1. See Roger Smith, Inhibition: History and Meaning in the Sciences of the Mind and Brain (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 35; idem, "The Human Significance of Biology: Darwin, Carpenter, and the versa causa ," in Nature and the Victorian Imagination , ed. U. C. Knoepflmacher and G. B. Tennyson (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977), 219; and Clarke and Jacyna, Nineteenth-Century Origins , 128.

2. Speaking before the American Medico-Psychological Association in 1894, S. Weir Mitchell declared, "You were the first of the specialists and you have never come back into line. It is easy to see how this came about. You soon began to live apart, and you still do so. Your hospitals are not our hospitals; your ways are not our ways. You live out of the range of critical shot; you are not preceded and followed in your ward by clever rivals, or watched by able residents fresh with the learning of schools." Quoted in Gerald N. Grob, The Mad Among Us: A History of the Care of America's Mentally Ill (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1994), 136.

3. Grob's discussion of psychoanalysis, a particular method of psychotherapy, can be applied to virtually all methods of psychotherapy. "For the bulk of institutionalized patients," Grob explains, "psychoanalytic therapy had little meaning. The number of mentally ill patients who were institutionalized would in any case have precluded its use within hospitals. Analysts, moreover, dealt mainly with what was known as the psychoneuroses; the hard-core psychoses remained largely outside psychoanalytic practice or theory." Mental Illness and American Society , 121, 179-200. See also Erwin Ackerknecht, Short History of Psychiatry , 82; and Françoise Castel, The Psychiatric Society (New York: Columbia University Press, 1982), 26.

4. The history of the reflex is long. The best places to start are Ruth Leys, From Sympathy to Reflex: Marshall Hall and His Opponents (New York: Garland, 1990); idem, "Background of the Reflex Controversy: William Alison and the Doctrine of Sympathy before Hall," Studies in the History of Biology 4 (1980): 1-66; see also Clarke and Jacyna, Nineteenth-Century Origins , 114-117, 124; and Shorter, From Paralysis to Fatigue , 40-68.

5. Quoted in Clarke and Jacyna, Nineteenth-Century Origins , 128. See also "Mid-Nineteenth-Century British Psycho-Physiology: A Neglected Chapter in the History of Psychology," in The Problematic Science: Psychology in Nineteenth-Century Thought , ed. William R. Woodward and Mitchell G. Ash (New York: Praeger, 1982), 124-125; Smith, Inhibition , 69.

6. L.S. Jacyna, "The Physiology of the Mind, the Unity of Nature, and the Moral Order in Victorian Thought," British Journal of the History of Science 14 (1981): 111.

7. William Carpenter, "On the Influence of Suggestion in Modifying and Directing Muscular Movement Independent of Volition," in Nature and Man , 170, quoted in Smith, "The Human Significance of Biology," 221.

8. Clarke and Jacyna, Nineteenth-Century Origins , 131, 147. Gregory Zilboorg notes, "It would be a mistake, of course, to consider this 'cerebromythological' trend nothing more than a rejection of psychology. It was a direct outgrowth of a narrowly conceived opposition to speculative psychology; it was a narrowly conceived attitude toward disease. But it was also a stimulus to further study of such organic diseases as general paralysis and to the deepening of the studies of various febrile exhaustive states, alcoholic mental disorders, and senile psychoses due to vascular changes in the brain." History , 442.

9. Cynthia Eagle Russett, Sexual Science: The Victorian Construction of Womanhood (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1989), 109.

10. Quoted in Young, Mind, Brain and Adaptation , 208.

11. John P. Gray, "The Dependence of Insanity on Physical Disease," American Journal of Insanity 27 (1870-1871): 385-386. Although Gray represented the majority opinion of American psychiatrists, he was not without his critics. For an opposing view, see H. B. Wilbur, "Materialism In its Relations to the Causes, Conditions, and Treatment of Insanity," Quarterly Journal of Psychological Medicine and Medical Jurisprudence 6 (1872): 29-61. A reviewer contrasted the theories of Gray and Wilbur in the following manner: "The difference between Dr. Gray and Dr. Wilbur is this: The former ... does not deny the agency of moral cause in producing insanity, but maintains that such causes first induce disease of the brain or of the system generally, and ultimately of the brain. ... Dr. Wilbur maintains that moral causes induce a change in the immaterial entity mind, by which independently of any cerebral disease, its actions are disordered and insanity exists." T.H., "Is Insanity a Disease of the Mind, Or of the Body," American Journal of Insanity 29 (1872-1873): 884.

12. Clarke and Jacyna, Nineteenth-Century Origins , 213-214.

13. Its original German title was "Über die elektrische Erregbarkeit des Grosshirns," and it appeared in Arch. f. Anat., Physiol. und wissenschaftl. Mediz. (Leipzig) 37 (1970): 300-332. Much of my discussion follows from Young, Mind, Brain and Adaptation , 224-233.

