1. Governor-general of Algeria to minister of foreign affairs, Paris, December 1849, AMG, Algérie, H 131.

2. Muhammad Masud, "The Obligation to Migrate: The Doctrine of Hijra in Islamic Law," in Muslim Travellers: Pilgrimage, Migration, and the Religious Imagination , Dale F. Eickelman and James Piscatori, eds. (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1990), 29-49; and Humphrey J. Fisher, "Liminality, Hijra , and the City," in Rural and

Urban Islam in West Africa , Nehemia Levtzion and Humphrey Fisher, eds. (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1987), 147-71.

3. In West Africa, the hijra-jihad complex ultimately created the matrix for state formation based upon new social classes; see David Robinson, The Holy War of Umar Tal: The Western Sudan in the MidNineteenth Century (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985); and Bradford G. Martin, Muslim Brotherhoods in Nineteenth-Century Africa (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976).

4. In 1852 the governor-general of Algeria, Jacques Randon, reported that hundreds of Algerian Muslim families from the Constantine were leaving for Tunis; Randon, Algiers, February 1852, AGGA, 1 H 9. See also Fanny Colonna, "The Transformation of a Saintly Lineage in the Northwest Aurès Mountains (Algeria): Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries," in Islam, Politics, and Social Movements , Edmund Burke III and Ira M. Lapidus, eds. (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1988), 81-96. Colonna studied the career of a local religious notable from the Awras, Si Lhachemi, who spent the years 1845 to 1870 in the Jarid, which attracted "many Algerian students of the religious sciences" (87).

5. AGT, D-97-3. Louis Rinn, Marabouts et khouan: Étude sur l'Islam en Algérie (Algiers: Jourdan, 1884), 459, incorrectly asserted that Muhammad b. 'Azzuz emigrated from Biskra to the Jarid in 1844 when in fact he had died in 1819 of the plague. This error is repeated by several other authors.

6. Abdelhamid Henia, Le Grid, ses rapports avec le beylik de Tunis, 1676-1840 , (Tunis: Publications de l'Université de Tunis, 1980), 132 and 153-54, discusses a lineage named 'Azzuz in Nafta which monopolized the post of local tribal shaykh in the eighteenth century. It is uncertain whether there were any kinship ties between the 'Azzuz of the Jarid and those from al-Burj in the Ziban; none of the sources thus far consulted mention any such ties.

7. The issue of hijra became politically charged in Algeria after 1830 with 'Abd al-Qadir's jihad; the amir wrote a treatise on the duty of removal from French-held lands. It is contained in the biography of the amir by his eldest son, Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Qadir al-Jaza'iri, Tuhfa al-za'ir fi ta'rikh al-Jaza'ir wa al-amir 'Abd al-Qadir , Mamduh Haqqi, ed., 2d ed. (Beirut, 1964).

8. Hasan b. 'Azzuz's capture by the French army in 1841 was facilitated by the powerful al-Muqrani family of secular warrior notables based in the Majana; the Muqrani had first thrown in their lot with 'Abd al-Qadir. Subsequently seeing the political and military advantage shifting to the French, they concluded an agreement with colonial authorities. 'Azzuz was at first exiled to Sainte-Marguerite in France and finally interned in Bône, where he died in 1843.

9. Even after 1881, the Jarid retained a measure of autonomy not found in northern Tunisia. Lieutenant de Fleurac, "Étude sur le Djérid Tunisien," September 1885, AMG, Tunisie, 36 H 29, no. 8, described the region as "a center for the exchange of ideas in the middle of the Sahara where people can without danger trade news and information." See also F. Gendre, "De Gabès à Nefta (le Nefzaoua et le Djerid),'' R.T. 15 (1908): 381-421, 499-520.

10. Daniel Nordman, "La notion de frontière en Afrique du Nord: Mythes et réalités, 1830-1912" (doctoral diss., Montpellier University, France, 1975), 187, noted a purification ritual practiced by Algerian emigrant tribes. Once they had reached the Tunisian Dar al-Islam, a religious ceremony was held to cleanse the tribesmen of the polluting influence of the infidels.

11. Arnold H. Green, The Tunisian Ulama, 1873-1915: Social Structure and Response to Ideological Currents (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1978); Muhammad Ibn 'Ashur, Tarajim al-a'lam (Tunis: Maison Tunisienne de l'Édition, 1970), 187-93; and Muhammad 'Ali Dabbuz, Nahda al-Jaza'ir al-haditha wa thawratuha al-mubaraka (Algiers: Imprimerie Cooperative, 1965), 144-47.

12. On the Jarid, see Henia's Le Grid ; Moncef Rouissi, "Une oasis du sud Tunisien: Le Jarid, essai d'histoire sociale," 2 vols. (doctoral diss., École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, Paris, 1973); and 'Umar al-Shabbi, Wahat al-Jarid wa hayat sukkanha (Brussels, 1979).

13. Lucette Valensi, Fellahs tunisiens: L'économie rurale et la vie des compagnes aux 18e et 19e siècles (Paris: Mouton, 1977), 17, estimates the population of Tuzar and Nafta at eight thousand each in 1860; only Tunis, al-Qayrawan, Sfax, and Sousse had larger populations.

