1. Jose Antonio Maravall in El mundo social de "La Celestina" (Madrid, 1968), 21-22 pictures the nobility as shaping the important social structures and relations:

La clase de los señores, como clase dominante, es, sin duda, la responsable de la estructura y perfil de la sociedad. Mediante su dominio de los recursos de que la sociedad en cuestión dispone, aquella clase determina el puesto de cada grupo social en el conjunto, el sistema de sus funciones, el cuadro de sus deberes y derechos, es decir, la figura moral de cada uno de esos grupos. Como de la clase señorial depende la selecciõn de los bienes y valores que en una sociedad se busca conseguir, es también esa clase superior la que determina los valores que a los demás corresponden y los que ella misma se atribuye y monopoliza. En definitiva, la clase dominante es la responsable de las relaciones ético-sociales entre los diferentes grupos.

2. See chap. 2. This situation might have been changing, of course. In Zorita, where the hidalgos petitioned the crown to be allowed to hold municipal offices, by 1561 the alcalde was Diego de Trejo, an hidalgo; see AGI Indif. General 2088, información of Jorge Holgado, vecino of Orellana.

3. On the lifestyle of the people of the villages, Michael R. Weisser, The Peasants of the Montes (Chicago, 1976), 53, comments:

Contrary to rejecting urban mores and styles, the peasantry adopted and adapted them to fit the realities of rural life. The social cohesion of the pueblo did not result from any denial of an alien culture, but was enhanced by the acceptance of the culture of the larger society by the entire rural community.

4. In 1554 a fifty-year-old shoemaker, Juan García, was called "rico" (see AGI Indif. Gen. 2078), and the brothers García Hernández and Gonzalo Cabezas, zapateros, in the same year were called "hombres ricos de caudal y bienes raíces" (see AGI Justicia 1074, no. 4). Alonso Blanco, who lost his property and became impoverished, in 1578 said he had been ''hombre rico y principal" of Trujillo, AGI Indif. General 2059.

5. See chap. 5.

6. Teresa Muñoz, a widow from Cáceres, was living in Seville by

1535; by 1554 a dealer in oil named Francisco Hernández and his wife, both also from Cáceres, had become vecinos of Seville; and in the 1570s a cacereño priest named Juan Digán also was a vecino of the city. See AHPC Hernando Conde 3712; Pedro de Grajos 3924; Pedro González 3828 (1573); and Alonso Pacheco 4104.

7. AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4103; AGI Indif. General 2049.

8. Rodríguez Sanchez, Cáceres, 198-209; see also 180-183.

9. See AGS Exped. Hacienda 311, padrón of Madroñera.

10. AMT 1584: IX-8.

11. In 1570 Cáceres and Trujillo each had at least four inns ("mesones y posadas"), and in both cities at least one of the innkeepers was a woman; see ARCG 303-490-10, pleito de hidalguía of Alonso de Loaysa. There probably were at least twice that many inns, since in 1578 in Trujillo four different mesoneros and taverneros testified in two informaciones; see AGI Indif. General 2059, informaciones of Juan Rubio and Isabel García la Castra. Probably the larger towns in the cities' jurisdictions also had inns, since one of the smallest--Orellana la Nueva, with thirty-two vecinos--in 1575 was called "lugar donde no hay taverna ni carnicería"; AGS Exped. Hacienda 906.

12. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3923, Pedro González 3827.

13. AHPC Diego Pacheco 4100.

14. Carmelo Solís Rodríguez, "El arquitecto Francisco Becerra" 287-383.

15. See Geoffrey Parker, The Army of Flanders and the Spanish Road (Cambridge, 1972), 35-43 for a description of how recruitment took place.

16. For example, Gonzalo Durán of Cáceres had died in Flanders by 1571. His brother Lorenzo de Montanos went to the Indies; see AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4102. In 1578 Juan Pérez, son of Juan Pérez tintorero, was a captive in Algiers; AHPC Pedro Gonzalez 3830.