14. Young, Mind, Brain and Adaptation , 229.

15. Quoted in Young, Mind, Brain and Adaptation , 232. Young notes that this particular sentence "raises the issue of the philosophic assumptions underlying Fritsch and Hitzig's experiments and their incompatibility with the assumptions of the associationist tradition to which Jackson and Ferrier belongs. Put simply, Fritsch and Hitzig were ontological dualists and believed in separate substances of mind and its mechanisms. The brain is the material substance of the immaterial soul, and the grey matter of the cortices constituted the 'first tools of the soul.'"

16. Ibid., 234.

17. Ibid., 134.

15. Quoted in Young, Mind, Brain and Adaptation , 232. Young notes that this particular sentence "raises the issue of the philosophic assumptions underlying Fritsch and Hitzig's experiments and their incompatibility with the assumptions of the associationist tradition to which Jackson and Ferrier belongs. Put simply, Fritsch and Hitzig were ontological dualists and believed in separate substances of mind and its mechanisms. The brain is the material substance of the immaterial soul, and the grey matter of the cortices constituted the 'first tools of the soul.'"

16. Ibid., 234.

17. Ibid., 134.

15. Quoted in Young, Mind, Brain and Adaptation , 232. Young notes that this particular sentence "raises the issue of the philosophic assumptions underlying Fritsch and Hitzig's experiments and their incompatibility with the assumptions of the associationist tradition to which Jackson and Ferrier belongs. Put simply, Fritsch and Hitzig were ontological dualists and believed in separate substances of mind and its mechanisms. The brain is the material substance of the immaterial soul, and the grey matter of the cortices constituted the 'first tools of the soul.'"

16. Ibid., 234.

17. Ibid., 134.

18. Kurt Danziger, "Mid-Nineteenth-Century British Psycho-Physiology: A Neglected Chapter in the History of Psychology." in The Problematic Science: Psychology in Nineteenth-Century Thought , ed. William R. Woodward and Michael G. Ash (New York: Praeger, 1982), 134. "In the mind of the medical man," explains Gregory Zilboorg, "mental disease became a purely physical disease long before he had the slightest conception of the anatomy of the brain or of the physiology of the glands of internal secretion. The scientific trends of all ages were brought to bear in order to justify the conviction rather than to explain the disease. This conviction has always been the most potent factor in the formation of purely somatological theories." History , 507.

19. John P. Gray, "Pathology of Insanity," American Journal of Insanity 31 (1874-1875): 13.

20. Shyrock, "Medical History of the American People," 21; Goldstein, console and Classify , 332.

21. For an excellent discussion of the position held by nineteenth-century asylum superintendents, see Charles E. Rosenberg, The Trial of Assassin Guiteau: Psychiatry and Law in the Gilded Age (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968).

22. King, Transformations in American Medicine , 174; Shyrock, "Medical History of the American People," 23.

23. Elaine Showalter, "Syphilis, Sexuality, and the Fiction of Fin de Siècle," in Sex, Politics, and Science in the Nineteenth-Century Novel: Selected Papers from the English Institute, 1983-1984 , ed. Ruth Bernard Yeazell (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986), 110.

24. Ibid. Showalter mistakenly fuses notions of organic models of mental illness with hereditary ones. While the two theories are not necessarily mutually exclusive, they are distinct. A germ that causes a disease is different from a gene that causes one. For clarification of this point, see Grob, "Rediscovering," 143.

23. Elaine Showalter, "Syphilis, Sexuality, and the Fiction of Fin de Siècle," in Sex, Politics, and Science in the Nineteenth-Century Novel: Selected Papers from the English Institute, 1983-1984 , ed. Ruth Bernard Yeazell (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986), 110.

24. Ibid. Showalter mistakenly fuses notions of organic models of mental illness with hereditary ones. While the two theories are not necessarily mutually exclusive, they are distinct. A germ that causes a disease is different from a gene that causes one. For clarification of this point, see Grob, "Rediscovering," 143.

25. Quetel, History of Syphilis , 161. Quetel's statement, while accurate, is exaggerated. The transformation of psychiatric medicine (i.e., of psychiatry and neurology) from its environmental to its organic orientation had begun long before Schaudinn's and Hoffmann's 1905 discovery of the Treponema palladum . Their discovery's significance to psychiatry was that it appeared to confirm a long-standing assumption regarding the somatic basis of certain states of insanity. See also Brandt, No Magic Bullet . The story of syphilis is obviously far more complex than I have presented. Because the disease owed itself to sexual activities and, often, sexual relations with prostitutes, morality frequently entered the discussion of the disease. Victims of syphilis were rarely accorded the same sympathy as, say, victims of cholera. See also Grob, Mental Illness , 112; Hideyo Noguchi and J.W. Moore, "Demonstration of Treponema Palladum In the Brain in Cases of General Paralysis" (1913), in The Origins of Modern Psychiatry , ed. C. Thompson (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1987), 211-217.