14. Muhammad ibn Salama, "al-'Iqd al-munaddad fi akhbar almushir al-basha Ahmad," Ms. 18618, folio 82, Bibliothèque Nationale de Tunis.

15. Salama, ibid., noted that the finished textiles produced in the Jarid were eagerly sought by the upper classes of Egypt and Istanbul.

14. Muhammad ibn Salama, "al-'Iqd al-munaddad fi akhbar almushir al-basha Ahmad," Ms. 18618, folio 82, Bibliothèque Nationale de Tunis.

15. Salama, ibid., noted that the finished textiles produced in the Jarid were eagerly sought by the upper classes of Egypt and Istanbul.

16. Valensi, Fellahs , 170-71.

17. Le Comte d'Escayrac, Le désert et le Soudan (Paris, 1853), 4-11; Ernest Carette, "Recherches sur la géographie et le commerce de l'Algérie méridionale," ESA (Paris: Imprimerie Royale, 1844) 2: 208; and de Fleurac, report, 1885, AMG, Tunisie, 36 H 29, no. 8.

18. Edmond Pellissier de Reynaud, Déscription de la régence de Tunis , vol. 16 of ESA (Paris: Imprimerie Royale, 1853); and Charles Tissot, May 1857, AMAE, mém./doc., vol. 8, no. 32.

19. Carette, "L'Algérie méridionale," 202-5.

20. Donald C. Holsinger, "Trade Routes of the Algerian Sahara in the Nineteenth Century," ROMM 30 (1980): 57-70; and idem, "Migration, Commerce, and Community: The Mizabis in Nineteenth-Century Alge-

ria" (Ph.D. diss., Northwestern University, 1979). There is no recent work on nineteenth-century trade between Algeria and Tunisia; information can be found in Carette's reports in AMG, Algérie, H 227 and H 229; E. Pellissier de Reynaud, Description ; and Charles Tissot, May 1857, AMAE, mém./doc., vol. 8, no. 32, among numerous archival sources.

21. AMG, Algérie, M 1317 and H 229; and Ernest Carette, Études des routes suivis par les Arabes dans la partie méridionale de l'Algérie et de la Régence de Tunis , vol. 1 of ESA (Paris: Imprimerie Royale, 1842).

22. Ducouret, "Rapport général sur la régence de Tunis, l'Ouad Sus, et l'Oued Rir par Hadji Abd el-Hamid Bey en mission en Afrique," 1850, AN, F 17 2957 [2]; A. Goguyer, "Gabès, port du Touat, de l'arrière-terre algérienne et du Soudan," RT 2 (1895): 112-23; and Marcel Emerit, "Les liaisons terrestres entre le Soudan et l'Afrique du Nord au XVIIIe et au début du XIXe siècle," TIRS 11 (1954): 29-47.

23. André Martel, Les confins saharo-tripolitains de la Tunisie (1881-1911) , 2 vols. (Paris: PUF, 1965).

24. Henri Duveyrier, Sahara algérien et tunisien: Journal de route (Paris: Challamel, 1905); and idem, "Excursions dans le Djérid ou pays de dattes," RAC 2 (1860): 542-59.

25. Anonymous, report, January 1854, AGGA, 1 H 8.

26. M. Prax, "Commerce de l'Algérie avec La Mecque et le Soudan," ROAC 5 (1849): 1-32; H. T. Norris, trans. and ed., The Pilgrimage of Ahmad (Warminster, England: Aris and Phillips, 1977); and Abdeljelil Temimi, Les affinités culturelles entre la Tunisie, la Libye, et le Centre et l'Ouest de l'Afrique à l'époque moderne (Tunis: Publications de la Revue d'Histoire Maghrébine, 1981).

27. Ministère de la Guerre, État-Major Général, Service Historique, Notice descriptive et itinéraires de la Tunisie, région du sud, 1884-1885 (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1885), 72. In 1881 an incident occurred in Tuzar that provoked an uproar in colonial circles in Tunisia and proved that the Jarid was far from resigned to French rule. The imam of the oasis's principal mosque publicly offered prayers in the name of the Ottoman sultan, 'Abd al-Hamid, during an audaciously seditious khutba (sermon) for the Friday service. This resulted in the imam's immediate dismissal but his khutba probably echoed collective, popular sentiments in favor of Ottoman rule; 23 October 1891, AMAE, Tunisie, n.s., vol. 128.

28. Sir Grenville Temple, Excursions in the Mediterranean, Algiers and Tunis , 2 vols. (London: Saunders and Otley, 1835), 2: 181-82.

29. A. Marcescheau, "Voyage de Marcescheau dans le sud de la régence de Tunis en 1826," RT 8 (1901): 149-55.

30. Valensi, Fellahs , 353. A Moroccan pilgrim passed through the Jarid while performing the hajj in 1710. He was horrified by the system of taxation, which he considered not only in violation of Quranic principles but also unjust by reason of the heaviness of state fiscal impositions; Adrien

Berbrugger, "Voyages dans le sud de l'Algérie," vol. 9 of ESA (Paris: Imprimerie Royale, 1846): 245-46.

