1. Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra, La Galatea, ed. Juan Bautista Avalle-Arce, 2 vols. (Madrid: Clásicos Castellanos, 1968) 2: 196. Cervantes himself suffered from a kidney ailment, although given the symptom of intense thirst that he admits to in the prologue of the Persiles, it is most likely that he was a diabetic. It is very possible, there- soft

fore, that he was a patient of Dr. Díaz. Perhaps this poem was the only payment he was able to provide the good doctor for his services.

2. Díaz explains in his treatise how kidney stones are formed by "arenas que se enjendran del ardor que seca la humedad sutil, dejando unos cuerpecillos duros y menudos que no pueden resolverse [grains of sand formed by the heat which dries the delicate humor, leaving tiny hard lumps that cannot be dissolved]." Quoted in Antonio Hernández Morejón, Historia bibliográfica de la medicina española, 7 vols. (Madrid, 1843): 222.

3. The Academia de Ochoa and the previously mentioned sonetadas are discussed in chap. 5.

4. Quevedo would also satirize the "profession" of fencing master. In El buscón the two diestros who scuffle at the inn at Rejas are a madman and a mulatto ruffian. Also mocked in this episode is Pacheco de Narváez's famous 1625 fencing manual Modo para examinarse los maestros .

5. José Luis Alonso Hernández, El lenguaje de los maleantes españoles de los siglos XVI y XVII: La Germanía (Introducción al léxico del marginalismo) (Salamanca: Universidad de Salamanca, 1979): 131.

6. The expression rebanar narices is, of course, patently vulgar. The word nariz or more commonly the plural narices is used in a great variety of expressions of questionable taste and definitely low linguistic register, serving at times as a euphemism for the testicles: hinchársele a uno las narices, meter uno las narices en una cosa, darle a uno en la nariz una cosa, and so forth.

7. This fact is obvious from the context. Nevertheless, his name "Montalvo el de Sevilla " proves it. See "La antroponimia de la germanía" in Alonso Hernández, El lenguaje de los maleantes españoles, 265-282. Among the most common proper names for members of the underworld are those that indicate geographic origin: "A el de B."

8. In Quevedo's Buscón, Pablos describes a certain don Cosme, a false ecclesiastic and professional of the "vida barata": "Traía todo ajuar de hipócrita: un rosario con unas cuentas frisonas [he had the hypocrite's full trousseau: a huge beaded rosary]." See Francisco de Quevedo, El buscón, ed. Domingo Ynduráin (Madrid: Cátedra, 1982): 217. Rosary beads as a symbol of hypocrisy date from Erasmus who urged his readers to commend themselves to God while praying and gave little credit to the mindless and mechanical repetition of rosaries. The image is ubiquitous in Spanish Golden Age literature. See, for example: "piensan otros, porque rezan un montón de salmos o manadas de rosarios . . . que ya no les falta nada para ser muy buenos continue