17. AMT 1-1-30, Actas del Consejo 1580.

18. AHPC Pedro González 3827, 3831.

19. See Rodríguez Sánchez, Cáceres, 134, notes 15 and 16, and 88-89; AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1569, 1580; AMT Actas 1558, 1576-83.

20. AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4103; AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1575.

21. AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1580; AMT Actas 1580.

22. AMT 1-1-30.

23. AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1578.

24. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3923.

25. AMT García de Sanabria A-1-1.

26. AHPC Pedro González 3827 (he was mayordomo in 1567), 3830. At some time before 1572 Lorenzo de Ulloa Solís took 1400 ducados in censos al quitar--400 from Diego García de Ulloa, 500 from Rodrigo

Silvestre (probably the merchant), and 500 from Cristóbal García. García had other financial dealings with Lorenzo and his brother Francisco de Ulloa Solís; see AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4102.

27. AGI Justicia 1074, no. 4; AGI Indif. General 2058 for información of Lorenzo del Puerto.

28. AHPC Hernando Conde 3712.

29. AHPC Pedro González 3830.

30. In 1550 Pedro del Toril, a shoemaker of Trujillo "over 57 years" of age, signed his name; AGI Justicia 1074, no. 4. In 1574 four witnesses for Alonso Ramiro, a tailor from Trujillo emigrating to New Spain, all could sign. They were a locksmith, a blacksmith, a tailor, and a merchant; AGI Indif. General 2055. There are, of course, many such examples of literate commoners.

31. AGI Indif. General 2051 (testimony of 1567).

32. Francisco Rodríguez was about thirty years old in 1575 when he petitioned to join his parents Rodrigo Alonso herrero (also called herrador) and Isabel Alvarez in Peru (Lima), taking with him his wife and two children. He subsequently returned to Trujillo, where in 1582 he was calling himself Francisco Rodríguez Godoy; see AGI Indif. General 2087 and 2093. His parents returned to Trujillo in 1578 in the entourage of the prominent Captain Martín de Meneses, long-time resident of Peru; see AGI Indif. General 2162A.

33. AMT 1570:III-4. There were at least two other men of the same name who were herradores in Trujillo: Hernán González, who emigrated in 1574, and Hernando González, who emigrated in 1575, both to New Spain with their families. See AGI Indif. General 2055; Contratación 5222.

34. See ARCG 511-2284-8, for Hortún's will. Although some of the family names--Becerra, Bote--that appear in Hortún's will commonly were associated with hidalgos, I was unable to find any relation between Hortún and the hidalgo Becerras or Botes. His illiteracy, the name of his first wife, his wives' modest dowries, and the fact that, with the exception of one son who was to receive half the mill in Tamuja, his property was to be divided equally among heirs, all suggest he was a commoner.

35. See Weisser, Peasants of the Montes, 38-44 for analysis of landholding in Navalmoral in 1583 for comparison. In 1561 Hortún was assessed 244 maravedís in taxes (see AGS Exped. Hacienda 189-56), which would place him well within the middle to upper-middle group of the town. Clearly he had sufficient property to produce a commercial surplus and employ others to work his land.

36. AMT 1584:IX-8.

37. AGI Justicia 1070, no. 8, 9. Juan de Muñoz was a native of Na-

valsaz but lived in and owned property in Trujillo before going to Peru. He took his sons Pedro de Bibanco, Alonso de Bibanco, and Francisco Muñoz with him, leaving behind two others, Juan and Diego de Bibanco. Alonso de Bibanco returned to Trujillo, but Pedro died in Peru. Since he had supported Gonzalo Pizarro's rebellion, his properties were confiscated, which is why the inventory of the family's possessions was taken in 1550. Francisco Muñoz was not mentioned in the division of property and he must have died in Peru also.