31. Mohamed-Hédi Cherif, Pouvoir et société dans la Tunisie de H'usayn bin 'Ali (1705-1740) , 2 vols. (Tunis: Publications de l'Université de Tunis, 1984-1986); idem, "Documents relatifs à des tribus tunisiennes des débuts du XVIIIe siècle," ROMM 33 (1982): 67-95; and anonymous, "Notes sur les tribus de la régence," RT 9 (1902): 185-94.

32. When present in the south, the bey al-mahalla acted as a sort of magistrate, hearing complaints from local notables and ordinary people; J. Clark Kennedy, Algeria and Tunisia (London: Henry Colburn, 1846) 2: 20. In addition, the qa'ids' correspondence, Dar al-Bey, Tunis, from Ahmad Bey's reign until the eve of the protectorate contain numerous letters laying forth grievances against local officials; for examples, the letters signed by the "ahl Tuzar," 1846, carton 20, dossier 227, armoire 1, no. 49, and by the "ahl Nafta," 1855-1856, carton 20, dossier 227, armoire 1, no. 122.

33. Jocelyne Dakhlia, L'oubli de la cité: La mémoire collective à l'épreuve du lignage dans le Jérid tunisien (Paris: Éditions la Découverte, 1990), points out that the great family of the Awlad al-Hadif served as Tuzar's shaykhs and qadis from the sixteenth through nineteenth centuries; their power was so immense in the prereform era that the bey himself dared not enter the city when they were absent.

34. Ibrahim ibn 'Un, Tuzar, to the Khaznadar, Tunis, 2 Safar 1260 AH (1844-1845), AGT, carton 20, dossier 227, armoire 1, no. 13.

35. AGT, 206-91-21.

36. Dakhlia, L'oubli .

37. Ibid.; AGT, D series; and de Fleurac, "Étude," 1885, AMG, Tunisie, 36 H 29, no. 8.

36. Dakhlia, L'oubli .

37. Ibid.; AGT, D series; and de Fleurac, "Étude," 1885, AMG, Tunisie, 36 H 29, no. 8.

38. Dakhlia, L'oubli ; and Rinn, Marabouts .

39. Green, Tunisian Ulama , 62, points out that sufism in Tunisia was largely spared from attacks by the reformed ulama until the 1920s.

40. Anonymous, report, 1933, AGT D-97-3; and Jamil M. Abun-Nasr, The Tijaniyya: A Sufi Order in the Modern World (London: Oxford University Press, 1965), 83-85.

41. Edouard de Neveu, Les khouans: Ordres religieux chez les musulmans de l'Algérie (Paris: Guyot, 1845), 107; and Abun-Nasr, Tijaniyya , 85.

42. De Fleurac, "Étude," 1885, AMG, Tunisie, 36 H 29, no. 8. Dakhlia, L'oubli , 192, provides statistics for Tunisia's Quranic schools in 1913; the Jarid had by far the greatest concentration of schools in the south--116 as opposed to 107 in the A'radh, 32 in Gafsa, and 35 for the Nafzawa.

43. Rinn, Marabouts , 120-21; and AGT, D-97-3 and D-182-2.

44. De Fleurac, "Étude," 1885, AMG, Tunisie, 36 H 29, no. 8; and AGT, D-97-3 and D-182-2.

45. Dakhlia, L'oubli , 219-20.

46. Ibid., 121.

45. Dakhlia, L'oubli , 219-20.

46. Ibid., 121.

47. Cherif, Pouvoir et société , and Taoufik Bachrouch, Le saint et le prince en Tunisie: Les élites tunisiennes du pouvoir et de la dévotion., contribution à l'étude des groupes sociaux dominants (1782-1881) (Tunis: Publications de l'Université de Tunis I, 1989).

48. The use of local saints' shrines and sufi zawaya as places of political and fiscal refuge is repeatedly mentioned in beylical and European archival sources; for examples, E. Pellissier de Reynaud to de Lagau, 10 August 1846, AMAE, Tunisie, c.p., vol. 10, and in AGT, dossier 516, carton 142, armoire 14, which contains protests of European consuls to the beys concerning the right of asylum in religious establishments. Asylum was frequently manipulated by some Tunisians who fallen in debt to European moneylenders.

49. Mustafa b. 'Azzuz had four sons--al-Makki, al-Hafnawi, Muhammad, and al-Azhari--and eight or nine daughters. On the family, see Ibn 'Ashur, Tarajim ; AGT, D-172-3; ARGT, cartons 989 and 1218; and Green, Tunisian Ulama . Al-Makki b. 'Azzuz (died 1916) was the mufti of Nafta and muqaddam of the Rahmaniyya zawiya there; he later married the daughter of Mustafa Bu Kharis, a middling religious family from Tunis. Sometime before 1900, al-Makki emigrated to Istanbul, going to Medina in 1912.

50. April 1885, AMG, Tunisie, carton 28 bis, no. 53. For comparative statistics on sufi membership in Tunisia, see Bachrouch, Le saint , 193-208; a colonial census of 1933 showed the Rahmaniyya as having some fifty zawaya with one of the largest sufi followings in the country.