26. For a concise biography of Daniel Hack Tuke, see Thompson, Origins of Modern Psychiatry , 53-58. According to the Oxford English Dictionary , Tuke is the first English-language speaker to employ the word psychotherapeutics (1872). Unlike later advocates of what came to be known as psychotherapy, Tuke did not conceive of psychotherapeutics as a method appropriate only for the treatment of mental disease. His aspirations were far more audacious. A proper understanding of the mind's impact on the body, he believed, would be useful in fighting not only functional but also organic disease. In this respect, his conception of psychotherapeutics bore a stark resemblance to the doctrines espoused by the leading exemplars of the American mind cure movement. For psychotherapy's etymology, see Oxford English Dictionary , 2d ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), 12:770-771.

27. Daniel Hack Tuke, Of the Influences of the Mind Upon the Body in Health and Disease Designed to Elucidate the Actions of the Imagination (London: J. & A. Churchill, 1872), vi.

28. Ibid., 381.

27. Daniel Hack Tuke, Of the Influences of the Mind Upon the Body in Health and Disease Designed to Elucidate the Actions of the Imagination (London: J. & A. Churchill, 1872), vi.

28. Ibid., 381.

29. Oppenheim, Shattered Nerves . See also Clark, "The Rejection of Psychological Approaches," 281-282.

30. George Beard, "The Influence of the Mind in the Causation and Cure of Disease—The Potency of Definite Expectation," Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases 1 (1876): 429-435.

31. Ibid., 429, 431.

32. Ibid., 432.

30. George Beard, "The Influence of the Mind in the Causation and Cure of Disease—The Potency of Definite Expectation," Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases 1 (1876): 429-435.

31. Ibid., 429, 431.

32. Ibid., 432.

30. George Beard, "The Influence of the Mind in the Causation and Cure of Disease—The Potency of Definite Expectation," Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases 1 (1876): 429-435.

31. Ibid., 429, 431.

32. Ibid., 432.

33. Hale recounts the hostile reception with which Beard's neurological colleagues greeted his 1876 paper on the subject of mental healing. See Hale, Freud and the Americans , 66; Andrew Scull, "Historical Sociology of Psychiatry," in Social Order/Mental Disorder: Anglo-American Psychiatry in Historical Perspective (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 25.

34. Hale, Freud and the Americans , 66.

35. Beard, "The Influence of the Mind," 432.

36. Hale, Freud and the Americans , 67.

37. Ackerknecht, Short History , 82; see also Bockoven, Moral Treatment in American Psychiatry , 95.

38. Grob, Mental Illness , 111.

39. Ackerknecht, Short History , 82.

40. Sheldon Leavitt, Psychotherapy in the Practice of Medicine and Surgery (Chicago: Garner Press, 1903), 29.

41. Lewellys F. Barker, "Some Experiences with the Simpler Methods of Psychotherapy and Re-Education," American Journal of the Medical Sciences 132 (1906): 520.

42. Lewellys F. Barker, "Psychotherapy," Journal of the American Medical Association 51 (1 August 1908): 371.

43. Bernard Sachs, "Advances in Neurology and Their Relation to Psychiatry," American Journal of Insanity 54 (1898): 17.

44. Ibid., 18-19.

43. Bernard Sachs, "Advances in Neurology and Their Relation to Psychiatry," American Journal of Insanity 54 (1898): 17.

44. Ibid., 18-19.

45. T.L. Brown, "Physical Causes of Nervous Diseases," Transactions of the Institute of Homeopathy (1884): 295.

46. For an excellent discussion of late-nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century medical optimism, see Haber, Quest for Authority , 326.

47. See Lewellys F. Barker, "On the Importance of Pathological and Bacteriological Laboratories in Connection with Hospitals for the Insane," American Journal of Insanity 57 (1900-1901): 515.

48. P.M. Wise, "Presidential Address," American Journal of Insanity 58 (1901-1902): 79 (italics added).

49. While discussions of heredity and its possible role in contributing to mental and nervous disorders were widespread, hereditary explanations had few, if any, therapeutic implications—at least for the growing number of anti-Lamarckians. For a fascinating study of the impact of hereditarian ideas, see Dowbiggin, Inheriting Madness.

50. Taylor, William James on Exceptional Mental States , 3.

51. Isador Coriat, "Some Personal Reminiscences of Psychoanalysis in Boston: An Autobiographical Note," Psychoanalytic Review 32 (January 1945): 2, 3.

52. George Gifford maintains, "At Harvard, psychologists William James and Hugo Münsterberg were part of the 'Boston Group' whose leader was J. J. Putnam and whose other members were: Josiah Royce, George A. Waterman, Boris Sidis, Morton Prince, and Edward Cowles. Later they were joined by Adolf Meyer. They met regularly to discuss patients and assess ideas stemming from the European literature, including those of Charcot, Janet, Bergson, and Freud." Gifford, Psychoanalysis , xix; Hoopes, Consciousness in New England , 237-243; see also Eugene Taylor, William James on Consciousness beyond the Margin (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996).

