1. Whether it is an afterthought or an initial motivating force, Jaeger's study ends with an indictment of the age-long polemics invidiously pitting the myth of French civilization against that of German Kultur (cf. Nietzsche's alleged admiring endorsement of Wagner's claim that, before his art, civilization would "dissipate like fog before the sun"—Jaeger: 271). The French origin of courtesy would play the role of an opening chapter in this story of France as the source of western civilized living.

2. "Nitebat enim pro generum [sic] nobilitate, florebat bonitatum agalmate [sic]. Moribus erat illustris, sublimiorque merito astris. Effigie rutilabat, nullique pietate secundus erat . . . . Vultu clarus erat, omnique actu clarior cunctis exstiterat, dulcis emicabat eloquio, habitu et incessu omnibus suavior. Nitidus ore mellifluo, serenus semper corde jucundissimo." PL: 141: 607-758 at 724, discussed in Nino Scivoletto, Spiritualità medievale e tradizione scolastica nel secolo XII in Francia (Napoli: Armanni, 1954): 218-221, also cited by Vallone, (1955): 55 f. Jaeger (198 f.) quotes a longer passage from Dudo on the same prince from PL: 141: 740a-c. See [Dudon de Saint-Quentin,] De moribus et actis primorum Normanniae ducum, auctore Dudone Sancti Quintini decano, ed. Jules Lair (Caen: F. Le Blanc-Hardel, 1865).

3. Vallone (1955): 56 for Claudian's text.

4. Guillaume de Jumièges [Guilelmus Gemeticensis], Gesta Normannorum ducum, ed. Jean Marx (Rouen: A. Lestringant; Paris: A. Picard, 1914). See Flori (1986) 146-148.

5. Guillaume de Poitier [Guilelmus Pictaviensis], Histoire de Guillaume le Conquérant, ed. and trans. Raymond Foreville (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1952). See Flori (1986): 148-150.

6. "Defensor hujus patriae, cur talia rimatus es facere? Quis fovebit clerum et populum? Quis contra nos ingruentium paganorum exercitui obstabit?" Cited by Flori (1986): 145, from Dudo, ed. J. Lair (1865): 201.

7. Guillaume de Jumièges, Gesta Normannorum ducum, ed. Marx (1914): 3.8: 39 f.

8. Flori (1986): 147.

9. Flori (1986): 151 f., citing from Helgaud de Fleury, Vie de Robert le Pieux; Epitoma vitae Regis Rotberti Pii, ed. and trans. Robert-Henri Bautier and Gillette Labory (Paris: Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1965): par. 30, p. 139. Helgaud was a monk at Fleury-sur-Loire (d. ca. 1050).

10. Flori (1986): 152-158. See the Vita domni Burcardi in Eudes de SaintMaur, Vie de Bouchard le Vénérable: comte de Vendome, de Corbeil, de Melun et de Paris (X ^e et XI ^e siècles), ed. Charles Bourel de la Roncière (Paris: A. Picard, 1892), esp. p. 9.

11. On the tradition of the ordines see Duby, Les trois ordres (1978); idem, The Three Orders (1980); J. Bumke (1982): 115; and Flori (1986): 331-338. See Duby (1980): 13-20 on ideological background, authors, and dates of the two documents. A student of Georges Dumézil, J. H. Grisward, Archéologie de l'épopée médiévale (1981), esp. p. 20 and chap. 1: 38-48, has imaginatively applied Dumézil's anthropological hypothesis of a primordial Indo-European mythic pattern of trifunctional division of society to explain the role of the ordines idea in the epic of Aymeri de Narbonne. See Dumézil's preface to this work, pp. 9-15, and G. Duby, The Three Orders (1980): 6-8 on the broader implications.

12. Liber de vita christiana: 7.28: 248 f. See M. Keen (1984): 5, and Flori (1986): 249-253. On Bonizo, see Walther Berschin, Bonizo von Sutri (Berlin, New York: de Gruyter, 1972).

13. Speculum Ecclesiae, PL: 172 (1895): 807-1108 at 865; see sections "ad milites," col. 865, "ad mercatores," cols. 865 f., and "ad agricolas," cols. 866-876. See Flori (1986): 253-257.

