1. See the conclusions, similar to my own, of Richard B. Mather, SSXY, p. 371, and more recently in "Individualist Expression of the Outsiders during the Six Dynasties," p. 201.

2. "At the time [ca. 260] the fame of [their] manner was wafted everywhere within the seas. Even down to the present people continue to intone it" (Sun Sheng, Jinyang qiu, cited in the Commentary to SSXY 23.1).

3. I have found no reference to a painting of the Seven Worthies and Rong Qiqi.

4. Traditions are our concern here. It is what the men of Eastern Jin and Liu-Song believed to be true (or, at least, wanted to be true) that matters. My purpose in examining the historical evidence for the Seven Worthies in the previous chapter was to demonstrate the paucity of this evidence and the significant creative effort later applied to the development of the traditions.

5. SSXY 23.1.

6. SSXY 17.2.

7. SSXY: for Ruan Ji, 23.5; for Liu Ling, Mingshi zhuan, cited in the Commentary to 4.69; for Wang Rong, 29.2.

8. Many of the late third-, fourth-, and fifth-century works referring to the Seven Worthies, now lost, have been preserved in documents of the fifth and sixth centuries. They thus provide the evidence that the anecdotes were in circulation prior to, as well as after, the publication of their later compilations. Pei Songzhi's Commentary to Sanguo zhi was presented to the throne in 429, for example (for historiography see DeCrespigny, Records of the Three Kingdoms ). The editors of the SSXY, compiled probably some time between 420 and 444, clearly drew on earlier works, as attested by comparison of the text with those anecdotes included in the commentary of Liu Jun (Liu Xiaobiao), whose dates are 462-521.

9. SSXY: Deng Can's Jin ji (fourth century) is cited in the Commentary to 9.17; Dai Kui's ZLQXL in the Commentary to 23.13.

10. Jin ji, by Gan Bao. Cited in the Commentary to SSXY 23.2. Gan Bao's remark "Look at Ruan Ji's conduct and you will understand what continue

      caused the collapse of the Doctrine of Rites" ( Jin ji, in Wen xuan, juan 5, p. 33) echoes down the ages.

11. Weishi chunqiu, cited in the Commentary to SSXY 23.2. Note the similarities between this account and that of Wang Rong's mourning ( SSXY 1.17).

12. SSXY 9.31.

13. Wujun yong (Songs of Five Gentlemen), Wen xuan, juan 2, p. 212. Four of the five poems in praise of the Seven Worthies are also excerpted in Shen Yue's Song shu, where he states that Yan Yanzhi wrote them in pique over his failure to receive promotion. His failure to include Shan Tao and Wang Rong, says Shen Yue, was a deliberate rejection (i.e., of high-ranking officials) and therefore a criticism of his own superiors ( juan 73, p. 1893).

14. SSXY 23.6.

15. Wujun yong, Wen xuan, juan 2, p. 212.

16. LDMHJ, vol. 2.1, p. 47; vol. 2.2, p. 69. A. C. Graham, translator, The Book of Lieh-tzu, pp. 24-25. For dating see ibid., p. 12, as well as Graham's "The Date and Composition of the Liehtzyy."

17. James Robert Hightower, "T'ao Ch'ien's 'Drinking Wine' Poems," pp. 7, 22.

18. For Ruans and convivial pigs, SSXY 23.12; for the slave girl, SSXY 23.15; for the lice, see chap. 4.

19. Alexander Soper has noted this ("Tomb Discovery," p. 85). Shan Tao said that when Xi Kang was drunk, "he leans crazily like a jade mountain about to collapse," a characterization clearly not depicted in the mural ( SSXY 14.5). Soper has also suggested that Xiang Xiu, who might be characterized as tipsy, but who has no wine cup or bowl, might be meditating (p. 85; see also Nanjing, "Xishanqiao," p. 42).

20. As in the Han dynasty, funerals were large affairs. Clan members, friends, protégés, and former protégés would often travel long distances to attend the funeral. See, for example, Tao Yuanming's account of Meng Jia's journey from Jiankang to Guiji to attend the funeral of Xie Shang (d. 357), under whom he had once served (Davis, T'ao Yüan-ming, vol. 1, p. 204).