53. Kurt Danziger, "On the Threshold of the New Psychology: Situating Wundt and James," in Wundt Studies: A Centennial Collection , ed. Wolfgang G. Bringmann and Ryan O. Tweny (Toronto: C.J. Hogrefe, 1980): 365; quoted in Ruth Leys, "Adolf Meyer: A Biographical Note," in Defining American Psychology: The Correspondence between Adolf Meyer and Edward Bradford Titchener , ed. Ruth Leys and Rand B. Evans (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990), 44.

54. Leys, "Adolf Meyer," 44.

55. Howard Feinstein suggests, "James was a mind that emphasized process and movement rather than inert categories, empirical evidence rather than process accepted canons, and the tensions, often actually painful for the young, between determinism (influence and historical possibilities) and the felt actuality of freedom of the will in the shaping of a life." Becoming William James (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1984), 15. Gerald Myers points out that, in James, one "finds ... the struggle of the doctor, the psychologist, and the philosopher to solve that problem [i.e., the relationship between mind and body] in terms that satisfy all three; there is a tendency for the physiologist in James to solve it primarily through biology of the brain, for the psychologist in him to do it through sensations and experiences, and for the philosopher to resolve it through unusual concepts and arguments." See Gerald E. Myers, "Introduction: The Intellectual Context," in William James, The Principles of Psychology (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1981), xii.

56. William James, Talks to Teachers on Psychology and to Students on Some of Life's Ideals (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1983), 161.

57. See Kurt Danziger, "Mid-Nineteenth Century British Psycho-Physiology: A Neglected Chapter in the History of Psychology," in The Problematic Science: Psychology in Nineteenth-Century Thought , ed. William R. Woodward and Michael G. Ash (New York: Praeger, 1982), 130.

58. William James, "Habit," Popular Science Monthly 30 (1886-1887): 446.

59. William B. Carpenter, Principles of Mental Physiology, with Their Application to the Training and Discipline of the Mind, and the Study of Its Morbid Condition (New York: D. Aphelion, 1874); quoted in James, "Habit," 437.

60. James, Talks to Teachers , xi—xxvi.

61. For a brief introduction to James's Talks to Teachers , see the introduction prepared by Gerald E. Myers, xi—xxvi. See also "The Text of Talks to Teachers on Psychology ," 234-287.

62. James, Talks to Teachers , 27, 48, 108.

63. James, "Habit," 447. Emphasis in original.

64. James, Talks to Teachers , 57.

65. Ibid., 57-58.

64. James, Talks to Teachers , 57.

65. Ibid., 57-58.

66. W.S. Taylor, Morton Prince and Abnormal Psychology (New York: D. Appleton, 1928). For biographical details on Prince's life, see Nathan G. Hale Jr., "Introductory Essay," in Morton Prince, Psychopathology and Multiple Personality: Selected Essays (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1975) (hereafter cited as P & MP ); and Otto Marx, "Morton Prince and Psychopathology," in George Gifford, Psychoanalysis, Psychotherapy and the New England Medical Scene, 1894-1944 (New York: Science History Publications, 1978), 155-162.

67. Morton Prince, "Association Neuroses" (1891), in P & MP , 75.

68. Hale, "Introductory Essay," 2.

69. Morton Prince, The Nature of the Mind and Human Automatism (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1885), 10.

70. Taylor, Morton Prince , 98.

71. Ibid., 97. For a brief discussion of the controversial history of hypnotism, see Ackerknecht, Short History , 83-91. For more extensive coverage, see Gauld, History of Hypnotism .

70. Taylor, Morton Prince , 98.

71. Ibid., 97. For a brief discussion of the controversial history of hypnotism, see Ackerknecht, Short History , 83-91. For more extensive coverage, see Gauld, History of Hypnotism .

72. Morton Prince, "Hughlings Jackson on the Connection between the Mind and the Brain," in Clinical and Experimental Studies in Personality (Cambridge: Sci-Art Publishers, 1929), 515; quoted in Hale, "Introductory Essay," 5.

73. Prince, "Association Neuroses" (1891), in P & MP , 62-63. Association psychology has a long history dating back to John Locke and the late seventeenth century. For a brief background, see Robert Young, "Association of Ideas," in Dictionary of the History of Ideas , ed. Philip P. Wiener (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1973), 1:111-118; Boring, A History of Experimental Psychology ; Heidbreder, Seven Psychologies ; L.S. Hearnshaw, A Short History of British Psychology, 1840-1940 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1964).

74. Hale, "Introductory Essay," 5.

75. John Holland Mackenzie, "The Production of the So-Called 'Rose Cold' by means of an Artificial Rose," American Journal of the Medical Sciences 91 (1886): 57; quoted in Hale, "Introductory Essay," 5.

76. Prince, "Association Neuroses" (1891), in P & MP , 65. Emphasis in original.

77. Ibid., 75.

78. Ibid., 63.

76. Prince, "Association Neuroses" (1891), in P & MP , 65. Emphasis in original.

77. Ibid., 75.

78. Ibid., 63.

76. Prince, "Association Neuroses" (1891), in P & MP , 65. Emphasis in original.

77. Ibid., 75.

78. Ibid., 63.

79. Hale, "Introductory Essay," 5.

80. Prince, "Association Neuroses" (1891), in P & MP , 82.

81. "Very largely due to Carpenter's advocacy," Hearnshaw explains, "the doctrine of unconscious cerebral functioning became generally accepted." Hearnshaw, Short History of British Psychology , 23.