51. Fred de Jong, "Khalwatiyya," EI , 2d ed. (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1978), 4: 991-93. Octave Depont and Xavier Coppolani, Les confréries religieuses musulmanes (Algiers: Jourdan, 1897), 398, mention Rahmaniyya members of the 'Azzuziyya in Medina.

52. AGT, D-97-3 and D-182-2.

53. Duveyrier, Sahara algérien , 41-42.

54. Ibid. Saintly protection was not, however, limited to the Muslim faithful. After the establishment of colonial control over the Sahara's northern rim after 1850, some of the region's sufi orders, notably the Tijaniyya, supplied French explorers with guides and letters of safe conduct. This may have facilitated European advances into the desert; Abun-Nasr, Tijaniyya , 73-77.

53. Duveyrier, Sahara algérien , 41-42.

54. Ibid. Saintly protection was not, however, limited to the Muslim faithful. After the establishment of colonial control over the Sahara's northern rim after 1850, some of the region's sufi orders, notably the Tijaniyya, supplied French explorers with guides and letters of safe conduct. This may have facilitated European advances into the desert; Abun-Nasr, Tijaniyya , 73-77.

55. Duveyrier, Sahara algérien , 41-42.

56. Jean Mattei to Duchesne de Bellecourt, 5 February 1865, ARGT, carton 415; AGT, D-97-3 and D-182-2; Lieutenant Becheval, 1887, "Etude sur le Nefzaoua," AMG, Tunisie, carton 30 bis, no. 18; and Charles Monchicourt, La région du Haut Tell en Tunisie (Paris: Colin, 1913), 314-18.

57. Jean Mattei to Duchesne de Bellecourt, 5 February 1865, ARGT, carton 415.

58. Henia, Le Grid , 37-39.

59. AGT, dossier 987, carton 81 bis, armoire 8, nos. 18, 67, and 131; for example, 'Ali Bey's 1882 decree characterizes the 'Azzuz's zawiya as one whose "dignity and sacredness are such that its resources should not be wasted nor its revenues decreased nor its assets liquidated."

60. Muhammad al-Sadiq Bey to Mustafa ibn 'Azzuz, 1859-1860, AGT, dossier 987, carton 81 bis, armoire 8, no. 67.

61. James Richardson, "An Account of the Present State of Tunis," 1845, PRO/FO 102/29.

62. Ahmad ibn Abi al-Diyaf, Ithaf ahl al-zaman bi-akhbar muluk Tunis wa 'ahd al-aman (Tunis: al-Dar al-Tunisiyya lil-Nashr, 1963-1966), 8: 143.

63. Ibid., 222.

62. Ahmad ibn Abi al-Diyaf, Ithaf ahl al-zaman bi-akhbar muluk Tunis wa 'ahd al-aman (Tunis: al-Dar al-Tunisiyya lil-Nashr, 1963-1966), 8: 143.

63. Ibid., 222.

64. AGT, D-112-10.

65. Jean Mattei, Sfax, to Duchesne de Bellecourt, 5 February 1865, ARGT, carton 415.

66. Rinn, Marabouts , 458.

67. Léon Roches, Tunis, to governor-general, Algiers, 18 May 1856, AGGA, 25 H 16.

68. Abundant archival documentation for the issue of Algerian refugees exists, for example, Prax, report, 1847, AN, Tunisie, F 80 1697; and in ARGT. Georges Marty, "Les algériens à Tunis," IBLA 11, 43-44 (1948): 301-34; idem, "A Tunis: Éléments allogènes et activités professionnelles, djerbiens, gabesiens, gens du sud, et autres tunisiens," IBLA 11, 42 (1948): 159-87; and Pierre Bardin's Algériens et tunisiens dans l'Empire Ottoman de 1848 à 1914 (Paris: Éditions du CNRS, 1979). For Morocco, Charles-Robert Ageron, "L'émigration des musulmans algériens et l'éxode de Tlemcen (1830-1911)," AESC 22, 2 (1967): 1047-66.

69. Bureau Arabe, Biskra, report, 1849, AGGA, 16 H 2, dossier 1.

70. Decrees, 14 March 1852, AGGA, 1 H 9, no. 58; and AGGA, 8 H.

71. Anonymous, "Notice sur Si Ali Ben Otmane," AGGA, 16 H 3, dossier 2; and Marthe and Edmond Gouvian, Kitab aayane al-marhariba (Algiers: Imprimerie Orientale, 1920), 148-51.

72. Anonymous, "Histoire de la zawiya de Khanqat Sidi Naji," 1895, AGGA, 16 H 10; and AGT, D-172-3. Raoul de Lartigue, Monographie de l'Aurès (Constantine: Marle, 1904), 373.

73. E. Pellissier de Reynaud, Sousse, to French consul, Tunis, 7 April 1846, ARGT, carton 416.

74. Ministry of War, Paris, 22 April 1847, AMAE, Tunisie, c.p., vol. 10; Prax, report, 4 November 1847, AMAE, Tunisie, c.p., vol. 10.