21. SSXY 2.18. Ji Mountain (Henan) was the hermitage of the two ancient and virtuous recluses referred to in the anecdote. For discussion of the Seven Worthies as a cautionary tale, see Mather, "Controversy."

22. Ample precedents existed for group compositions—for example, the many banquet or visitation scenes of Han. Ellen Laing cites the Yinan scene of Cang Jie and Ju Song as a possible precedent ("Neo-Taoism," p. 15). The flight to the south must have included many skilled artisans.

23. SSXY: for Gu Kaizhi's characterization, see the Commentary to 8.10 (Gu Kaizhi, Hua zan ); for Zhong Hui's, 8.5; for Pei Kai's, 14.6; for Wang Gong's, 23.51

24. SSXY 14.5 and the Commentary ( Xi Kang bieji ). It is of some interest that the SSXY frequently likens individuals to nature's wonders—wind, trees, pearls, jade—and that often it is the motion or action that is important: wind soughs, jade mountains collapse, lightning flashes, pearls and jade tinkle.

25. SSXY 14.13, 20.1, 8.12.

26. The Jin shu says that Ruan Xian played the pipa, or balloon guitar continue

        ( juan 49, P. 1363). The archaeological report states that the pipa held by Ruan Xian in the mural is a version of the instrument invented by, and named after, him, the ruan (Nanjing, "Xishanqiao," p. 42).

27. Depicted in three-quarter view, both egg-shaped heads are formed by a continuous, unbroken line that bulges slightly at the cheek, curves inward to form a point, then curves slightly outward, then up to form the chin. An adjoining outward curve travels across and up to complete the lower jaw. A long, bulging line forms the bridge of the nose, then turns sharply in almost a straight line before steeply turning up and in. Mouths and eyes are identical.

28. "When Juan Chi [Ruan Ji] whistled ( hsiao ), he could be heard several hundred paces away. In the Su-men mountains (Honan) there appeared from nowhere a Realized Man. . . . Juan Chi went to see for himself and spied the man squatting with clasped knees by the edge of a cliff. Chi climbed the ridge . . . and squatted opposite him. Chi rehearsed for him briefly matters from antiquity to the present. . . . But when Chi asked his opinion about it he remained aloof and made no reply. [Chi then discoursed on metaphysical issues, but elicited no reply.] He was still exactly as before, fixedly staring without turning. Chi therefore turned toward him and made a long whistling sound. After a long while the man finally laughed and said, 'Do it again.' Chi whistled a second time . . . then . . . withdrew. [When] halfway down the ridge . . . he heard above him a shrillness like an orchestra of many instruments, while forests and valleys reechoed with the sound. Turning back to look, he discovered it was the whistling of the man he had just visited" ( SSXY 18.1). For whistling, see E. D. Edwards, "'Principles of Whistling—Hsiaochih'—Anonymous"; Sawada Mizuho, "Sho * no genryu * "; Holzman, Poetry and Politics, pp. 151-52; DeWoskin, Song, pp. 162-66.

29. I mean, what the men of the fourth century thought they had in common.

30. SSXY: for Xi Kang, see the Commentary to 14.5 ( Xi Kang bieji ); for Wang Rong, see the Commentary to 6.4 ( Mingshi zhuan ); for Shan Tao, 3.5. Xi Kang's extraordinary capacity may also bejudged a defect, as it was by the emperor Jianwen.

31. Yan Yanzhi, Wujun yong, Wen xuan, juan 2, pp. 212, 211, 212, respectively. Yan's poem on Ruan Ji has been translated by Holzman, Poetry and Politics, p. 236.

32. [ Xiang ] Xiu bie zhuan, cited in the Commentary to SSXY 4.17.

33. SSXY 3.7.

34. [ Xiang ] Xiu bie zhuan, cited in SSXY 4.17.