cristianos, teniendo por otra parte su envidia y su rencor y su avaricia y su ambición y otros vicios semejantes, tan enteros, como si nunca oyesen decir qué cosa es ser cristiano [others think that because they recite a bunch of psalms or handfuls of rosaries they lack nothing to be perfect Christians, while their envy, rancor, avarice, ambition, and other such vices remain as intact as if they had never heard what it meant to be a Christian]"; Alfonso de Valdés, Diálogo de las cosas ocurridas en Roma, ed. José F. Montesinos (Madrid: Clásicos Castellanos, 1928): 207; "Pedro. —Pues en fe de buen christiano que ninguna me acuerdo en todo el viaje [de haber rezado el rosario], sino solo le trayo por el bien paresçer al ábito . . . no fiaría de toda esa jente que trae pater nostres en la mano yo mi ánima. Mata. —Cuanto más de los que andan en las plazas con ellos en las manos, meneando los labios y al otro lado diçiendo mal del que pasa, y más que lo usan agora por gala con una borlaça [Pedro.—Upon my faith as a good Christian I don't remember having recited a single rosary on the whole trip; I carry the beads only because they suit the habit . . . I wouldn't entrust my soul to all those people who carry pater nostres in their hands. Mata.—All the more so those who stroll through the public squares with rosaries in their hands, moving their lips but criticizing passersby out of the other side of their mouth, and especially now that they decorate them with tassles]"; see Cristóbal de Villalón, Viaje de Turquía, ed. Fernando García Salinero (Madrid: Cátedra, 1980): 264-265. In Guzmán de Alfarache the rosary symbolizes the hypocrisy of Guzmán's entire converso family. His usurer-father puts it to good use in keeping track of his accounts: "Tenía mi padre un largo rosario entero de quince dieces, en que se enseñó a rezar—en lengua castellana hablo—, las cuentas gruesas más que avellanas [My father had a long fifteen-decade rosary that he used to teach himself how to pray—in Castilian, that is—the beads as big as hazelnuts]"; Mateo Alemán, Guzmán de Alfarache, ed. Benito Brancaforte, 2 vols. (Madrid: Cátedra, 1981) 1: 107. Cervantes mocks the large-beaded rosary in several other works: "entraron dos viejos de bayeta, con antojos, que los hacían graves y dignos de ser respectados, con sendos rosarios de sonadoras cuentas en las manos [two flannel-clad old men entered, with spectacles, which made them dignified and respectable, each carrying jangling rosary beads in his hands];" "Rinconete y Cortadillo," Novelas ejemplares 1: 210. In Don Quixote the knight remembers that while crazed with love, Amadís prayed and commended his soul to God, but Don Quixote finds he has no rosary with which to begin his imitation: "En esto le vino al pensamiento cómo le haría, y fue que rasgó una gran tira de las faldas de la camisa, que andaban colgando, y diole continue

once ñudos, el uno más gordo que los demás, y esto le sirvió de rosario el tiempo que allí estuvo, donde rezó un millón de avemarías [Then it occurred to him that he might make one by tearing a great strip off the tail of his shirt, which was hanging down, and making eleven knots on it, one bigger than the rest. This he used as a rosary all the time he was there, during which he repeated countless Hail Marys]" (I: 26). This passage was changed starting with the second Cuesta edition to: "Y sirviéronle de rosario unas agallas grandes de un alcornoque, que ensartó, de que hizo un diez [And for a rosary he threaded some large galls from an oak tree to make a decade]." In both cites the ironic lack of respect shown to the rosary beads is notable.

9. "La botica de la ramera." John M. Hill, Voces germanescas (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1949): 75.

10. Alzieu, Jammes, and Lissourgues, Poesía erótica, 72-73. Pájaro and pájara were both erotic euphemisms for women, the latter especially indicating one of loose morals. Thus in La Celestina when Sempronio tells the go-between that he needs other things besides food, she replies: "¿Qué, hijo? ¡Una docena de agujetas y un torce para el bonete y un arco para andarte de casa en casa tirando a pájaros y aojando pájaras a las ventanas! Mochachas digo, bobo, de las que no saben volar, que bien me entiendes [What, my son? A dozen laces and a band for your cap and a bow to carry hunting from house to house bewitching lady birds at the windows! I mean girls, silly, who can't fly away—you understand what I mean]." Fernando de Rojas, La Celestina, ed. Dorothy S. Severin (Madrid: Alianza, 1969): 104.

11. The theme of the false hermit dovetails with that of the hypocritical ecclesiastic, Erasmus's famous "monachatus non est pietas." In addition to the characters cited in n. 8, see the "anjinho de Deus" in Gil Vicente's Farsa de Inés Pereira and the miserly clerk from Lazarillo de Tormes . With respect to lascivious clergymen, the old bawd Celestina tells it best: "Caballeros viejos [y] mozos, abades de todas dignidades, desde obispos hasta sacristanes. En entrando por la iglesia, veía derro-car bonetes en mi honor, como si yo fuera una duquesa [Old gentlemen and young, priests of all ranks, from bishops to sacristans. The moment I entered church caps would be snatched off in my honor, as if I were a duchess]." La Celestina, 151.

12. Cervantes takes a similar critical attitude toward the fate of returning soldiers in La guarda cuidadosa . The veteran soldier of that interlude asks for assistance from the king, whose solution to his situation is to direct him to the royal almoner.