75. Bissuel, "Histoire de Biskra," AGGA, 10 H 43; and Jean Mattei to Léon Roches, 1855, AMAE, Tunisie, c.p., vol. 15.

76. Martel, Les confins 1: 144; Louis Rinn, Histoire de l'insurrection de 1871 en Algérie (Algiers: Jourdan, 1891); and AGT, D-172-3.

77. Bissuel, "Histoire de Biskra," 1861, AGGA, 10 H 43.

78. AGT, carton 141, dossier 512, armoire 14.

79. ARGT, carton 423.

80. 8 July 1851, PRO, Tunisia, FO 102/40; and 14 March 1851, AMAE, Tunisie, c.p., vol. 12; the outbreak of cholera in the Jarid may also have added to the inhabitants' woes.

81. AGT, carton 20, dossier 227, armoire 1, doc. no. 21.

82. For example, anonymous, report, 17 August 1858, AGGA, 1 H 15. French consular correspondence for al-Kaf, ARGT, carton 423, contains abundant documentation on cross-border manipulations.

83. AMAE, Tunisie, c.p., vol. 12 (1851); and PRO, Tunisia, FO 102/40 (1851).

84. AGT, carton 20, dossier 227, armoire 1, nos. 64-69.

85. Ibid.; 8 July 1851, PRO, Tunisia, FO 102/40; and 30 March 1851, ARGT, carton 414.

84. AGT, carton 20, dossier 227, armoire 1, nos. 64-69.

85. Ibid.; 8 July 1851, PRO, Tunisia, FO 102/40; and 30 March 1851, ARGT, carton 414.

86. 8 July 1851, PRO, Tunisia, FO 102/40.

87. Augustin Espina, Gabis, to French consul, Tunis, March 1851, ARGT, carton 414.

88. French consul, Tunis to Ahmad Bey, November 1851, AGT, 206-91-21.

89. Ibid.

88. French consul, Tunis to Ahmad Bey, November 1851, AGT, 206-91-21.

89. Ibid.

90. Al-Diyaf, Ithaf 8: 142.

91. Leon Carl Brown, The Tunisia of Ahmad Bey 1837-1855 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1974); Jean Ganiage, Les origines du protectorat français en Tunisie (1861-1881) (Paris: PUF, 1959); and Khelifa Chater, Dépendance et mutations précoloniales: La régence de Tunis de 1815 à 1857 (Tunis: Publications de l'Université de Tunis, 1984).

92. Growing British strategic interest in Tunisia, influenced by Great Britain's acquisition of Malta and France's occupation of Algeria, is reflected in the diplomatic correspondence, particularly after 1855, when Richard Wood was appointed as British consul to Tunis; see PRO, Tunisia, FO 102, vols. 1-90 (1838-1871). Arthur Marsden, British Diplomacy and Tunis, 1875-1902 (Edinburgh: Scottish Academic Press, 1971).

93. James Richardson, "An Account of the Present State of Tunis," 1845, PRO/FO 102/29.

94. Ducouret, "Rapport," 1850, AN, F 17 2957 [2]; and Robert Mantran, "Une relation inédite d'un voyage en Tunisie au milieu du 19e siècle," CT 3, 11 (1951): 474-80; and Marcel Emerit, "Un collaborateur d'Alexandre Dumas: Ducouret Abd al-Hamid," CT 4, 14 (1956): 243-47.

95. Charles Tissot, "Rapport sur une expédition dans le sud de la régence de Tunis, adressé au chargé d'affaires de France," October 1857, AMAE, Tunisie, mém./doc., vol. 8, no. 28.

96. Ibid.

97. Ibid.

95. Charles Tissot, "Rapport sur une expédition dans le sud de la régence de Tunis, adressé au chargé d'affaires de France," October 1857, AMAE, Tunisie, mém./doc., vol. 8, no. 28.

96. Ibid.

97. Ibid.

95. Charles Tissot, "Rapport sur une expédition dans le sud de la régence de Tunis, adressé au chargé d'affaires de France," October 1857, AMAE, Tunisie, mém./doc., vol. 8, no. 28.

96. Ibid.

97. Ibid.

98. Duveyrier, Sahara algérien , 49; Duveyrier's laudatory evaluation of the Rahmaniyya shaykh contrasts with his later vilification of the Sanusiyya and other sufi orders. This may perhaps be explained by the fact that the meeting with 'Azzuz occurred during Duveyrier's first excursions into the Sahara before the colonial canon regarding the sufi menace had taken shape--a canon that the explorer himself helped to create in subsequent writings.

99. Daniel R. Headrick, The Tools of Empire: Technology and European Imperialism in the Nineteenth Century (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981). During his state trip to France in 1846, Ahmad Bey visited shipyards, arsenals, and factories as recorded in al-Diyaf, Ithaf . Presumably rural religious figures, such as 'Azzuz, were aware of the technological bases of European power through the reports of Tunisians accompanying the bey on his voyage to Europe or in the course of their own travels to the mashriq and to the Hijaz.

100. Anonymous, "Frontières de Tunisie, 1844-58," AGGA, F 80 956; anonymous, "Confins de la Tunisie et du sud algérien," and "Contraband terrestre et maritime," AGGA, F 80 1695-97.