38. LeFlem, "Cáceres, Plasencia y Trujillo," p. 269.

39. AGS Exped. Hacienda 189-56.

40. AGS Exped. Hacienda 66.

41. AMT Actas 1558.

42. AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1575, 1576.

43. AHPC Pedro González 3831.

44. AGI Indif. General 2059.

45. See AGS Exped. Hacienda 66 for the 1557 padrón of the calle de Caleros.

46. For Casar, see AGS Exped. Hacienda 66; see 902 for El Campo, and 189-56 for Santa Cruz.

47. See AGS Exped. Hacienda 189-56 for Ibahernando and AGS Exped. Hacienda 66 for Sierra de Fuentes. Doubtless there were residents of Ibahernando who had no vineyard at all but belonged to the middle group. Nevertheless ownership of a medium-sized vineyard seems to have correlated with a basic holding in livestock, since virtually everyone in the group had one or two oxen, a cow or two, and small numbers of other livestock (pigs, sheep, goats) and draft animals.

48. AGS Exped. Hacienda 66. The small lugar of Sierra de Fuentes apparently had very little access to land, which would explain the large number of wage laborers there.

49. AHPC Diego Pacheco 4100 (see year of 1551). Sancho de Figueroa was a returnee from the Indies.

50. Francisca Picón, the mother of Dr. Francisco de Sande, in 1572 rented out a garden behind the monastery of San Francisco for four years for 17 ducados (6375 maravedís) a year plus various products, including nuts, onions, garlic, melons, pomegranates, and plums; AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4102.

51. The couple was required to build a hut in the huerta during the next four years if the royal magistrate of Cáceres granted permission, and to keep the garden "well tilled and cultivated and planted with trees." AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4104.

52. AMT 1-1-30.

53. See AGI Indif. General 2080.

54. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3923.

55. Rodríguez Sánchez, Cáceres, 35.

56. AHPC Pedro González 3829.

57. AHPC Pedro González 3827 (1570) and Alonso Pacheco 4103 (1575).

58. AGI Indif. General 2079.

59. For example, a locally made dark cloth called "catorzen" sold for 210 maravedís per yard in 1553 and berbi for 83 maravedís a yard in 1544; see AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3924, 3923. In contrast, in 1535 Valencia cloth sold for 800 maravedís per yard and velarte (a fine broadcloth) for 1000 maravedís a yard in 1553; see AHPC Hernando Conde 3712, Pedro de Grajos 3924.

60. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3923.

61. Solís Rodríguez, "Francisco Becerra," 301.

62. The accounts of the construction work, expenditures, and money received from Dr. Ovando are in ACC-HO leg. 8, no. 101. Carrasco's account book was dated June 1565, soon after Ovando's death.

63. Solís Rodríguez, "Francisco Becerra," 366, 372.

64. Santos and Alonso García were both sons of Teresa Alvarez; Santos García's father, Juan García, was a locksmith. Santos was eighteen or nineteen and Alonso twenty-five or twenty-six years old when they went to Peru. In 1576 Trujillo's council appointed Santos García "sellador" of iron and of weights and measures. In the same year Francisco González, one of the stonecutters who helped finish the entranceway of the dehesa, was appointed inspector of work, AMT leg. 1-1-30. See Solís Rodríguez, "Francisco Becerra," 330-333 for the construction of the entranceway, and Catálogo, 3, no. 2447 and AGI Indif. General 2078. Pero Gómez built the choir stalls of the church of Santiago in the late 1550s; he made the contract in December 1557 and was to complete the job by February 1559. He received a total of 450 ducados for the job, paid in installments of 50 ducados every two months and the balance upon completion. Gómez also worked on the house built by the returnee from Peru, Francisco de Godoy; see AHPC Diego Pacheco 4100, 4113.

65. See Vassberg, Land and Society, 160 for the continued use of oxen in Extremadura. Mules in the 1560s and 1570s sold for around 35 to 40 ducados (see AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4103), three or more times the price of an ox or donkey and twice that of a horse.

66. AHPC Hernando Conde 3712.

67. AHPC Diego Pacheco 4113, Alonso Pacheco 4102, 4103, Pedro de Grajos 3926.

68. AHPC Diego Pacheco 4113.

69. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3926.

