1. The barangay system was created by presidential decree on December 31, 1972, shortly after the imposition of martial law. Its purpose was to create basic political units—barangays—which could be used as instruments to further the objectives of martial law and at the same time provide controlled outlets for political participation.

The barangay is actually a very old precolonial political institution in the Philippines. It was a unit of thirty to one hundred houses under the authority of an autocratic headman (datu). The institution was adapted by Spanish colonial administrators to suit their needs (with the name "barangay" eventually changed to barrio ). The term and institution were resurrected by the martial law regime as part of its attempt to equate nationalism with autocratic leadership. All barangay "captains" were, initially at least, appointed.

Modern barangays are intended as local-level political units and meant to be composed of a maximum of five hundred families. Cotabato City in 1985, however, contained only five barangays for its eighty thousand or so inhabitants. All were much larger than the ideal. Barangay Bagua, for example (the barangay in which Campo Muslim is located), contained four communities—Manday, Campo Muslim, Lugay-lugay, and Bagua—each with more than five hundred families. The reason for so few original barangays in the city is not clear. That more had not been created, despite widespread recognition of their

need, was largely due to the strong opposition of the five current barangay captains. In around 1990, Cotabato City added a large number of new barangays but retained part of the former structure, designating the original five barangays as "Mother Barangays." Thus Campo Muslim is now its own barangay though still considered for some purposes a constituent unit of "Mother Barangay Bagua." For more information of the formation and functioning of the barangay system under the martial law regime, see Lapitan (1978).

2. The Civilian Home Defense Force was also created by presidential decree shortly after the declaration of martial law. CHDF units are paramilitary entities associated with particular barangays and under the formal direction of the barangay captain. CHDF members receive arms and a minimal stipend. During the rebellion, CHDF units were effectively controlled by the Philippine Army.

3. Kalanganan is the name for all of the area that lies between the Pulangi and Tamontaka Rivers and west of the city proper. Today it is included in the Cotabato City limits as the only entirely rural barangay.

4. Akmad's father, as a man of the coast, was almost certainly an Iranun speaker. That he was also a member of the Magindanaon aristocracy may be due partly to intermarriage. However, it also may be due to the fact, related by both Mastura (1984) and Ileto (1971), that in 1879 the Magindanaon title of Amirul Umra was conferred by the Sultan of Magindanao upon an Iranun datu from Malabang in an apparent effort to shore up the rapidly fading power and prestige of the downriver sultanate (see Ileto 1971, 42).

5. Questions on the interview schedule did not attempt to ascertain whether respondents held legal title to land. My principal concern was to find what percentage of residents held rights in agricultural land, regardless of whether those rights were legally recognized by the state. Qualitative research data suggest, however, that most respondents do hold legal title to the land in which they have indigenously recognized rights.

6. The members of Candao's CHDF unit apparently also saw their own role, to some degree, as protecting the community from army intrusions. Residents tell of one occasion in which the army brought an armored personnel carrier to the Manday bridge, intending to enter the community with it. Candao's men refused to let it pass, and when challenged entered the street with guns drawn to stop it. The standoff ended only when the military police arrived and negotiated a settlement.

7. As Commander Jack explains it today, "I was captured because the Tripoli Agreement had been signed, the cease-fire had started, and Hadji Murad [the Cotabato rebel commander] and his men had come down from the hills for peace talks. The military were afraid that we would join forces, so they detained me. Their official reason was that I was being detained for safekeeping."

8. The MNLF has never claimed responsibility for any of these terror bombings and none has ever been solved. There is a strongly held belief among some Christian as well as Muslim city residents that at least a portion of the bombings were the work of government agents attempting to discredit the MNLF.

9. Jeffrey Sluka reports responses from rank-and-file IRA members in Northern Ireland quite similar to those I found in Cotabato: "[T]he major reason [Republican guerrillas] give for why they turned to armed struggle is because they say that repression and state terror drove them to it. That is, when asked how they came to join the IRA, they do not usually refer to Republican ideology and goals, but rather they tell personal histories of their experience with repression and state terror" (Sluka 1995, 85).