82. Boring, History , 240.

83. Morton Prince, "The Educational Treatment of Neurasthenia and Certain Hysterical States," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 139 (1898): 33.

84. Ibid., 335.

85. Ibid.

83. Morton Prince, "The Educational Treatment of Neurasthenia and Certain Hysterical States," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 139 (1898): 33.

84. Ibid., 335.

85. Ibid.

83. Morton Prince, "The Educational Treatment of Neurasthenia and Certain Hysterical States," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 139 (1898): 33.

84. Ibid., 335.

85. Ibid.

86. For a discussion of Putnam's views regarding neurasthenia, see chapter 2.

87. Hale, James Jackson Putnam , 11.

88. Ibid., 12.

87. Hale, James Jackson Putnam , 11.

88. Ibid., 12.

89. Nathan G. Hale Jr., "James Jackson Putnam and Boston Neurology: 1877-1918," in Psychoanalysis, Psychotherapy and the New England Medical Scene , 149-154.

90. James Jackson Putnam, "Not the disease Only, But Also the Man," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal (July 20, 1899): 53. Emphasis added.

91. Ibid., 54.

90. James Jackson Putnam, "Not the disease Only, But Also the Man," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal (July 20, 1899): 53. Emphasis added.

91. Ibid., 54.

92. Boris Sidis, "The Nature and Principles of Psychology," American Journal of Insanity 56 (1899-1900): 41-52.

93. For biographical information on Sidis, see Biographical Dictionary of American Psychology , ed. Leonard Zusne (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1984), 396.

94. Boris Sidis, The Psychology of Suggestion: A Research into the Subconscious Nature of Man and Society (New York: D. Appleton, 1898).

95. Boris Sidis and Simon P. Goodhart, Multiple Personality: An Investigation into the Nature of Human Individuality (New York: Greenwood Press, 1905).

96. H. Addington Bruce, Scientific Mental Healing (Boston: Little, Brown, 1911): 53.

97. For a succinct, intellectual biographical sketch of Meyer, see Ruth Leys, "Adolf Meyer," 39-57. See also Gerald N. Grob, "Adolf Meyer and American Psychiatry in 1895," American Journal of Psychiatry 119 (1963): 135-142; idem, Mental Illness , 112-118. See also Alfred Lief, ed., The Commonsense Psychiatry of Dr. Adolf Meyer (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1948); For Meyer's personal work, see The Collected Papers of Adolf Meyer , ed. Eunice E. Winters, 4 vols. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1952) (hereafter cited as CP ).

98. Ruth Leys, "Types of One: Adolf Meyer's Life Chart and the Representation of Individuality," Representations 34 (1991): 2.

99. Leys, "Adolf Meyer," 41. Meyer received his first appointment in the United States from Shobal Vail Clevenger, a leading proponent of a somatic interpretation of railway spine. See "Thirty-Five Years of Psychiatry" (1928-1929), CP , 2:2-3.

100. The word pragmatism , given its frequency of use, has not surprisingly taken on a multiplicity of meanings. Even those who pioneered the term did not always agree on its meaning. As James's biographer, Ralph Barton Perry, asserts, "Perhaps it would be correct, and just to all parties, to say that the modern movement known as pragmatism is largely the result of James's misunderstanding of Peirce." The Thought and Character of William James 2 (Boston: Little, Brown, 1935). Bruce Kuklick adds, "In time James diverged so radically from Peirce that the latter renounced the child that James had nurtured." The Rise of American Philosophy: Cambridge, Massachusetts 1860-1930 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1977), 264. In a 1907 essay entitled, "What Pragmatism Means," James wrote,

Pragmatism is willing to take anything, to follow either logic or the senses and to count the humblest and most personal experience. She will count mystical experiences if they have practical consequences. She will take a God who lives in the very dirt of private fact—if that should seem a likely place to find him. Her only test of probable truth is what works best in the way of leading us, what fits every part of life best and combines with the collectivity of experience's demands, nothing being omitted. If theological ideas should do this, if the notion of God, in particular, should prove to do it, how could pragmatism possibly deny God's existence? She could see no meaning in treating as "not true" a notion that was pragmatically so successful. What other kind of truth could there be, for her, than all this agreement with concrete reality?

William James, "What Pragmatism Means" (1907), in The American Intellectual Tradition: 1865 to the Present , ed. David A. Hollinger and Charles Capper (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), 2:110. See also Hollinger, "The Problem of Pragmatism in American History," in In the American Province ,

23-43; S.P. Fullinwider, Technicians of the Finite: The Rise and Decline of the Schizophrenic in American Thought , 1840-1960 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1982), 70.