101. 'Abd al-Qadir al-Jaza'iri, Tuhfa , 313-15; AGGA, F 80 1426; and Georges Yver, "Abd el-Kader et le maroc en 1838," RA 60 (1919): 93-111. Abdulmola S. El-Horeir mentions Sanusiyya involvement in the arms traffic in "Social and Economic Transformations in the Libyan Hinterland during the Second Half of the Nineteenth Century: The Role of Sayyid Ahmad al-Sharif al-Sanusi" (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1981).

102. Commanding general, province of Algiers, to minister of war, Paris, 8 June 1841, AGGA, F 80 1426. The Tunisian ruler was also accused of sending munitions to Ahmad Bey of the Constantine in a British report dated 10 December 1839, PRO, Tunisia, FO 102/5.

103. Even in today's Tunisia, contraband is a flourishing concern in the south, where daring entrepreneurs make an "honest" living smuggling illicit goods such as whiskey, sugar, or coffee between Libya, southern Tunisia, and Algeria. This information was kindly furnished to me by Monsieur Belqacem al-Chabbi during the course of interviews in 1982-1983.

104. Research on the cultural meanings ascribed to firearms in sub-Saharan Africa reveals similar associations; Gavin White, ed., "Introduction," JAH 12, 2 (1971): 173-254; and Gerald M. Berg, "The Sacred Musket: Tactics, Technology, and Power in Eighteenth-Century Madagascar," CSSH 27, 2 (1985): 261-79.

105. For example, the mahdist leader Bu Baghla claimed invulnerability during the Kabyle uprising of 1850-1854; Nil-Jospeh Robin, "Histoire du Chérif Bou Bar'la," RA 24-28 (1880-84). Both Bu Ziyan, and the last Tunisian Mahdi of Tala in 1906, convinced supporters that they were

immune to firepower as did numerous Moroccan mahdis. Corneille Trumelet, L'Algérie légendaire en pélérinage çà et là aux tombeaux des principaux thaumaturges de l'Islam (Tell et Sahara) (Algiers: Jourdan, 1892); Adolphe Hanoteau and A. Letourneux, La kabylie et les coutumes kabyles , 2 vols. (Paris: Challamel, 1872-1873), 1: 467-68.

106. Abun-Nasr, Tijaniyya , 60.

107. C. Pinon, "Le Mzab," CHEAM 3, 8 (1937), 3, stated that "the mosque in the Mzabi cities is at once a storage place, an arms depot, and a fortress." De Neveu, Les khouan , 153 and 177, reports that Darqawi centers contained arms depots. The Sanusiyya arsenals are repeatedly mentioned in various diplomatic sources, among them, AGGA, 1 I 95 (1874) and 16 H 38 (1906). Information on Algerian hajjis is contained in AGGA, F 80 1426 (1850).

108. L. S. Stavrianos, A Global History , 3d ed. (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1983), 320.

109. The documents in AMAE, Tunisie, c.p., vols. 5-66 (1841-1881), ARGT, cartons 414-423, and AGT, H series, cartons 205, 206, and 208, contain numerous references to the borders. Taoufik Bachrouch, "Pouvoir et souverainété territoriale: La question de la frontière tuniso-algérienne sous Ahmed Bey," in Actes du Premier Congrès d'Histoire et de la Civilisation du Maghreb , 2 vols. (Tunis: Université de Tunis, 1979), 2: 195-208; and Denis Camisoli, "La frontière algéro-tunisienne (1844-1851)," Revue Historique de l'Armée 11 (1955): 72.

110. Lieutenant Prax, 1847, AGGA, F 80 1697.

111. AGT, carton 94, dossier 116, armoire 9.

112. Ross E. Dunn, "Bu Himara's European Connexion: The Commercial Relations of a Moroccan Warlord," JAH 21, 2 (1980): 235-53.

113. Michael Adas, Machines as the Measure of Men: Science, Technology, and Ideologies of Western Dominance (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1989).

114. Maj. G. B. Laurie, The French Conquest of Algeria (London: Hugh Rees, 1901), 162, observed that when the French army disarmed the tribes, hundreds of muskets would be delivered at a single time. Headrick, Tools , 91, claims that the Algerians had "guns as good as the Europeans." This needs to be qualified since diplomatic and military correspondence from the period indicates that obtaining parts or the right ammunition for imported weaponry posed enormous problems for North Africans; for example, Mattei to Béclard, 24 June 1854, ARGT, carton 423.

115. 'Abd al-Qadir al-Jaza'iri, Tuhfa ; and Dr. Warnier, "Biographie d'Abdel Kader," n.d., AMG, Algérie, H 235.

116. AGGA, F 80 442 (1847); A. Sainte-Marie, "Aspects du colportage à partir de la Kabylie du Djurdjura à l'époque contemporaine," in Commerce de gros, commerce de détail dans les pays méditerranéens (XVI-XIXe siècles) (Nice: Université de Nice, 1976), 104-6, noted that some

Kabyles traveled about repairing arms; others distributed or bartered arms, swords, and gunpowder, which had traditionally been produced in their mountains. Much of the sulfur, lead, and gunflints were imported clandestinely from Tunisia prior to 1881. For the Mzab, see Eugène Daumas, Le Sahara Algérien (Paris: Langlois et Leclercq, 1845), 61-70; one of the reasons the colonial regime moved against the Mzabi cities in 1882 was to stop the traffic in arms and gunpowder.