35. SSXY 23.7.

36. ZLQXL, cited in the Commentary to SSXY 8.12.

37. SSXY 14.13. The same un-Confucian behavior is reported of Xi Kang ( Xi Kang bieji, cited in SSXY 14.5).

38. Weiguo tong, by Liang Zuo (fifth-century), cited in the Commentary to SSXY 14.13.

39. For Wang Rong: SSXY 8.5; for Shan Tao: Jinyang qiu, cited in the Commentary to SSXY 19.11.

40. For Xi Kang: SSXY 14.5; for Shan Tao: Hua zan, cited in the Commentary to SSXY 8.10.

41. SSXY 14.5. break

42. ZLQXL, cited in the Commentary to SSXY 4.17. Emphasis added.

43. SSXY 8.8.

44. SSXY: for Liu Ling, see the Commentary to 14.13 ( Weiguo tong ) for Xi Kang, 6.2, 1.16; for Ruan Ji, 23.2; for Wang Rong, 6.5 and the Commentary ( ZLQXL ), where we learn that the emperor, who witnessed the event, was very impressed.

45. Or the painting on which the murals were surely based. Pei Songzhi's inclusion of Cao Pi's letter in his Commentary to the Sanguo zhi is evidence for its currency at the time of tomb construction. Its continued currency is attested by its inclusion in the sixth-century Wen xuan.

46. As indeed we will find them in countless paintings hereafter, for which, see Laing, "Neo-Taoism."

47. I can find no early allusion to Wang Rong and a ruyi (the earliest being the sixth-century Yu Xin's reference to "Wang Rong's ruyi dance." See Nanjing, "Xishanqiao," p. 41). See also SSXY 13.4 for the ruyi, drinking, and Rong's kinsman, Wang Dun.

48. See the discussion in DeWoskin, Song, pp. 123-24, 140-44. "To the cognoscente, the pose with qin in lap is suggestive not of serious playing of the instrument, but simply of its presence" (p. 142).

49. Legge Li Ki, I.I.IV-11.

50. The exaggerated fistlike bulge in which some of the wearers' belts terminate (figs. 24, 26) is found as early as late Zhou in the small painting on silk unearthed at Changsha in 1942 (Hunansheng bowuguan, "Xin faxian de Changsha Zhanguo Chu mu bohua" [ WW 1973.7], pp. 2-4 and fig. 1). The male figure is considered by many to be a portrait of the deceased. It suggests a long history, still to be traced, for some of these forms.

51. See chap. 4. A description of Liezi is brought to mind by the image of Xiang Xiu: "My mind concentrated and my body relaxed, bones and flesh fused completely, I did not notice what my body leaned against and my feet trod, I drifted with the wind . . . and never knew whether it was the wind that rode me or I the winc." (Graham, Lieh-tzu, pp. 36-37).

52. For the question of intent, see, for example, Alexander Soper, "Life-Motion and the Sense of Space," esp. pp. 178-79. For the position that the Seven Worthies mural is one step in the evolution of space-depiction, see Annette Juliano, Teng-hsien, pp. 69-70.

53. "And those who know men are certainly wise."

54. In Richard Mather's literal translation, "cultivated tolerance." See, for his discussion of this crucial phrase, SSXY, p. xvii. Mather's translation of ya as "cultivated" emphasizes the trained, or educated, aspect of this capacity. It is an ability that carl be expressed only if it has been nurtured. Only one who has experienced much in life is capable of controlling his emotions under all circumstances. It implies, moreover, that through self-discipline one has achieved an inner detachment from, an indifference to, worldly matters. Thus, it resonates with ziran, and both concepts conform to Daoist and Buddhist ideals.

        Ziran and yaliang may be subsumed under the famous phras efengliu, wind-stream—freely flowing. I refrain from using it because of the connotation of decadence attached to it by later Confucians, a connotation it most certainly did not bear in the Six Dynasties. See, for example, the monk Dao-an's pur- soft

      ported remark in 365 that in the capital "are many noble gentlemen, who appreciate the fine manners [ fengliu ] of the cultured priests" (cited in Zürcher, Buddhist Conquest, vol. 1, p. 190).