101. Meyer, "The Problems of Mental Reaction Types, Mental Causes and Diseases" (1908), CP , 2:596. (italics added).

102. Ruth Leys explains that Meyer's conception of science was in part attributable to the "positivist or empiro-critical philosophy of the physicist Ernst Mach and the philosopher Richard Avenarius." Although he was exposed to Mach and Avenarius in the 1890s, Leys continues, "it was not until the early 1900s that Meyer came to appreciate fully the potential significance of those ideas for his own psychiatric work." "Correspondence Between Meyer and Tichener," 64-66. For a discussion of Mach's philosophy of science, see John T. Blackmore, Ernst Mach: His Work, Life, and Influence (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972), 164-180. For a discussion of Avenarius's philosophy, see Wendall T. Bush, Avenarius and the Standpoint of Pure Experience (New York: Science Press, 1905), 34-59.

103. Meyer, "The Problems of Mental Reaction Types," 597.

104. Meyer's pragmatism was not without its limitations. As Ruth Leys explains:

Meyer's project was epistemologically incoherent on two closely related counts. First, as recent writers on the theory of interpretation have emphasized, the realm of facts cannot be imagined to precede the realm of interpretation in this way. A thoroughgoing pragmatism might rather have compelled Meyer to realize that the notion of an interpretatively neutral method was a chimera and that, inevitably, a particular interpretation inhered in the very procedures he advocated. ... Second, conceding for a moment the possibility of such a method and hence the availability of a set of facts prior to the interpretation, Meyer's belief that the mere inspection of those facts would suffice to determine their correct interpretation was also problematic for either the facts in question were imagined as calling for one interpretation rather than another—in which case their neutrality became suspect—or they were genuinely neutral—in which case the choice of one interpretation over another could only be arbitrary.

See Leys, "The Correspondence between Adolf Meyer and E. B. Titchener," in Defining American Psychology , 88. In a later article, Leys says, "In spite of his professedly pragmatic orientation, Meyer's conception of science led him to conceive of the facts of a case as available prior to any particular interpretation—if only the investigator knew how to induce them and make them perspicuous." "Types of One," 6.

105. Meyer, "Problems of Mental Reaction Types," 597-598.

106. Ibid., 598.

107. Ibid., 599. Emphasis in original.

105. Meyer, "Problems of Mental Reaction Types," 597-598.

106. Ibid., 598.

107. Ibid., 599. Emphasis in original.

105. Meyer, "Problems of Mental Reaction Types," 597-598.

106. Ibid., 598.

107. Ibid., 599. Emphasis in original.

108. Leys, "Adolf Meyer," 45.

109. Ibid., 43. Meyer's early enthusiasm for hypnotism stemmed from his exposure to the theory and practice of Forel. "Thirty-Five Years of Psychiatry," 15; "The Scope of Psychopathology" (1916), CP , 2:618-623.

108. Leys, "Adolf Meyer," 45.

109. Ibid., 43. Meyer's early enthusiasm for hypnotism stemmed from his exposure to the theory and practice of Forel. "Thirty-Five Years of Psychiatry," 15; "The Scope of Psychopathology" (1916), CP , 2:618-623.

110. In the Index to the Complete Papers , there is not a single reference to either Christian Science or New Thought.

111. Leys, "Adolf Meyer," 43.

112. John Gach, "Culture and Complex: On the Early History of Psychoanalysis in America," in Essays on the History of Psychiatry, ed. Edwin R. Wallace IV and Lucius C. Pressley (Columbia: W.S. Hall Psychiatric Institute, 1980), 141.

113. Meyer, "The Dynamic Interpretation of Dementia Praecox" (1910), CP, 2:457.

114. James, Varieties of Religious Experience, 91.

115. Meyer, "A Few Trends in Modern Psychiatry," (1904), CP, 2: 386-404.

116. As Ruth Leys explains, "Meyer refined the method of history taking he had inherited from nineteenth-century hospital practice. First he formalized and standardized the method of examination so that it could be taught in a systematic fashion. He provided students with a basic outline to be followed, specifying the order of procedure, the essential psycho-biological data to be ascertained, the various tests to be used to determine the patient's mental and neurological states, and—most important—suggesting the actual questions to be asked the patient, something that had been lacking in previous handbooks of psychiatry. Leys, "Adolf Meyer," 71-72; "Types of One," 11-18.

117. See Defining American Psychology . See also Leys, "Type of One."

118. Adolf Meyer, "The Material of Human Nature and Conduct" (1935), CP, 3:49; quoted in Leys, "Adolf Meyer," 39. Meyer did not accept James's argument in Variety of Religious Experiences that while mind cure did not work for everyone, "[it] would surely be pedantic and over-scrupulous for those who can get their savage and primitive philosophy of mental healing verified in such experimental ways as this, to give us a work of command for more scientific therapies" (110). Indeed, Meyer wanted to do precisely this!