13. Alonso Hernández reports that the suffix - ón is very frequent continue

in marginal slang. It generally has an augmentative function but can also indicate agency, and obstinacy. See El lenguaje de los maleantes españoles, 238.

14. Francisco de Quevedo, Obra poética, ed. José Manuel Blecua, 4 vols. (Madrid: Castalia, 1970) 1: 373.

15. Luis de Góngora, Romances, ed. Antonio Carreño (Madrid: Cátedra, 1982): 117.

16. Quevedo, El buscón, 153.

17. Luis de Góngora, Letrillas, ed. Robert Jammes (Madrid: Castalia, 1980): 122.

18. For this reason the page who is marching off to war in Part Two of Don Quixote carries with him an extra pair of velvet gregüescos with which to honor himself in the city (II: 24).

19. See portrait of Don Juan de Austria wearing a pair of extremely bouffant gregüescos reproduced between pages 16 and 17 of María José Saez Piñeula, La moda en la corte de Felipe II (Madrid: Instituto de Estudios Madrileños, 1962). The style was so exaggerated that this garment, also known as zaragüelles, was nicknamed embudos in underworld slang because the short bulky trousers worn over tights gave the impression of a funnel. See Alonso Hernández, El lenguaje de los maleantes españoles, 115.

20. Hence Góngora's letrilla : "Al bravo que echa de vicio, / y en los corrillos blasona / que mil vidas amontona / a la muerte en sacrificio, / no tiniendo del oficio / más que mostachos y ligas [To the loud-mouthed braggart/who boasts in his cliques/that he heaps up a thousand lives / in a sacrifice to death / while possessing nothing of the profession/but mustache and garters]" ( Letrillas, 75). The similarity between Góngora's last two verses and line two of Cervantes's sonnet ("que a la muerte mil vidas sacrifica") is so marked that it would suggest that the expression is formulaic in evoking the figure of the valentón .

21. Góngora also ridicules weak-kneed soldiers in a satirical letrilla, saying: "de los tales no te asombres, / porque, aunque tuercen los tales / mostachazos criminales, / ciñen espadas civiles [don't be frightened of them / because although they twist / their criminal mustache, / they carry a civil sword]" ( Letrillas, 69).

22. It should be remembered that a tip, a propina, is often destined for drink; hence the French pourboire .

23. José Luis Alonso Hernández, Léxico del marginalismo del Siglo de Oro (Salamanca: Universidad de Salamanca, 1979): XIII.

24. La pícara Justina, ed. Antonio Rey Hazas, 2 vols. (Madrid: Editora Nacional, 1977) 1: 101. Justina's wordplay revolves around the continue

double meanings of juro, jurar, voto, and votar . Juros are rights of perpetual ownership, jurar means to take an oath as well as to blaspheme, voto refers to both votes and curses, and votar means to vote and also to blaspheme.

25. Alemán, Guzmán de Alfarache 1: 379.

26. In many poetic and prose works Cervantes reveals a special fondness for and expert manipulation of the language of germanía . He even gives a detailed lesson in its use in Rinconete y Cortadillo . This jargon is present to a large degree in his best independent sonnets.

27. Alonso Hernández, Léxico del marginalismo, 737.

28. Other poems are Juan Sáez Zumeta's "¿De qué sirve la gala y gentileza," Juan de la Cueva's "Calado hasta las cejas el sombrero," and Alonso Alvarez de Soria's "¿Cuándo, señor, vuestra famosa espada." Texts in Francisco Rodríguez Marín, El Loaysa de "El celoso extremeño" (Seville: Francisco de P. Díaz, 1901): 129-130.

29. This was not the first time the Bay of Cádiz had been taken by the English. Sir Francis Drake had raided the city as recently as 1587 when he looted and then burned twenty-two Spanish vessels, escaping swiftly before dawn.

30. The details of this disgraceful incident have been recorded by an eyewitness, Fr. Pedro de Abreu, in his Historia del saqueo de Cádiz por los ingleses en 1596 (Cádiz: Revista Médica, 1866).