55. SSXY 19.30.

56. Precisely what is meant by manner and style is not spelled out. We may rest assured that Ji Ni meant no allusion to pigs, drunkenness, nudity, etc. Offending the Xies and the Wangs was not normally a safe pastime. For another example of southern conservatism vs. the "new style" see SSXY 24.17.

57. Zürcher, Buddhist Conquest, chap. 3.

58. See Arthur F. Wright, "Biography and Hagiography: Hui-chiao's Lives of Eminent Monks. "

59. Biography in Jin shu, juan 56, pp. 1544-47. See also Hellmut Wilhelm, "A Note on Sun Ch'o and His Yu-tao-lun"; Richard B. Mather, "The Mystical Ascent of the T'ian-t'ai Mountains." Sun Chuo's Dao xian lun is quoted in the Gaoseng zhuan of Huijiao. For the comparisons: Dharmaraksa with Shan Tao, juan 1, pp. 326c-327a; Bo Yuan with Xi Kang, juan 1, p. 327b; Zhu Facheng with Wang Rong, juan 4, p. 347c; Zhu Daoqian with Liu Ling, juan 4, p. 348a; Zhi Dun with Xiang Xiu, juan 4, p. 349c; Yu Falan with Ruan Ji, juan 4, p. 35oa. The comparison with Xiang Xiu is also quoted in the Commentary to SSXY 4.36.

60. Zhi Dun, however, like Xiang Xiu, was an authority on the Laozi and the Zhuangzi.

61. Similarly, in 410, the monk Sengzhao compared the monastic community at Lu Shan to Ruan Ji, who "never gossiped but discussed only the philosophical principles underlying a case. (Your songs remind me of) the noble poems (composed by the Seven Philosophers in the Bamboo) Grove" (Walter Liebenthal, Chao Lun: The Treatises of Seng-chao [2nd rev. ed.; Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1968], p. 89).

62. SSXY 9.36.

63. See the genealogy in Wilhelm's "Note on Sun Ch'o," p. 262. Chuo served on the staffs of Yu Liang, Yin Hao, and Wang Xizhi (p. 265).

64. SSXY 27.12. If true, this did not prevent him from marrying his daughter, purportedly by ruse, to the son of Wang Tanzhi, marquis of Lantian, and onetime president of the Central Secretariat. He was a descendant of Wang Chang (d. 259), said to be from Taiyuan ( Sanguo zhi [Wei shu], juan 27, p. 743).

65. E.g., SSXY 5.48, 26.9, 26.15, 26.17, 26.22.

66. SSXY 9.61. The Commentary adds: "[Chuo] and Hsü Hsün both talked in terms of turning their backs on the world, but while Hsün, to the day of his death, never compromised his determination, Ch'o [Chuo] became deeply enmeshed in worldly affairs" ( Wenzhang zhi, sponsored by [Song] Emperor Ming [r. 465-472]).

67. For the concepts of chaoyin and shiyin, see Chi Li, "Recluse," 241ff. See also Wolfgang Bauer, "The Hidden Hero," p. 169; Mather, "Controversy," pp. 168ff.; Wang Yao, "Lun xiqi yinyizhifeng," pp. 82, 95, and passim.

68. Jinyang qiu, cited in the Commentary to SSXY 19.11. See also the Commentary to 3.5. Citing the Shiyu, Pei Songzhi says that Shan Tao warned continue

      Xi Kang that his plan to overthrow the regime was ill-advised ( Sanguo zhi [Wei shu], juan 21, p. 607). Compare Sun Sheng's praise with Liezi's "Pick the right time and flourish / Miss the right time and perish" (Graham, Lieh-tzu, pp. 162-63).

69. SSXY 4.91.

70. For the anecdote, see Weishi qunqiu, cited by Pei Songzhi, Sanguo zhi, juan 21, p. 606; SSXY 18.2.

71. Zhongxing shu, by He Fasheng (fifth century), cited in the Commentary to SSXY 4.91.

72. The characterization is Richard B. Mather's, SSXY, p. 529. Wan's disgrace is recounted in SSXY 9.49. It is not irrelevant to note that Wan was son-in-law to Wang Shu, the father of Wang Tanzhi, whose son was married to Sun Chuo's daughter.