70. AHPC Pedro González 3829.

71. AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4104.

72. Dyers of Cáceres frequently bought pastel (a dye) from people from Seville, and "tratantes de aceite" (oil vendors) also came from Seville. In 1571 Francisco Rodríguez of Trujillo bought some cloth from a merchant from Seville while in Cáceres; see AHPC Martín de Cabrera 3636.

73. AHPC Pedro González 3829.

74. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3924. Sotoval said that if his wife did not remarry, account should not be made of her gains in the business.

75. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3924.

76. In 1558 Diego del Saz and his son Francisco del Saz and Felipe Díaz rented a part of the tithes of the church of Coria; AMT García de Sanabria A-1-3. For Luis del Saz, regidor, see Acedo, "Linajes," Vargas, 48 ^a14 and Altamirano, 91; see also AMT Pedro de Carmona A-1-1-9. For Diego del Saz, see the 1544 will of Juan de la Huerta of Cáceres, who owed Diego del Saz 6000 maravedís, AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3923. See AMT García de Sanabria A-1-1 for sale to vecinos of Benalcazar of 70,540 maravedís of cloth, García de Sanabria A-1-2-1 for purchase of cloth from Córdoba (1556), and Francisco Enríquez A-1-5-1 for poder of Diego and Luis del Saz to merchants in Segovia in 1561. See García de Sanabria A-1-3 for money owed by Alvaro de Loaysa and Pedro de Carmona A-1-9 for Cristóbal Pizarro's power of attorney.

77. Vicente Navarro del Castillo, La epopeya de la raza extremeña en Indias (Mérida, 1978), 427; AGI Contratación 5237. Luis del Saz took his criado Mateo Jiménez of Trujillo with him.

78. Luis de Camargo's heirs appeared together in September 1551; AMT García de Sanabria A-1-1. For purchase of dehesa, see ACC-AT leg. 8, nos. 33, 47. For the claim against Luis de Camargo, see AGI Justicia 1176, no. 2, ramo 3. This suit included a power of attorney of 1535 that Luis de Camargo, along with his son-in-law Vicente Enríquez and son Diego de Camargo, gave to a Trujillo merchant named Duarte López; witnesses were three other Trujillo merchants, Juan de Limosin, Juan López, and Juan de San Pedro.

79. See AMT 1-1-30. Alvaro Pizarro de Camargo in 1578 rented stores across from his main house for two years to Lope Hernández, tendero; AMT Pedro de Carmona B-1-23. Juan de Camargo, son of Luis de Camargo, owned mills on the Almonte and Magasca rivers and a dehesa near Montánchez; see AMT García de Sanabria A-1-1. He probably died in the 1550s, since there is no later record of him; likely Luis del Saz, mayorazgo, was his son.

80. For Vicente Enríquez, see AMT García de Sanabria A-1-1, Pedro de Carmona A-1-9, and note 78 above. In 1551 he bought a vineyard for

33,000 maravedís from Beatriz Alvarez, widow of Francisco González and mother of Licenciado Diego González Altamirano, oidor of Lima; see AMT García de Sanabria A-1-1; Acedo, "Linajes," Altamirano, 91.

81. For Juan de Camargo, regidor, see Acedo, "Linajes," Calderón, 295. Vasco Calderón Enríquez married Juana de San Juan. Vasco Calderón paid a dowry of 400 ducados for his sister Beatriz de Camargo to enter the convent of Santa Clara, and in 1593 he and his wife arranged for one of their daughters to enter the convent of the Magdalena of Aldeanueva del Barco for 500 ducados; see Acedo, "Linajes," Calderón, 334 ^a12,a33,a41 .

82. For Alonso de Camargo, see Boyd-Bowman, Indice, 2, no. 3118 and Navarro del Castillo, La epopeya, 388. For Alonso Enríquez, see Catálogo, 5, no. 1737 and AGI Contratación 5221 (testimony for Licenciado Diego González Altamirano). For Vicente Enríquez, see AMT Pedro de Carmona B-1-23. For Alvaro de Camargo, see Catálogo vol. 5, no. 4315; there is no evidence that Alvaro de Camargo was part of the family, other than the names, which are fairly convincing. Juan de Camargo, the son of Alvaro de Camargo and Juana González de Orellana (grandson of Luis de Camargo and Beatriz Alvarez), went to Peru as the criado of Luis de Herrera, AGI Contratación 5235.