117. M. Subtil's two reports dated 1844, AMG, Algérie, H 229, no. 7, and E. Pellissier de Reynaud's account of 1846, AMAE, Tunisie, c.p., vol. 10, both mention that the caravan trade was declining due to increased customs duties levied by the Tunisian state and the ban on slavery. Henri Duveyrier, La Tunisie (Paris: Hachette, 1881), 24, observed that the traffic in humans in southern Tunisia and other parts of the Maghrib continued, despite the prohibition, although on a much reduced scale. In commanding general, Oran, to governor-general, Algiers, 2 August 1856, AGGA, 1 H 27, it was noted that traders dealing in contraband armaments in the Oran also trafficked in black slaves.

118. F. Robert Hunter, "Observations on the Comparative Political Evolution of Tunisia and Egypt under Ahmad Bey and Muhammad Ali," RHM 13 (1986): 43-48; much of the material in this section was kindly furnished by F. Robert Hunter from a work currently in progress.

119. Martel, Les confins ; and Actes du 1er Séminaire sur l'Histoire du Mouvement National: Réactions à l'occupation française de la Tunisie en 1881 (Tunis: Publications Scientifiques Tunisiennes, 1983).

120. Subtil, 1844, AMG, Algérie, H 229, no. 7; E. Pellissier de Reynaud, 1846, AMAE, c.p., vol. 10; and Francois Arnoulet, "Les relations de commerce entre la France et la Tunisie de 1815 à 1896" (doctoral diss., Université de Lille, 1968).

121. Henia, Le Grid .

122. James C. Scott, Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985); and idem, Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990).

123. A 3 percent ad valorem duty was levied upon French and British goods imported into Tunisian seaports; other nations paid higher duties, which were regulated by treaty; Franco-Algerian products imported overland into the beylik also paid a 3 percent ad valorem duty; Ganiage, Les origines ; and Chater, Dépendance .

124. Bureau Arabe, report, 12 April 1853, AGGA, 1 H 10; and E. Pellissier de Reynaud to minister of foreign affairs, 2 September 1843, AMAE, Tunisie, c.p., vol. 7.

125. J. B. Vilar, "Le commerce espagnol avec l'Algérie au début de la période coloniale," RHM 2 (1978): 286-92.

126. French representatives in Tunisia naturally opposed any unregulated commerce since they regarded the traffic in contraband munitions as a grave threat to Algeria. The political correspondence in AMAE, Tunisie, vols. 8-59 (1840-1881), contains endless complaints regarding the arms trade and the illegal activities of the Maltese. Smuggling prompted the French government to name consular agents to Gabis, Jirba, al-Kaf, and the Jarid (ARGT, cartons 400, 414-423). The imposition of the protectorate did not end arms smuggling, as indicated by the reports in AGT, E-547-3; for example, chef du bureau des affaires indigènes, Matmata, to the resident general, Tunis, 22 July 1920, details the arms trade between southern Tunisia and the Italian province of Tripoli.

Britain's position toward the contraband trade was more equivocal since many of the items were of British manufacture. Moreover, through the Maltese, British representatives to the Bardo could counter France's influence in Tunisia. While British officials regarded the unruly Maltese, who were often a nuisance, with barely concealed disdain, they did very little to discourage their activities. With Richard Wood's arrival in Tunis in 1855, pledges were made to the bey and the French to rein in the lawless Maltese but without much effect; Richard Wood to Muhammad Bey, 14 November 1856, AGT, carton 227, dossier 411, no. 59.

127. Jean Ganiage, "Les européens en Tunisie au milieu du XIXe siècle (1840-1870)," CT 3, 11 (1955): 388-421; and Ganiage, Les origines , 41.

128. 2 February 1852, PRO, Tunisia, FO 102/43, for Sousse; 24 June 1858, PRO, Tunisia, FO 102/56, for Mahdiyya; 4 July 1849, AGT, carton 26, dossier 89, mentions smuggling in Tabarka; and for the Tunis region, reports dated 1841-1843, AGGA, F 80 1426.

129. Donald Quataert, Social Disintegration and Popular Resistance in the Ottoman Empire, 1881-1908: Reactions to European Economic Penetration (New York: New York University Press, 1983).

130. French consular agent, al-Kaf, to French consul, Tunis, 1873, ARGT, carton 423; and anonymous, report, 1887, AGGA, 16 H 2, dossier 4.

131. Espina, Gabis, to de Beauval, Tunis, 23 June 1864, ARGT, carton 417; and Botmiliau to minister of foreign affairs, Paris, 28 October 1867, AMAE, c.p., vol. 29: "the tribes rarely use money to pay for foreign goods, the exception being arms." Also May 1834, AGGA, F 80 1426; January 1844, AMAE, Tunisie, c.c., vol. 54, and April 1853, vol. 56.

132. Ganiage, Les origines , 57-58; and Department of State, Despatch Book, vol. 7, January 1858-1864, National Archives, Washington, D.C.