10. In a recent illuminating discussion of musical code-switching, Mark Slobin employs the term "domestication" to refer to the sort of borrowing I have described—a process whereby "music is brought into the subculture from the superculture" (1993, 90). Slobin's musical ''superculture" is conceived as a hegemonic system encompassing a music industry, governmental regulation, and "a set of standardized styles, repertoires, and performance practices" (1993, 33). Musical subcultures, or "micromusics," are "small musics in big systems" (1993, 11). The mass-marketed music of the Philippines, today overwhelmingly sung in English and largely produced in the United States and England, corresponds to Slobin's musical superculture, while Magindanaon music fits his definition of a "micromusic."

11. The English term "cowboy" is used by young men in Campo Muslim and throughout the Philippines to describe an individual (and occasionally an action) thought to be unusually rugged or reckless. That usage is derived from the Philippine-made Westerns that were extremely popular movie fare in the 1960s and 1970s.

12. This song, "Mana Silan Cowboy," is one of the few I recorded that dates itself fairly precisely. The time range indicated in the opening phrase(1971-79) indicates that this song was written after the 1977 cease-fire and intended primarily for public performance outside the rebel camps.

13. The early rhetoric of Muslim separatism did not emphasize jihad as a component of Bangsamoro ideology. Stress was placed instead on national identity. Only years later, after the cease-fire, did separatist leaders appeal to the concept of jihad, usually in the context of a broader Islamic renewal, as evidenced in the following passage from a 1985 declaration: "All Mujahideen . . . adopt Islam as their way of life. Their ultimate objective in their Jihad is to make supreme the WORD of ALLAH and establish Islam in the Bangsamoro homeland [emphases in the original]" (Salamat quoted in Mastura 1985, 17).

14. The "wide green land" of the first stanza of song 2 is a description of the Cotabato River Basin and a metaphorical reference to Cotabato as a whole. In his collection of Magindanaon folk songs, Clement Wein (1985) includes a song said to have been composed circa 1950 and sung to the melody of "Green Valley" which begins with the same couplet found in song 2 (1985, 117).

15. Compare Jeffrey Sluka's observation for Northern Ireland that "the British government and their Security Forces have applied military and judicial repression against the Catholic communities they believe support the Republican insurgency and . . . this has served to alienate the population and created and continuously reinforced popular support for the Republican movement" (1995, 76).

16. As late as the last month of 1977, one year after the cease-fire, a military air strafing killed fifteen Muslim civilians (six of them young children) and wounded many more in Kalanganan, within the Cotabato City limits ( Mindanao Cross , December 17, 1977). As had happened on previous occasions, the military apparently mistook a wedding party for a gathering of rebels and opened fire on it.

17. Amulets (agimat) and especially muntia —rare stones with magical protective powers—were particularly popular with rebel fighters. Commander Jack possessed a muntia consisting of a petrified egg sac from a spider wrapped in a cloth and hung on a thong around his neck. Among its other powers it could detect and neutralize poisons placed in liquids.

18. Commander Jack recounts a very similar story from personal experience concerning assistance received from a tunggu a inged in another manifestation: "Once during the siege of Tran, I was eating ripe mango with my companion. I heard a bird call 'Awa, Awa' ['Awa' means 'leave' or 'get away' in Magindanaon]. I told my companion, 'Quick, we have to move.' He did not believe me. I jumped into our foxhole and just then a jet appeared overhead and dropped a bomb right where we were. My friend was blown to pieces."

19. Although these and other independent representations by Muslim followers accord with Islamic doctrine in that they are accounts of divine compassion shown for those fighting for Islam, their strongly folk-Islamic elements were disapproved of by Islamic clerics and discounted by some rebel leaders.

20. Although not given precedence in the authorized lexicon of the Muslim separatist movement, "inged" and "jihad" do have certain hegemonic connotations. As a term that describes a community but also a traditional political entity, "inged'' suggests hierarchy and domination: a community ruled by an autocratic chieftain. Similarly, while "jihad" refers to the defense of the community against alien invaders, it also connotes armed mobilization at the behest of a local ruling elite. These terms, then, are part a "common meaningful framework . . . for talking about . . . domination" (Roseberry 1994, 361), yet may be given quite different emphases by subordinates and superordinates. More significantly for this case, ordinary adherents of the separatist movement have used these terms (or their particular colorings of them) to understand the rebellion, even though movement leaders have not employed them in official separatist rhetoric.