119. Meyer, "Misconceptions at the Bottom of Hopelessness of All Psychology," (1907), CP, 2:573-580.

120. Meyer, "Problems of Mental Reaction Types," 595.

121. Ibid., 596. Emphasis in original.

122. Ibid., 596-597.

120. Meyer, "Problems of Mental Reaction Types," 595.

121. Ibid., 596. Emphasis in original.

122. Ibid., 596-597.

120. Meyer, "Problems of Mental Reaction Types," 595.

121. Ibid., 596. Emphasis in original.

122. Ibid., 596-597.

123. Discussion following Ralph Layman Parson's paper on psychotherapy, Transactions of the American Medico-Psychological Association 10 (1903): 380.

124. Meyer, "Dynamic Interpretation," 443-458. Meyer's attitude on the inapplicability of the syphilis model was not typical. See Grob, Mental Illness, 347 n.5.

125. Meyer, "A Short Sketch of the Problems of Psychiatry," CP, 2: 273-282.

126. Ibid, 281.

125. Meyer, "A Short Sketch of the Problems of Psychiatry," CP, 2: 273-282.

126. Ibid, 281.

127. For an example of Gray's somaticism, see John P. Gray, "Pathology of Insanity," American Journal of Insanity 31 (1874-1875): 13.

128. Meyer, "The Role of Mental Factors in Psychiatry" (1908), CP, 2: 581-590.

129. Ibid., 582. Emphasis in original.

130. Ibid., 582-583.

131. Ibid., 583.

132. Ibid., 583-584.

133. Ibid., 586.

134. Ibid.

128. Meyer, "The Role of Mental Factors in Psychiatry" (1908), CP, 2: 581-590.

129. Ibid., 582. Emphasis in original.

130. Ibid., 582-583.

131. Ibid., 583.

132. Ibid., 583-584.

133. Ibid., 586.

134. Ibid.

128. Meyer, "The Role of Mental Factors in Psychiatry" (1908), CP, 2: 581-590.

129. Ibid., 582. Emphasis in original.

130. Ibid., 582-583.

131. Ibid., 583.

132. Ibid., 583-584.

133. Ibid., 586.

134. Ibid.

128. Meyer, "The Role of Mental Factors in Psychiatry" (1908), CP, 2: 581-590.

129. Ibid., 582. Emphasis in original.

130. Ibid., 582-583.

131. Ibid., 583.

132. Ibid., 583-584.

133. Ibid., 586.

134. Ibid.

128. Meyer, "The Role of Mental Factors in Psychiatry" (1908), CP, 2: 581-590.

129. Ibid., 582. Emphasis in original.

130. Ibid., 582-583.

131. Ibid., 583.

132. Ibid., 583-584.

133. Ibid., 586.

134. Ibid.

128. Meyer, "The Role of Mental Factors in Psychiatry" (1908), CP, 2: 581-590.

129. Ibid., 582. Emphasis in original.

130. Ibid., 582-583.

131. Ibid., 583.

132. Ibid., 583-584.

133. Ibid., 586.

134. Ibid.

128. Meyer, "The Role of Mental Factors in Psychiatry" (1908), CP, 2: 581-590.

129. Ibid., 582. Emphasis in original.

130. Ibid., 582-583.

131. Ibid., 583.

132. Ibid., 583-584.

133. Ibid., 586.

134. Ibid.

135. Meyer, ''A Few Trends," 386-404.

136. Beatrice M. Hinckle, M.D., "Psychotherapy, With Some of Its Results," Journal of the American Medical Association 50 (9 May 1908): 1496.

137. Both Hale and Burnham correctly note the impact of European neurology on American medicine. What neither author considers, however, is the relatively limited depth of its influence. While the "advanced guard" was doubtless aware of the latest neurological "breakthroughs" emanating from Paris, Berlin, Vienna, and other European capitals, the rank and file had little exposure to such ideas. Hale, Freud in America; John C. Burnham, Psychoanalysis and American Medicine: 1894-1918 (New York: International Universities Press, 1967).

138. Edward Wylis Taylor, "The Attitude of the Medical Profession Toward the Psychotherapeutic Movement," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 157 (26 December 1907): 843-850.

139. Ibid., 844.

140. Ibid., 847.

141. Ibid. Putnam had earlier asserted, "Through analytic case-histories, patiently recorded, it has been sought to picture the mental history of sufferers from such disorders as those enumerated, with the same sort of fidelity as is displayed in the descriptions of the anatomists." James Jackson Putnam, "A Consideration of Mental Therapeutics as Employed by Special Students of the Subject," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 151 (1904): 179-183.

138. Edward Wylis Taylor, "The Attitude of the Medical Profession Toward the Psychotherapeutic Movement," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 157 (26 December 1907): 843-850.

139. Ibid., 844.

140. Ibid., 847.

141. Ibid. Putnam had earlier asserted, "Through analytic case-histories, patiently recorded, it has been sought to picture the mental history of sufferers from such disorders as those enumerated, with the same sort of fidelity as is displayed in the descriptions of the anatomists." James Jackson Putnam, "A Consideration of Mental Therapeutics as Employed by Special Students of the Subject," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 151 (1904): 179-183.