14. G. Duby, The Three Orders (1980): 1-4.

15. Ordericus Vitalis, Historia Ecclesiastica, in The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis, ed. and trans. Marjorie Chibnall, Oxford Medieval Texts, 6 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1969-1980): 3: 216 (vol. 6.2 of Chibnall ed.). See Duby, Hommes et structures (1973): 158 f., 222; also Jaeger: 231. Duby was using the study by Hans Wolter, Ordericus Vitalis: Ein Beitrag zur kluniazensischen Geschichtsschreibung (Wiesbaden: F. Steiner, 1955).

16. "Absit a me ut credam quod probus miles violet fidem suam! Quod si fecerit, omni tempore, velut exlex, despicabilis erit." Ordericus Vitalis, Historia ecclesiastica, ed. M. Chibnall, vol. 4, book 10, p. 49, cited by J. Flori (1986): 273.

17. "orphanorum quidem consolator, viduarum in tribulationibus pius adiutor," Historia, MGH, SS 24: chap. 24, p. 573; ed. Denis Ch. de Godefroy Ménilglaise, chap. 24, p. 61. The point that only members of the nobility were the beneficiaries is made by Flori (1986): 294 f.

18. J. Flori, "La chevalerie selon Jean de Salisbury," Revue d'Histoire Ecclésiastique 77 (1982): 35-77, and Flori (1986): 280-289.

19. G. Duby, The Three Orders (1970), declares the Policraticus "the first systematic description of a medieval state machinery and its workings" (287); "the first systematic formulation of a secular ideology of power and social order. As it was the work of a clerk—and not a servile one, but a man convinced of the superiority of his estate—the system it proposes is, of course, strongly marked with the imprint of ecclesiastical thought" (264).

20. Policraticus: book 4, chap. 3: "princeps minister est sacerdotum et minor eis" (Webb ed.: 1: 239); and 4.6: "debet peritus esse in litteris, et litteratorum agi consiliis" (Webb ed.: 1: 250).

21. "nam et haec agentes milites sancti sunt et in eo fideliores principi quo servant studiosius fidem Dei." Policraticus: book 6, chap. 8; Webb ed.: 2: 23.

22. Policraticus: 6. 5-10, 13, 19, 25 for statements on duties of the military class. See Hans Liebeschütz, "Chartres und Bologna. Naturbegriff und Staatsidee bei Johann von Salisbury," Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 50 (1968): 3-32. Policraticus: 1.6 (Webb: 1: 41-42) contains a thinly veiled condemnation of courtly love literature as frivolous and sinful while criticizing knights for being interested more in success with women than in fulfilling their moral duties toward society—a critique that J. Flori (1986): 332 declares "extremely rare."

23. M. Keen (1984): 5, 31, and passim (see his Index), and J. A. Wisman, "L 'Epitoma rei militaris de Végèce et sa fortune au moyen âge," Le Moyen Age 85 (1979): 13-31. Vegetius's Epitoma de re militari (between A.D. 383 and 450) was the only manual of Roman military institutions to have survived intact.

24. "Inoleuit consuetude solennis ut ea ipsa die, qua quisque militari cingulo decoratur, ecclesiam solenniter adeat gladioque super altare posito et oblato quasi celebri professione facta seipsum obsequio altaris deuoueat et gladii, id est officii sui, iugem Deo spondeat famulatum." Policraticus: 6.10 (Webb ed., 2: 25). Bad soldiers must be punished by taking away their right to carry the sword: "Sunt autem plurimi qui  . . . quando militiae consecrandi cingulum altari obtulerunt, uidentur protestari se eo tunc animo accessisse ut altari et ministris eius, sed et Deo, qui ibi colitur, bellum denuntiarent. Facilius crediderim hos malitiae execratos quam ad legitimama militiam consecratos." Policraticus: 6.13 (Webb ed.: 2: 37). The text is also in PL 199: 602-608.

25. Flori (1986): chaps. 13 and 14, pp. 290-330; on Alienor, Rita Lejeune, "Rôle littéraire d'Aliénor d'Aquitaine et de sa famille," Cultura Neolatina 14 (1954): 5-57, and Régine Pernoud, Alienor d'Aquitaine (Paris: A. Michel, 1965; 1980).

26. "Nil violenter exigant, neminem concutiant, sint defensores patriae, tutores orphanorum et viduarum, . . . interius armentur lorica fidei." "Suam militiam prostituunt." Chaps. 39 and 40; PL 210: 185 f.