73. A.D. 320-385. Biography in Jin shu, juan 79, pp. 2072-77.

74. When, in the sixth century, the rebel Hou Jing demanded of the Liang emperor a marital alliance with the Xie or Wang family, Wu Di was forced to refuse: "They occupy peerless positions in the realm." He offered him, instead, a wife from the Zhu or Zhang clans. Hou Jing consoled himself by marrying the emperor's granddaughter ( Nan shi, juan 80, pp. 1996, 2000).

75. For the famous Battle of the River Fei, see Michael Rogers, The Chronicle of Fu Chien: A Case of Exemplary History.

76. For the most famous gathering, that in the Orchid Pavilion, see SSXY 16.3, where the preface attributed to Wang Xizhi is partially quoted. Ding Fubao has collected many of the poems said to have been composed on that occasion in Quan Han Sanguo Jin Nanbeichao shi: Quan Jin shi, juan 5.

77. SSXY 4.55. Note that we are not given the substance of the debate, merely the judgments of the presentations. This is characteristic of the SSXY. In addition to An's talent for debate, he is said to have been a great calligrapher. See Frodsham, Murmuring Stream 1:5; 2:7, notes 52, 53; Lothar Ledderose, Mi Fu and the Classical Tradition in Chinese Calligraphy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979), pp. 90-93 and passim.

78. Xu Jin yang qiu, by Tan Daoluan (fifth century), cited in the Commentary to SSXY 8.77.

79. SSXY 9.55

80. SSXY 6.28 Emphasis added.

81. SSXY 25.32.

82. Furen ji, cited in the Commentary to SSXY 25.26.

83. SSXY 4.52.

84. Yi's biography is in Jin shu, juan 74, pp. 1939-41; Wen's in Jin shu, juan 98, pp. 2568-80. See also SSXY 19.32, where the Huans are referred to as "upstarts," and 23.34, where Wen is said to have been poor in his youth.

85. SSXY 25.24, 13.9. Tan's reply lays bare the enmities of the period: "For the vitality and duration of the virtue of the Jin, how can you take the credit?" ( Yulin, by Pei Qi [fourth century], cited in the Commentary to 25.24).

86. SSXY 8. 105, 9.45.

87. SSXY 13.8.

88. See also SSXY 2. 102 for the unfavorable comparison of Huan Wen with Wang Dun's loyal brother, the minister Wang Dao. break

89. The SSXY is a work of literature. It can be demonstrated that, in its totality as well as in the individual anecdotes, there are structure, form, and style. It is therefore a work of art, literature that celebrates, as I have noted in chapter 4, yet another art form, Pure Conversation ( qingtan ). For an analysis of the work and the history of the extant text, see Mather's introduction to his translation, as well as Yoshikawa, " Shih-shuo hsin-yü " (in English). See also Yoshio Kawakatsu, "Sie Ling-yun et le Che-Chuou Sin Yu. "

90. See, for a discussion of history and fiction, Kenneth J. DeWoskin, "The Six Dynasties Chih-kuai and the Birth of Fiction."

91. Hence the need for a commentary not long after its compilation. Many of the anecdotes are clearly "insider" stories, early lost on succeeding generations. Another reason for the need for a commentary, as Liu Jun makes clear, is the bias of the work. See, for example, his remarks in SSXY 5.23, 30, 37.

92. SSXY 23.32.

93. See chap. 4. The same source states that, after Wang Dao's emigration to the south, he talked of nothing but three topics, two of which were essays by Xi Kang ( Music Is Without Sorrow or Joy and Nourishing Life [ SSXY 4.21]).

