre; see E. L. Jones, Agriculture and the Industrial Revolution (New York, 1974), p. 189. For Gloucestershire, ca. 1836, the mean wheat yield was 19.6 bushels per acre, and that of barley and oats stood, respectively, at 17.1 and 27.5 bushels per acre; see R. J.P. Kain, An Atlas and Index of the Tithe Files of Mid-Nineteenth Century England and Wales (Cambridge, 1986), p. 234, table 38. Avening's wheat yield, at 8.2 bushels per acre, although lower than the county average, was well within the range of possible wheat yields for individual scores and akin to a medieval measure; cf. J. Z. Titow, Winchester Yields: A Study in Medieval Agricultural productivity (Cambridge, 1972), p. 13, table 2b.

77. GRO MF447, Horsley Tithe Survey, 1841; Glos. Jnl . 27 January 1823, Sale by Auction, and 7 April 1823, Sale by Auction.

78. GRO D1388/Plan of the Estate of Edward Barnfield, ca. 1801; this theme is amply developed in E. P. Thompson, Whigs and Hunters: The Origin of the Black Act (New York, 1975).

79. Glos. Colln. M 10073, Revd. Messing Rudkin, The History of Horsley (Stroud, 1884), p. 3.

80. VCH Glos ., XI; 156. Unless otherwise noted, other references to specific roads have been drawn from this source.

81. E. Moir, Local Government in Gloucestershire, 1775-1800 (Bristol, 1969), p. 1. Freestone, which was abundant in Nailsworth, "was but poorly calculated for the building of roads," according to A. R. Fewster: see the Stroud Jnl ., 13 May 1854, report of the proceedings of the Nailsworth Literary and Mechanics Institute.

82. Glos. Jnl ., 7 February 1820.

83. Ibid., 1 September 1820.

82. Glos. Jnl ., 7 February 1820.

83. Ibid., 1 September 1820.

84. See chap. 5 for further treatment of the problem of geographic mobility between 1794 and 1812.

85. Glos. Jnl ., 15 May 1825. In a Sunday celebration, sponsored by the Waterloo Benefit Society, members were requested to assemble at Nailsworth's Clothier's Arms Inn and to march in procession to Horsley Church; they were instructed to return to the Clothier's Arms for dinner, following the minister's sermon.

86. Distances normally covered between ten and twenty miles; see T. S. Ashton, An Economic History of England: The Eighteenth Century (London, 1964), p. 87.

87. Glos. Jnl ., 19 July 1824; an advertisement records the names of the gates: Inchbrook, Sprout, Culverhouse, Woodchester, Balls Green, Nailsworth, Lightpill, Stanley, Tiltups Inn, Hazelwood, Buckholt, and Avening.

88. Ibid., 18 December 1809.

87. Glos. Jnl ., 19 July 1824; an advertisement records the names of the gates: Inchbrook, Sprout, Culverhouse, Woodchester, Balls Green, Nailsworth, Lightpill, Stanley, Tiltups Inn, Hazelwood, Buckholt, and Avening.

88. Ibid., 18 December 1809.

89. T. S. Ashton, Economic History , p. 78; wage labor was normally used to supplement unpaid statute labor from the time of the Interregnum.

90. Glos. Jnl ., 19 July 1824 and 22 August 1835.

91. T. S. Ashton, Economic History , p. 80.

92. See G. Taylor, "Types of Capitalism in Eighteenth Century France," EHR , LXXIX (1964), pp. 478ff. for an appreciation of Old Regime methods of financial and commerical activity.

93. T. S. Ashton, Economic History , p. 85, states that canal building represented a substitution of capital for labor; see A. D. Gayer, W. W. Rostow, and A. J. Schwartz, The Growth and Fluctuation of the British Economy, 1790-1850: An Historical, Statistical, and Theoretical Study of Britain's Economic Development , vol. I (Oxford, 1953): 38, 418 for further discussion of the eighteenth-century canal boom.

94. VCH Glos ., XI: 102.

95. Ibid.

94. VCH Glos ., XI: 102.

95. Ibid.

96. Glos. Jnl ., 1 November 1824, "Stroud Canal."

97. Mann, Cloth Industry ., pp. 191-192 states that despite the canals it sometimes took up to four months for goods traveling to London to arrive.

98. Glos. Jnl ., 2 September 1805.

99. Ibid., 2 September 1804.

98. Glos. Jnl ., 2 September 1805.

99. Ibid., 2 September 1804.

100. Mann, Cloth Industry , p. 50, cites two previously abortive schemes, one in 1730 and another in 1759, that clothiers had promoted.

101. Glos. Jnl ., 4 November 1805.

102. Mann, Cloth Industry , pp. 190-191.

103. Glos. Jnl ., 1 November 1824, "Stroud Canal."

104. See Peter Mathias, "Capital, Credit and Enterprise in the Industrial Revolution," JEEc.H ., II (Spring 1973): 124.

105. The prices of canal shares can be expected to correlate with their respective rates of profit, as reflected in dividend payments. Data on canal share prices have been drawn from Gayer et. al., Growth and Fluctuation , p. 370. The partial correlation was computed from the following: Given X = Stroud Canal dividends, Y = canal share prices nationally, and t = the vector of time, then r xy = 0.885, r xt = 0.91 r yt = 0.793. The t -test on r xy(t) is: t = 2.963, df = 12; for significance at the 0.02 level, t > 2.681.

106. Gayer et al., Growth and Fluctuation , p. 418.

107. Mann, Cloth Industry , pp. 191-192.

108. Ibid.

107. Mann, Cloth Industry , pp. 191-192.

108. Ibid.

109. Glos. Jnl ., 6 December 1834, "Great Western Railway."

110. Ibid.; see remarks of Charles Stanton and W. H. Hyett; coal was a great untapped resource of the Nailsworth valleys: Geological Survey Map, Glos. Colin. 554.231, Box 10.103 and Box 10.105.

109. Glos. Jnl ., 6 December 1834, "Great Western Railway."

110. Ibid.; see remarks of Charles Stanton and W. H. Hyett; coal was a great untapped resource of the Nailsworth valleys: Geological Survey Map, Glos. Colin. 554.231, Box 10.103 and Box 10.105.

111. VCH Glos ., XI: 103.

112. Glos. Jnl ., 6 December 1834.

113. Ibid. The Southampton-London line was to pass from Basing to Bath in order to take in the Wiltshire towns of Bradford and Trowbridge, with an extension to be built to Bristol.

112. Glos. Jnl ., 6 December 1834.

113. Ibid. The Southampton-London line was to pass from Basing to Bath in order to take in the Wiltshire towns of Bradford and Trowbridge, with an extension to be built to Bristol.

114. VCH Glos ., XI: 209.

115. Stroud Jnl ., 13 May 1854, report of the proceedings of the Nailsworth Literary and Mechanics Institute.

116. Ibid.

115. Stroud Jnl ., 13 May 1854, report of the proceedings of the Nailsworth Literary and Mechanics Institute.

116. Ibid.