83. The power of attorney to his son and guardianship of don Gonzalo de Hinojosa are in AMT Francisco Enríquez A-1-5-1; for the censo and association with Juan Alvarez, see García de Sanabria A-1-1. Juan Alvarez was in Lima in May 1559; see AGI Justicia 418. Diego González went to "Tierra Firme and Peru" in 1559, possibly as his father's factor; see Catálogo, 3, no. 4006; he was called "maestre" in the asientos. For Alonso Alvarez de Altamirano, see AGI Indif. General 2092. They might have been related to the family of Licenciado Diego González Altamirano, twice oidor of the audiencia of Lima.

84. The following were on the 1580 list: García de Alarcón and his son Hernando de Alarcón (one horse); Cristóbal de Alarcón and Lucas de Alarcón (one horse); Martín Alonso de Alarcón (to share a horse with Pedro Carrasco); and Diego de Alarcón, widower (to share a horse with Diego de Melo). Melo also was probably a merchant, a relative of Francisco Sánchez de Melo, a Sevillian merchant (native of Trujillo) who sent two brothers from Trujillo (doubtless his relatives) to Peru as his factors in 1557 and 1559. García de Alarcón went to Tierra Firme as a merchant in 1557, the same year Pedro de Melo went (see Catálogo, 3, no. 3556). An Hernando de Alarcón and a Juan de Alarcón were in Peru at the end of the sixteenth century; see Acedo, "Linajes," Calderón, 334 ^a59-60 .

85. AGI Contratación 5235, 5237.

86. Naranjo Alonso, Trujillo y su tierra, 2: 224.

87. Dr. Felipe Díaz de Orellana of Trujillo was for a time the bene-

ficiado of Alcollarín, Gaspar Gómez of Trujillo was beneficiado of Aldeanueva in 1575 (AGI Contratación 5222), and Bachiller Francisco Carrasco of Trujillo was "teniente de cura" of Madroñera in 1577 (AGI Indif. General 2089).

88. In 1561 he agreed to instruct Alonso Pizarro until he was ordained a "clérigo de misa"; see AHPC Diego Pacheco 4113. The city council of Trujillo hired Bachiller Ojalvo in January 1558 for two years at 100 ducados a year; he also was given lodging, AMT Actas 1558. In October 1570 doña Francisca de Torres, widow of Diego de Ovando de Cáceres, gave her power of attorney to Bachiller Diego Ojalvo and Bartolomé Serrano, clérigos presbíteros, to make an inventory of her late husband's country house at Arguijuela. She also gave her power of attorney to the merchant Diego Pérez de Herrera and another man for the same purpose, AHPC Pedro González 3827.

89. Acedo, "Linajes," Escobar, 384.

90. For Cristóbal de Solís, see AGI Indif. General 2084, where he stated he was the son of Alvar García de Solis, clérigo and Catalina Alvarez, soltera. One of the witnesses was Solís's brother Miguel Hernández de Solís, who was thirty years old in 1577. For Alvar García de Solís, see AMT Pedro de Carmona A-1-9 (1565) and García de Sanabria A-1-1-3 (1558).

91. ACC-HO leg. 5, no. 34.

92. Isabel de Paredes's son, Licenciado Alvaro de Paredes Salinas, reopened his mother's case against the cofradía de la Cruz in 1599; see ACC-HO leg. 8, no. 24. Following Licenciado Paredes's death, his son Melchior de Salinas Paredes left for the Indies in 1615; see ACC-HO leg. 7, no. 14.