Still another connection is made between the famous minister, Xi Kang, and Ruan Ji, and the values for which they were celebrated: "Chou I [Zhou Yi] was courteous and affable and of a fine prepossessing figure. When he went to visit Wang Tao [Wang Dao], as he first got down from his carriage he was supported by several men. Wang watched him with suppressed amusement. After they had been seated, Chou, completely self-assured, began whistling and intoning poems. Wang asked him, 'Are you trying to imitate Hsi K'ang [Xi Kang] and Juan Chi [Ruan Ji]?' Zhou replied, 'How could I presume to discard a close model like Your Excellency to imitate such distant ones as Hsi K'ang and Juan Chi?'" ( SSXY 2.40).

94. SSXY 9.36.

95. SSXY 8.111. Translation mine.

96. SSXY 9.36.

97. SSXY 9.44 Comparing Meng with Wang Dao, Liu stated that Meng had the "greater endowment of elegance" ( SSXY 9.43); "compared with the chancellor, Wang Meng is more straightforward and uninhibited, more endowed with purity" ( Yulin, cited in the Commentary).

98. I have found no such linkages with Rong Qiqi. Perhaps the modified image we observed in Tao Qian's poems is the reason—the original, happy recluse of the third century no longer fits the new ideal, one who stoops and rises with the times.

99. SSXY 6.29. Emphasis added. The Commentary offers further explanation of the enmity. Compare Liu Shao's remarks in chapter 4.

100. For Xie An as arbiter of fashion, see SSXY 26.24. For Ruan Yu's admiration, 4.24; for the snobbery: "Right in front of his older brother, Hsieh An [Xie An], Hsieh Wan [Xie Wan] was about to get up and look for the urinal. At the time Juan Yü [Ruan Yu] was among the company and remarked, 'Households that have newly become prominent are frank, but without manners [ li ]' " ( SSXY 24.9; see also 18.6).

101. SSXY 1.15; 4.67. break

102. SSXY 8.97. Xie Kun's biography is in Jin shu, juan 49, pp. 1377-79. His grave was unearthed outside Nanjing in 1964 ( WW 1965.6:34-35).

103. Time, however, alters opinions. A characterization of Xie Kun by Prince Liu Yiqing is included in the Commentary to An's characterization: "Hsieh K'un [Xie Kun] was uninhibited and unceremonious and possessed understanding. He did not bother with the rules of decorum or understanding. His actions were free but his mind was correct" ( SSXY 8.97; emphasis added).

104. SSXY 1.36.

105. Cf. Ruan Yu's comment about the Xies with that of Lady Yin in re: the Huans ( SSXY 19.32). For their part, the Langya Wangs endured by the wise expedient of marrying their daughters everywhere.

106. For a study of yet another celebration of the Xie family, see Rogers, Fu Chien.

107. Poor Sun Chuo, whom I have left dangling, was no upstart. Was it his poverty, or rather his too-obvious pursuit of success that led others to consider him "corrupt"? His manner, it would seem, was against him.

108. For literary talent, SSXY 4.102, 4.103; for love of art, Xu Jin yang qiu, in the Commentary to SSXY 21.7; Jin shu, juan 99 pp. 2592, 2594.

109. Jin shu, juan 99 pp. 2593-94. Cf. with SSXY 8.99 and Yin Hao's eremitism as augury for the realm: "Yin Hao had been living in his graveyard hermitage . . . for nearly ten years (336-346). At the time both those at court and in the provinces compared him to Kuan Chung [Guan Zhong] [d. 645 B.C. ] and Chu-ko Liang [Zhuge Liang]. His decision whether or not to come out of retirement they took to be an augury of the rise or fall of the whole area east of the Yangtze River." Similarly for Xie An, and we may assume that Huan Xuan expected poor Huangfu Xizhi, like Zhuge Liang, to eventually heed the summons and thus legitimize the dynasty.