133. Perry to Secretary of State Seward, 21 April 1864, Department of State, Despatch Book, vol. 7, National Archives, Washington, D.C.

134. 22 September 1842, PRO, Tunisia, FO 102/15.

135. British vice-consul, Sfax, to London, June 1845, PRO, Tunisia, FO 102/24; Tissot, ''Rapport"; Carette, "Recherches"; and Daumas, Le Sahara , 196-300.

136. AMAE, Tunisie, c.c., vols. 55-60 (1848-1877); ACCM, Algérie, MQ 52; and Claude Bataillon, Le Souf, étude de géographie humaine (Algiers: Université d'Alger, 1955).

137. AMAE, Maroc, c.p. and c.c., n.s., vols. 168-179 (1905-1916).

138. ARGT, cartons 414-42; and anonymous, report, October 1851, AGGA, F 80 956.

139. AGT, "Correspondance au sujet de la contrebande en tabac," 1850-1881, carton 96, dossier 141, armoire 10; AMAE, Tunisie, c.c., vol. 54 (October 1843); and "Rapport sur l'Oued Souf et ses relations commerciales," 1856, AGGA, 22 H 26.

140. ARGT, carton 423; AMAE, Tunisie, c.c., vol. 56 (1854); and "Histoire de Biskra," AGGA, 10 H 43.

141. Richard Wood to London, 10 September 1863, PRO, Tunisia, FO 102/68; AMAE, Malte, c.c., vols. 21-23 (1843-68); and report, 24 August 1852, AGGA, F 80 1426. E. Fallot, "Malte et ses rapports économiques avec la Tunisie," RT 3 (1896): 17-38; and Lucette Valensi, "Les relations commerciales entre la régence de Tunis et Malte au XVIIIe siècle," CT 11, 43, 3 (1963): 71-83.

142. AMAE, Tunisie, c.p., vol. 7 (1843); ARGT, carton 423 (1866-1874); AGT, carton 207, dossier 102, no. 101 (1870); Richard Wood, Tunis, 10 September 1863, PRO, Tunisia, FO 102/68; and Botmiliau to Paris, 25 August 1868, AMAE, Tunisie, c.c., vol. 59.

143. "Rapport sur l'Oued Souf," 1856, AGGA, 22 H 26. Another branch of the contraband trade that became important in the 1860s was the route linking Sousse with al-Kaf; from al-Kaf, situated on the frontiers, large quantities of rifles and gunpowder were distributed to Tunisian and Algerian tribes as well as to Suq Ahras, Guelma, and Constantine. In 1868, ARGT, carton 417, the French consul in Sousse noted that Mzabi merchants had come to the port to purchase from Maltese suppliers contraband gunpowder intended for transport back to Algeria.

144. Report, 16 October 1851, AGGA, 1 H 8, no. 146; and 20 January 1852, AGGA, F 80 1426, no. 589.

145. E. Pellissier de Reynaud to minister of foreign affairs, Paris, 2 September 1843, AMAE, Tunisie, c.p., vol. 7; and anonymous, report, 12 April 1853, AGGA, 1 H 10.

146. ARGT, cartons 415 and 423; AMAE, Tunisie, c.p., vol. 14 (1853); and Tissot, report, 1853, AMAE, Tunisie, mém./doc., vol. 8, no. 28; the imposition of the French protectorate did not end the contraband arms trade, Lieutenant Becheval, report, 1887, AMG, Tunisie, 36 H 30, no. 18 bis.

147. Tissot, report, 1853, AMAE, Tunisie, mém./doc., vol. 8, no. 28. Abun-Nasr, Tijaniyya , 68-71, notes that by 1844 the Tijaniyya leaders of 'Ain Madi had publicly recognized the French colonial regime.

148. AMAE, Tunisie, c.p., vol. 14 (1853); and Tissot, report, 1853, AMAE, Tunisie, mém./doc., vol. 8, no. 28. Seizures of contraband munitions are constantly reported in the Bureaux Arabes documents; for example, the report of 23 December 1852, AGGA, 1 H 9, no. 373, stated that colonial military officials confiscated fifty-five kilograms in the market of Sidi 'Uqba on a single day.

149. Warnier, 1856, AGGA, 22 H 26. Even after the imposition of indirect French rule over the Suf in December 1854, the contraband trade continued, although with more circumspection. When Duveyrier visited the Suf in 1860, he noted the following items for sale in al-Awad: Maltese cotton goods (in the early 1860s, Malta experienced a boom in its local cotton industry due to the American Civil War), handkerchiefs of Indian cotton, finished silk textiles, raw silk, fine calico, gunflints, and rifles. The textiles all carried the stamps of various Anglo-Indian or English manufacturers; other items were marked by British commercial houses; Duveyrier, Journal , 15-17.

150. ARGT, cartons 415 and 423; report, 12 April 1853, AGGA, 1 H 15; and Béclard to minister of foreign affairs, Paris, October 1854, AMAE, Tunisie, c.c., vol. 56. The village of Tala developed around the nucleus of the Rahmaniyya zawiya; AGT, série A, dossier 28, carton 72; and A. Winkler, "Notice sur Thala," RT 3 (1896): 523-27.