138. Edward Wylis Taylor, "The Attitude of the Medical Profession Toward the Psychotherapeutic Movement," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 157 (26 December 1907): 843-850.

139. Ibid., 844.

140. Ibid., 847.

141. Ibid. Putnam had earlier asserted, "Through analytic case-histories, patiently recorded, it has been sought to picture the mental history of sufferers from such disorders as those enumerated, with the same sort of fidelity as is displayed in the descriptions of the anatomists." James Jackson Putnam, "A Consideration of Mental Therapeutics as Employed by Special Students of the Subject," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 151 (1904): 179-183.

138. Edward Wylis Taylor, "The Attitude of the Medical Profession Toward the Psychotherapeutic Movement," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 157 (26 December 1907): 843-850.

139. Ibid., 844.

140. Ibid., 847.

141. Ibid. Putnam had earlier asserted, "Through analytic case-histories, patiently recorded, it has been sought to picture the mental history of sufferers from such disorders as those enumerated, with the same sort of fidelity as is displayed in the descriptions of the anatomists." James Jackson Putnam, "A Consideration of Mental Therapeutics as Employed by Special Students of the Subject," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 151 (1904): 179-183.

142. Discussion following E. W. Taylor, "The Attitude of the Medical Profession Toward the Psychotherapeutic Movement," Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases (June 1908): 403. This article includes the discussion following the Boston Medical and Surgical Journal articles cited above.

143. Ibid., 403-404.

144. Ibid., 848, 850.

145. Ibid., 401.

146. Ibid., 403, 405, 406.

147. Ibid., 408, 410.

148. Ibid., 408, 413.

149. Ibid., 410.

142. Discussion following E. W. Taylor, "The Attitude of the Medical Profession Toward the Psychotherapeutic Movement," Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases (June 1908): 403. This article includes the discussion following the Boston Medical and Surgical Journal articles cited above.

143. Ibid., 403-404.

144. Ibid., 848, 850.

145. Ibid., 401.

146. Ibid., 403, 405, 406.

147. Ibid., 408, 410.

148. Ibid., 408, 413.

149. Ibid., 410.

142. Discussion following E. W. Taylor, "The Attitude of the Medical Profession Toward the Psychotherapeutic Movement," Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases (June 1908): 403. This article includes the discussion following the Boston Medical and Surgical Journal articles cited above.

143. Ibid., 403-404.

144. Ibid., 848, 850.

145. Ibid., 401.

146. Ibid., 403, 405, 406.

147. Ibid., 408, 410.

148. Ibid., 408, 413.

149. Ibid., 410.

142. Discussion following E. W. Taylor, "The Attitude of the Medical Profession Toward the Psychotherapeutic Movement," Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases (June 1908): 403. This article includes the discussion following the Boston Medical and Surgical Journal articles cited above.

143. Ibid., 403-404.

144. Ibid., 848, 850.

145. Ibid., 401.

146. Ibid., 403, 405, 406.

147. Ibid., 408, 410.

148. Ibid., 408, 413.

149. Ibid., 410.

142. Discussion following E. W. Taylor, "The Attitude of the Medical Profession Toward the Psychotherapeutic Movement," Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases (June 1908): 403. This article includes the discussion following the Boston Medical and Surgical Journal articles cited above.

143. Ibid., 403-404.

144. Ibid., 848, 850.

145. Ibid., 401.

146. Ibid., 403, 405, 406.

147. Ibid., 408, 410.

148. Ibid., 408, 413.

149. Ibid., 410.

142. Discussion following E. W. Taylor, "The Attitude of the Medical Profession Toward the Psychotherapeutic Movement," Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases (June 1908): 403. This article includes the discussion following the Boston Medical and Surgical Journal articles cited above.

143. Ibid., 403-404.

144. Ibid., 848, 850.

145. Ibid., 401.

146. Ibid., 403, 405, 406.

147. Ibid., 408, 410.

148. Ibid., 408, 413.

149. Ibid., 410.

142. Discussion following E. W. Taylor, "The Attitude of the Medical Profession Toward the Psychotherapeutic Movement," Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases (June 1908): 403. This article includes the discussion following the Boston Medical and Surgical Journal articles cited above.

143. Ibid., 403-404.

144. Ibid., 848, 850.

145. Ibid., 401.

146. Ibid., 403, 405, 406.

147. Ibid., 408, 410.

148. Ibid., 408, 413.

149. Ibid., 410.

142. Discussion following E. W. Taylor, "The Attitude of the Medical Profession Toward the Psychotherapeutic Movement," Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases (June 1908): 403. This article includes the discussion following the Boston Medical and Surgical Journal articles cited above.

143. Ibid., 403-404.

144. Ibid., 848, 850.

145. Ibid., 401.

146. Ibid., 403, 405, 406.

147. Ibid., 408, 410.

148. Ibid., 408, 413.

149. Ibid., 410.