31. Medina Sidonia was the same unfortunate fair-weather sailor assigned by Philip II to command the Spanish Armada after the death of Alvaro de Bazán. He was appointed in spite of the fact that, by his own admission, he was totally ill-suited for the job: he knew nothing of the sea nor of war and was prone to seasickness. The letter Medina sent to Philip II describing his own inadequacies and begging the king to choose another for the post is excerpted in Francisco Ayala, Cervantes y Quevedo (Barcelona: Seix Barral, 1974): 193-194.

32. Medina was actually riding in his coach at the Castilnovo beach near Conil. According to Abreu, this is the place where the best tunny fishing is found ( Historia, 87), hence the Duke's nickname of dios de los atunes .

33. Abreu, Historia, 88.

34. S. B. Vranich, "Vimos en julio otra semana santa" in Ensayos sevillanos del Siglo de Oro (Valencia: Albatros Hispanófila, 1981): 92.

35. Vranich, Ensayos, 87.

36. Francisco de Ariño, Sucesos de Sevilla de 1592 a 1604 (Seville: Bibliófilos Andaluces, 1873): 34.

37. Vranich, Ensayos, 88.

38. Ibid. break

37. Vranich, Ensayos, 88.

38. Ibid. break

39. In his sonnet Sáez Zumeta notes bitterly and in a similar vein: "¿De qué sirve la gala y gentileza, / las bandas, los penachos matizados, / los forros verdes, rojos y leonados, / si pide armas el tiempo con presteza? [Of what use are festive dress and gallantry, / sashes, colorful plumes, / green, red, and tawny linings / if the occasion demands arms with speed?]."

40. Nevertheless, the idea of exaggerated ostentation and expense is implicit in the word: "No solo se peca en España en los gastos excesivos de los trajes; sino también en los edificios de suntuosas casas y jardines [Not only does Spain sin in the excessive costs of clothing, but also in the construction of sumptuous homes and gardens]." Autoridades, s.v. . "edificios."

41. This first tercet has a distinct reminiscence of Horace's "Parturuint montes, nascetur ridiculus mus" from the Epistola ad Pisones . The tremendous racket produced by Becerra was simply that: noise. Just as Horace's groaning mountains gave birth to a ridiculous little mouse, the bellowing bull led the way for Medina's anticlimactic entrance into Cádiz. Much was promised and little was done.

42. The Spanish disparate has been studied by Maxime Chevalier and Robert Jammes, "Supplément aux 'Coplas de disparates,'" Mélanges offerts à Marcel Bataillon par les hispanistes françaises, Bulletin Hispanique 64 bis (1962): 358-393 and especially by Blanca Periñán, Poeta ludens . Disparate, perqué y chiste en los siglos XVI y XVII (Pisa: Giardini, 1979). Also J. Amades, "El habla sin significado y la poesía popular disparatada," Revista de Dialectología y Tradiciones Populares 15 (1959): 274-291.

43. On the fatrasie, see Lambert C. Porter, La fatrasie et le fatras . Essai sur la poésie irrationelle en France au Moyen Age (Geneva and Paris: Droz-Minard, 1960) and Paul Zumthor, "Fatrasie et Coq-à-l'âne (De Beaumanoir à Clément Marot)," Fin du Moyen Age et Renaissance . Mélanges de Philologie Française offerts à Robert Guiette (Antwerp: De Nederlandsche Boekhandel, 1961): 5-18. On the frottola, see Giovanna Angeli, Il mondo rovesciato (Rome: Bulzoni, 1977). On the classical origins of the rhetorical figure of impossibilia, see Ernst Robert Curtius, European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages, trans. Willard R. Trask (1948; Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1973): 95-96.

44. Juan del Encina, Obras completas, ed. Ana M. Rambaldo, 2 vols. (Madrid: Clásicos Castellanos, 1978) 2: 8.

45. A like image is found in a disparate that begins "Caminando vn viernes santo / vigilia de Nauidad [Walking one Good Friday / the eve of Christmas day]." Text in Periñán, Poeta ludens, 139. break

46. Alonso Hernández, Léxico del marginalismo del Siglo de Oro, 209.

47. This novel exemplifies the ironically parasitic relationship between the language of organized religion and that of organized crime. Monipodio's group is called cofradía, hermandad, confraternidad, and congregación; the members are cofrades, hermanos mayores, or cofrades mayores after fulfilling a year of noviciado; to be accorded a position in the gang is to receive an hábito honroso .