        See also the recluse Zhu Daoyi's frightening and successful threat to depart forever from Jin if forced to come to court (recounted by Zürcher, Buddhist Conquest, vol. 1, p. 149). The potency of the belief that virtuous recluses added luster to a dynasty was not confined to the south. Shi Hu (r. 333-349), barbarian ruler of the Zhao kingdom (in southern Hebei), was irked by the repeated refusal of the recluse and Yijing specialist Yang Ke to accept appointment. The Buddhist monk and adviser to Shi Hu, Daojin, defended the latter: "Whenever a prince acts, it will surely be written down. Is it desirable to make it so that the record of the house of Chao [Zhao] will have no biographies of hermits?" Impressed, Shi Hu gave Yang Ke a stipend to maintain himself as a recluse (Arthur Wright, "Fo-T'u-Têng," pp. 359-61).

110. See, for example, SSXY 23.50, 33.17, 31.8. As I have noted, the SSXY 's rhetorical use of traditions is subtle, never more so than in its treatment of a major theme of the book, self-control. The reader is rarely told that Huan Xuan lacked self-control, he is merely given repeated examples of such behavior. Xie An's sole incident of loss of control ( SSXY 33.14) is explicitly justified by the allusion to his brother's death and An's consequent human (and virtuous ) reaction: "Even though water by nature is calm and gentle, when it enters a narrow gorge it dashes and plunges. If we should compare it to human emotions, we would certainly understand that in a harassed and narrow place there is no possibility of preserving one's composure" (emphasis continue

      added). Several anecdotes in the SSXY suggest that control of the emotions was seen to require almost superhuman efforts. See, e.g., the sympathetic treatment of Wang Rong's grief in 17.4.

111. Mather, in the Commentary to SSXY 13.13.

112. SSXY 6.35.

113. Sanguo zhi (Wei shu), juan 26, p. 729. Translated by J.J. M. de Groot, The Religious System of China, vol. 2, p. 380.

114. Kawakatsu, "Sie Ling-yun." For the life of Xie Lingyun and his poetry, see Frodsham, The Murmuring Stream; Paul Demiéville, "La Vie et l'oeuvre de Sie Ling-yun (385-433)" and "À la mémoire d'un ami."

115. For Xie Lingyun's self-identification and traditional association with Xi Kang, see Frodsham, Murmuring Stream, vol. 1, pp. 78-79; Demiéville, "Sie Ling-yun," p. 352; Richard B. Mather, "The Landscape Buddhism of the Fifth-Century Poet Hsieh Ling-yün," p. 73.

116. Xie Hun, for example, was married to a daughter of the Jin emperor Xiaowu (r. 377-396); in 425 two daughters of Xie Hui married scions of the reigning family. Xie Lingyun himself inherited the title of Duke of Kangle, bestowed originally upon his ancestor, Xie Xuan, as a reward for his victory at the Battle of the Fei River. His mother, not incidentally, was a niece of (Langya) Wang Xianzhi, a son of Wang Xizhi.

117. Shen Yue kept his head through three dynasties, and we need not take too seriously the impressive lineage he provided for the first Song emperor (Liu Yu), which traces his descent back to a brother of Han Gao Di. He later tells us that the family was poor, i.e., they were hanmen ( Song shu, juan 1, p. 1). Yu's father, Qiao, is mentioned only in passing in the Jin shu.

118. Laing, "Scholars and Sages" and "Neo-Taoism."

119. LDMHJ, vol. 2.1, p. 85; vol. 2.2, p. 73.

120. For Gu Kaizhi, LDMHJ, vol. 2.1, p. 47; vol. 2.2, p. 69; for Dai Kui, LDMHJ, vol. 2. , p. 97, vol. 2.2, p. 75. Both men painted pictures of some of the Seven Worthies and illustrated their poems.

121. Exceptions would be the revenge story of SSXY 21.4 and Gu Kaizhi's painting of Vimalakirti * ( LDMHJ, vol. 2.1 , p. 45; vol. 2.2, pp. 68-69).

122. It certainly strains credulity to consider that the disciples of Confucius or Mencius's mother were depicted lolling, half-clothed, etc.

123. So also was the remark of Kun's on which the anecdote is based (see SSXY 9.17 for the original remark, similar to Sun Chuo's characterization of himself; for Gu Kaizhi's painting, SSXY 21.12).