93. The priests counted for the years 1534-1537 were all identified in AHPC Hernando Conde 3712. In 1537 nineteen priests signed a petition protesting the excommunication (for unknown reasons) of a priest named Hernando Rodríguez Sanabria. using the tax and census records in Simancas, LeFlem, "Cáceres, Plasencia y Trujillo," 280 compiled the following figures for the clergy in Cáceres: twenty-eight in 1557, forty-two in 1561 and 1584, thirty-nine in 1586, and fifty-five in 1595. The incompleteness of these censuses has already been discussed. The figures and records for Trujillo are even less complete.

94. Galíndez's will and inventory appear in AHPC Pedro González 3829; his nephew Juan Mogollón de Acosta's application for license to leave for Peru is in AGI Indif. General 2085.

95. AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1554, 1571, 1570; AMT 1-20-70-35 and 1-20-70-33. Salaries and length of contracts varied considerably.

96. For Licenciado Lorenzo Bernáldez of Plasencia and Francisco Bernáldez, natural (native) of Medellín and vecino of Plasencia, see AGI

Contratación 5218. Francisco and his wife Isabel Rodríguez were both thirty-five years of age when they emigrated.

97. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3923, 3924, 3926. Bernáldez bought the oven from Macías de Vita (who was acting for his brother Pedro de Vita, in Peru), Vita's sister Catalina González and her husband Pedro Cano (brother of Juan Cano, encomendero of Mexico), and another couple.

98. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3923, 3924.

99. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3923, 3924, 3925. Bernáldez's contract with Pérez also provided that Pérez cover one-fourth of the loss if they did not make good on their investment. The evidence regarding the woodcutting business is that Bernáldez hired two men in 1544 to cut and transport wood, and in 1546 he sold two "tablas de nogal" for 15 reales; AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3923.

100. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3924, 3925; see AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1555 for the summons from the bishop of Badajoz.

101. There was an aljama of Moors in fifteenth-century Trujillo (see Beinart, Trujillo , 15, 60), but sixteenth-century sources do not mention the existence of such a neighborhood.

102. For the figures on the expulsion, see Bernard Vincent, "L'expulsion des morisques de royaume de Grenade et leur repartition en Castille," Mélanges de la Casa de Velázquez 6 (1970): 224-226. An epidemic of typhus affected the deportees to Extremadura in particular; the overall mortality rate among deportees was lower, 20.7 percent (see p. 226).

103. AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1571.

104. Vincent, "L'expulsion des morisques," 234. Rodríguez Sánchez's suggestion ( Cáceres , 147) that the deportees were actually enslaved cannot be substantiated; the confusion may result from the coincidental arrival of slaves taken in the Granada war in the city.

105. Julio Fernández Nieva, "Un censo de moriscos extremeños de la inquisición de Llerena (año 1594)," Revista de Estudios Extremeños 29 (1973): 165, 167, 175. For the numbers of moriscos living in Extremadura at the time of the expulsion, see Vicente Navarro del Castillo, "El problema de la rebelión de los moriscos granadinos y sus repercusiones en Extremadura, principalmente en la comarca emeritense (1570-1604)," Revista de Estudios Extremeños 26 (1970): 569, app. III.

106. The letter appears in Mercedes García-Arenal, Los moriscos (Madrid, 1975), 263-265. Don Jerónimo de Loaysa was the grandnephew of the archbishop of Lima, Fray Jerónimo de Loaysa. His father Alonso de Loaysa went to Peru in the 1530s, where he married doña María de Ayala; they both returned to Trujillo in the 1560s (see Boyd-Bowman, Indice , 2, no. 3173); probably some or all of their children were born in Peru. See also Acedo, "Linajes," Loaysa, p. 222 ^a3 .

107. AHPC Diego Pacheco 4101.

108. ACC-AT leg. 3, no. 2. Sancho de Paredes's mother, Catalina, actually belonged to Corajo, which meant that Corajo also owned his cousin Sancho, whom he freed in his will. Corajo also asked that Sancho de Paredes marry Mari Jiménez, the daughter of his nephew Juan Corajo, if he succeeded to his entail.

109. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3925 (1557) and Pedro González 3828.

110. AGI Contratación 5221; AMT Pedro de Carmona B-1-23.

111. ACC-HO leg. 1, no. 16.