48. Alonso Hernández, Léxico del marginalismo del Siglo de Oro, 209.

49. Volar has a secondary meaning of "copular el macho" (to copulate) and, in a less graphic sense, "enamorar, cortejar" (to enamour, court). Camilo José Cela, Enciclopedia del erotismo, 4 vols. (Madrid: Sedmay, 1976)4: 1174.

50. Camino José Cela, Diccionario secreto, 3 vols. (1968; Madrid: Alianza, 1974) 3: 417.

51. Antonio Alcalá Venceslada, Vocabulario andaluz (Madrid: Real Academia Española [RAE], 1951): 496.

52. Francisco Delicado, Retrato de la Lozana Andaluza, ed. Claude Allaigre (Madrid: Cátedra, 1985): 418.

53. Alonso Hernández, Léxico del marginalismo del Siglo de Oro, 105. Any horned animal is a natural euphemism for the cuckold. See José Luis Alonso Hernández, "La sinonimia en el lenguaje marginal de los siglos XVI y XVII españoles (Los sinónimos de 'delator', 'cornudo' y 'ojo')," Archivum 22 (1972): 305-349.

54. Quevedo, Obra poética 2:514. Quevedo's word play does not come across into the English. In Spanish "partos" means both natives of Parthia and "childbirth." The verses are an ingenious way of denouncing unfaithful wives who conceal their many illicit pregnancies under voluminous hoop skirts.

55. The juxtaposition here of pygmies and giants is notably within the disparate tradition of absurd antitheses and oxymorons.

56. Ayala, Cervantes y Quevedo, 193-194.

57. Ibid., 194. Other more recent historians have been kinder to Medina Sidonia than his contemporaries. Garrett Mattingly, in The Armada (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1959), defends the Duke against the accusations of incompetence, opining that given the circumstances he did not commit any outright misdeed.

56. Ayala, Cervantes y Quevedo, 193-194.

57. Ibid., 194. Other more recent historians have been kinder to Medina Sidonia than his contemporaries. Garrett Mattingly, in The Armada (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1959), defends the Duke against the accusations of incompetence, opining that given the circumstances he did not commit any outright misdeed.

58. Abreu, Historia, 16.

59. Vranich, Ensayos, 87.

60. Ariño, Sucesos de Sevilla, 227.

61. Seville: Bibliófilos Andaluces, 1869. See also Francisco Rodríguez Marín's 1914 article "Una joyita de Cervantes," reprinted in Estudios cervantinos (Madrid: Atlas, 1947); Félix G. Olmedo, El Amadís continue

y el Quijote (Madrid: Editora Nacional, 1947): 151-175; and S. B. Vranich, "Escándalo en la Catedral," Archivo Hispalense 167 (1971): 21-52 and Vranich, "El 'Voto a Dios' de Cervantes," in Ensayos, 94-104.

62. Collado, Descripción del Túmulo, 14.

63. Ariño states that he spent 113 reals and 10 maravedis on his own mourning attire and that flannel became so scarce that the price soared to 18 reals per vara (0.84 meter) ( Sucesos de Sevilla, 101).

64. Vranich gives a detailed account of the scandalous events surrounding the funeral rites in "El 'Voto a Dios' de Cervantes," my source for the background information given here.

65. Cervantes's "Quintillas a la muerte del Rey Felipe II" were his serious homage to the memory of the king. Text in Poesías completas, ed. Vicente Gaos, 2 vols. (Madrid: Castalia, 1973 and 1981) 2: 378-380. Nevertheless, even these solemn verses were not without their ambiguous elements (discussed below).

66. Ariño, Sucesos de Sevilla, 105. The historian probably mistook the sonnet for an octave owing to the estrambote .

67. Four versions and their sources in Francisco de B. Palomo's Prologue to Collado, Descripción del túmulo, XXXVI-XLI. Rather different versions appear in Arthur Lee-Francis Askins, The Hispano-Portuguese "Cancioneiro" of The Hispanic Society of America, North Carolina Studies in the Romance Languages and Literatures 144 (Chapel Hill, N.C.: UNC Department of Romance Languages, 1974): 96 and in Romances manuscritos, Ms. 996 of the Biblioteca de Palacio, cited in Poesias Barias y Recreacion de Buenos Ingenios, Ms. 17556 de la Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid, ed. Rita Goldberg, 2 vols. (Madrid: José Porrúa Turranzas, 1984) 1: 60.

68. Rodríguez Marín cites poems by Hurtado de Mendoza, the Conde de Villamediana, Lope de Vega, and Calderón in which the phrase appears, in "Una joyita de Cervantes," 361-362.

69. Rodríguez Marín insists that the praise of the tomb and of Seville is sincere, and that Cervantes is mocking only the valentones . However, by putting the praise precisely in the mouths of such vulgar narrators, that praise is totally subverted. Cervantes cannot in safety mock the tomb openly (especially given the fact that he may have recited his poem in situ), so he does so indirectly. Nevertheless, precisely by deflecting the satire, he calls attention to the real significance of the tomb.

70. See chap. 2, "The Language of the Marketplace in Rabelais," in Rabelais and His World .

71. In fact, the Sevillian Town Council did not have sufficient funds to pay for construction of the tomb. To cover costs they were continue

obliged to secure high-interest loans from banks and later from the city's wealthy merchants.

72. Francisco de Quevedo, Obras satíricas y festivas (Madrid: Clásicos Castellanos, 1924): 94-95.

73. The same ridiculous posturing occurs in the sonnet "De otro valentón, sobre el túmulo de Felipe II" (Appendix 38). This poem is quite similar in style and tone to the one written by Cervantes. However, it cannot be definitively attributed to our author, despite Rodríguez Marín's comment that "o yo no entiendo pizca de letras, o bien podría . . . llevar al pie el Cervantes me fecit [either I know nothing about literature or it could easily carry a Cervantes me fecit at the end]" ("Una joyita de Cervantes," 359). The second sonnet is included for purposes of comparison.

74. Behind this character lies the rich Plautine tradition of the miles gloriosus, rejuvenated by the continuations of La Celestina .

75. Américo Castro, Cervantes y los casticismos españoles (Madrid: Alianza, 1974): 83-85.

76. Once again, the augmentative - on brings comic nuances to the word.

77. "Rinconete y Cortadillo," Novelas ejemplares 1: 206.

78. Miguel de Cervantes, Entremeses, ed. Eugenio Asensio (Madrid: Castalia, 1980): 77.

79. The combination of so plus adjective also has an augmentative function.

80. The brim had to be wide so that it could be raised in a gesture of defiance: "Sus acciones son a lo temerario; dejar caer la capa, calar el sombrero, alzar la falda" (n. 72); "Esto dijo, torciendo los mostachos / y alzando del sombrero la ancha falda" (Appendix 38).

81. Alonso Hernández, Léxico del marginalismo del Siglo de Oro, 512.

82. Novelas ejemplares 2: 308.

83. An example of a common usage of the term can be seen on a manuscript dating from 1631. The following inscription is found on a church monument: "Al mayor de / los arcangeles / San Miguel . . . / LEVANTO ESTA SAGRADA / MAQUINA DE ARQUITECTURA, ES / CULTURA, I PINTURA, LA FABRI / CA INTITULADA DE SU NOM / BRE / AÑO DEL NACIMIENTO DE / CRISTO MDCXXIX [To the greatest of the archangels / Saint Michael . . . / I RAISE THIS SACRED EDIFICE OF ARCHITECTURE, SCULPTURE, AND PAINTING, INSCRIBED IN HIS NAME, YEAR OF OUR LORD MDCXXIX]." BNM MS 1713, Tratados de erudición, de varios autores, 226.

84. Alonso Hernández, Léxico del marginalismo, 130. break

85. "Gozar una cosa, poseerla y disfrutarla [To enjoy something, to possess and take pleasure in it]" (Covarrubias). Gozar also has an obvious erotic acceptation.

86. J. Casalduero, Sentido y forma del teatro de Cervantes (Madrid: Aguilar, 1951); B. Wardropper, "Comedias," in Suma cervantina, Juan Bautista Avalle-Arce and E. C. Riley, eds. (London: Tamesis, 1973); J. Canavaggio, Cervantè dramaturgue: un théâtre à naître (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1977); E. H. Friedman, The Unifying Concept: Approaches to the Structure of Cervantes' Comedias (York, S.C.: Spanish Literature Publications, 1981) and S. Zimic, "Cervantes frente a Lope y a la comedia nueva (Observaciones sobre 'La entretenida')," Anales Cervantinos 15 (1976): 19-119 and "Sobre la clasificación de las comedias de Cervantes," Acta Neophilologica 14 (1981): 63-83.

87. Zimic, "Cervantes frente a Lope," 24.

88. Wardropper, "Comedias," 157. The edition used for La entretenida here is Miguel de Cervantes, Teatro completo, ed. Florencio Sevilla Arroyo and Antonio Rey Hazas (Barcelona: Planeta, 1987). Textual cites are followed by page numbers in parentheses.

89. Zimic, "Cervantes frente a Lope," 28.

90. Zimic, "Sobre la clasificación de las comedias," 79. This author feels that to Cervantes, Lope's continually and tumultuously amorous leading men would often seem to purposefully personify their author.

91. He includes sonnets in only three other dramatic works: two in La casa de los celos ; one each in El laberinto de amor and La gran sultana . The two sonnets from the first play mentioned are also found with slight variants in Don Quixote I: 23, 34. None of these other sonnets are burlesque; this attests to the special nature of La entretenida .

92. According to Lope's Arte nuevo, the sonnet is appropriate for soliloquies or to fill moments in which the speaker is alone on stage.

93. Regarding the use of the sonnet in Golden Age comedias, especially by Lope, see Lucile K. Delano, "The Sonnet in the Golden Age Drama of Spain," Hispania 11, 1 (1928): 25-28; "Lope de Vega's gracioso Ridicules the Sonnet," Hispania, First Special Number (1934): 19-34; and "The gracioso Continues to Ridicule the Sonnet," Hispania 18, 4 (1935): 383-400.

94. In this vein, Juan Bautista Avalle-Arce notes that "this accumulation of sonnets could only have been interpreted as a characteristic of Lope's theater, at least during the lifetime of Cervantes. This fact, I believe, explains their strange abundance in La entretenida . This play was written as a willful imitation of Lope's dramas, an imitation, however, that seeks for the effect of parody." See Avalle-Arce's "On La entretenida of Cervantes," Modern Language Notes 74 (1959): 419. On continue

this play as parody of the comedia nueva in general, see Francisco José López Alfonso, " La entretenida, parodia y teatralidad," Anales Cervantinos 24 (1986): 193-205.

95. Zimic, "Cervantes frente a Lope," 54.

96. José F. Montesinos has observed in this regard that the gracioso in the comedia nueva is "insensible a las fuertes emociones que sacuden el corazón del héroe . . . sólo se mueve a instancias de sus propias necesidades físicas . . . no entiende sino de pellizcos y repelones [insensible to the hero's strong emotions and reacts only to his own physical needs, understanding nothing but pinches and hair pulling]." See José F. Montesinos, "Algunas observaciones sobre la figura del donaire en el teatro de Lope de Vega," in Estudios sobre Lope de Vega (México: Colegio de México, 1951): 27-28, 48. Quoted in Zimic, "Cervantes frente a Lope," 52.

97. Zimic, "Cervantes frente a Lope," 54.

98. Lope was particularly fond of unusual rhymes ending in "x" or "z." See, for example, "Amor desconcertado, amor relox" and "¡Amor, amor, yo quedo desta vez!" Text in Delano, "Lope de Vega's gracioso Ridicules the Sonnet," 24-25.

99. Zimic, "Cervantes frente a Lope," 56.

100. Ibid.

99. Zimic, "Cervantes frente a Lope," 56.

100. Ibid.

101. Zimic relates the fragmentation of Torrente's sonnet to the ridiculous and excessive fragmentation of thought in the comedia nueva ; "Cervantes frente a Lope," 61.

102. Zimic comes to the same conclusion, saying that Cervantes doubtless refers to the comedia 's common practice of attempting to explain the unfathomable emotional depths of a character caught up in a complex dramatic situation in fourteen brief lines. See "Cervantes frente a Lope," 61.

103. Montesinos, Estudios, 43. Quoted in Zimic, "Cervantes frente a Lope," 68.

104. The lack of sincere feelings that typifies the galán 's conduct has been pointed out by Charles V. Aubrun—who notes that gallantry is often a type of sport, with conventional rules, and implies neither sincerity nor even desire—in La comedia española, 1600-1680 (Madrid: Taurus, 1968): 236. Quoted in Zimic, "Cervantes frente a Lope," 70.

105. Don Francisco gives a wonderfully comic description of Don Antonio as the listless lover when he explodes "¡Lleve el diablo / a cuantos alfeñiques hay amantes! / ¡Que un hombre con sus barbas, / y con su espada al lado, / que puede alzar en peso / un tercio de once arrobas de sardinas, / llore, gima y se muestre / más manso y más humilde / que un santo capuchino / al desdén que le da su carilinda! continue

[May the devil carry off / these delicate lovers! / To think that a full-bearded man, / his sword at his side, / who can hoist a hundred pounds of sardines, / should cry, whine, and act / meeker and humbler / than a Capuchin monk / before his pretty one's disdain!]" (Cervantes, Teatro completo, 597).

106. Avalle-Arce, "On La Entretenida, " 420.

107. It is interesting that at the end of the play, when Antonio discovers that Marcela has promised herself to another, his reaction borders on indifference. His much vaunted jealousy is thus shown to be pure literary and dramatic pose.

108. Zimic, "Cervantes frente a Lope," 71-72.

109. In Antonio's first moments on stage, he explains to his sister that celos "son la leña del gran fuego / que en el alma enciende amor, / viento con cuyo rigor / se esparce o turba el sosiego [jealousy is the fuel for the great fire / that love kindles in the soul, / the wind whose force / disturbs the calm]" (Cervantes, Teatro completo, 549). The standard idea in the Golden Age drama is that without jealousy there can be no love. Throughout his works Cervantes tried to refute this belief, always revealing himself to be an enemy of the unreasonable and usually unfounded jealousy so dear to the theater. From the tale of the Curioso impertinente to El celoso extremeño and the "Romance de los celos" he denounced both the futility and the disastrous consequences of this vice.

110. Because of this, the more beautiful love sonnets of La entretenida could possibly be from a much earlier period. Cervantes could easily have written them when he was preparing his Galatea, put them away, then brought them out and dusted them off for inclusion in the play.

111. The mentions here of comer and membrillo have secondary erotic meanings. Cervantes is mocking Cardenio's lack of expertise as a lover by suggesting that his capigorrón has greater success. Comer is a word charged with sexual connotations, the most important of which is intercourse. Many examples of the verb used in this sense are found in Alzieu, Jammes, and Lissourgues, Poesía erótica del Siglo de Oro . According to Covarrubias, membrillo is also a euphemism for the female sexual organ, as it is a diminutive of the word membrum and has a certain similarity with female genitalia. Cervantes will use membrillo in a similar sense in El licenciado Vidriera . In that novel the highly placed woman who falls in love with and is spurned by Tomás Rodaja poisons him with an hechizo (most likely an aphrodisiac) in a membrillo toledano . See also Góngora's ballad that begins: "A vos digo, señor Tajo, / el de las ninfas y ninfos, / boquirrubio toledano, / gran regador de mem- soft

brillos; [I speak to you, Señor Tagus, / you with the young swains and nymphets, / indiscrete Toledan / great waterer of membrillos ]," which maliciously alludes to the young couples who hold trysts beside the river. See Góngora, Romances, 242.

112. Zimic, "Cervantes frente a Lope," 67.

113. His burlesque sonnets on Dulcinea del Toboso do not represent Cervantes's ideas on women, but rather the observations of the "authors" or narrators of the poems.