27. Duby, Hommes et structures (1973): 347. J. Flori (1986) 18 finds that John of Salisbury and Étienne de Fougères were the first authors to turn their attention directly and explicitly to chivalry. He adds that S. Painter (1940, 1967) was skeptical of the influence of such literature on the knights' actual behavior. M. Keen (1984): 4, declares Étienne's treatise "the first systematic treatment of chivalry," with the term chevalerie being identified with the warrior estate and free, hence noble birth: " de franche mère né. "

28. Le livre des manières: vv. 677-710. See G. Duby, The Three Orders (1980): 282-285.

29. On Wace and Benoît see J. Flori (1986): 308-315. The Roman de Rou contributed to the valorization of the lay status that we have seen in the form of recognition of a positive role for the knighthood as part of the class of bellatores, defenders of the state and the Church. See Benoit de Sainte-More (sic), Chronique des ducs de Normandie, publiée d'après le manuscrit de Tours avec les variantes du manuscrit de Londres, ed. Carin Fahlin, 4 vols., vol. 4, "Notes," by Sven Sandqvist (Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1951-1979).

30. Roman de Rou, ed. A. J. Holden (Paris: A. et J. Picard, 1970): 3: 72, vv. 1710-1717.

31.

32. "Unques vilain nus ne d'eus nez / Ne fus granment de lui privez." Chronique: 28,832-834. See Flori (1986): 314. Susan Crane (1986) has attempted a socio-political interpretation of Anglo-Norman literature on the line of Duby's reading of French medieval mentalités.

33. M. Keen (1984): 20-22. On the chronicle of William the Marshal see Sidney Painter, William Marshal (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1933), 44-46 on the tourney, and G. Duby, William Marshal (1985).

34. See M. Bloch, Feudal Society (1968): 200 f.; Andrée Lehmann, Le rôle de la femme dans l'histoire de France au Moyen-Age (Paris: Berger-Levrault, 1952).

35. Breton's text in Chroniques des Comtes d'Anjou et des seigneurs d'Amboise, eds. L. Halphen and R. Poupardin (1913); see Duby, Les trois ordres: 348; The Three Orders: 289 f., and Flori (1986): 304 f. Also Duby, The Knight the Lady and the Priest: chap. 12, "The Lords of Amboise," 227-252 (where the author of this first chronicle of the Amboise house is said to be unknown) on the presentation of marriage in these texts. See the picturesque anecdote of Louis VII's entourage laughing at Count Fulk the Good after catching him in a posture of devout prayer: the once great lord, now a canon at Saint-Martin of Tours, looked like "an ordained priest." But Henry of Anjou, without uttering a word, right away penned a note to the king which read: "An illiterate king is a crowned ass." The king, Breton reports tendentiously, was compelled to acknowledge that sapientia, eloquentia, and litterae were becoming not only to kings but counts, too (like Henry), for they all have a duty to excel "in both morals and letters." Chroniques des Comtes: 140-142.

36. On Philip Augustus's historical role vis-à-vis the French great lords and the English king, see John W. Baldwin, The Government of Philip Augustus: Foundations of French Royal Power in the Middle Ages (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1986).

37. James A. Brundage, Richard Lion Heart (New York: Scribner's, 1974): 170-172.

38. Chroniques des Comtes d'Anjou (1913): 194-196, 218; see Keen (1984): 31; Flori (1986): 306-308.

39. "liberalis Gaufredus, non ut pauperem dives contempsit, sed, ut homo hominem reconoscens . . . . 'Nam juris amicus, custos pacis, hostium debellator, et, quod plurimum in principe nitet, oppressorum benignus auxiliator est . . . . Hostes nostri sunt prepositi, villici ceterique ministri domini nostri consulis.'" Chroniques (1913): 184 f. See Flori (1986): 305-308.

40. "Inhumani, inquit, cordis est qui sue non compatitur professioni. Si nos milites sumus, militibus debemus compassionem, presertim subactis." Ibid.: 196. On the Plantagenet chronicles after 1216 see Elizabeth M. Hallam, ed., The Plantagenet Chronicles (1986), and the same editor's companion volume, Chronicles of the Age of Chivalry; preface by Hugh Trevor-Roper (1987): both lively presentations including only extracts of sources and derivative narratives.

41. "Genèse et évolution du genre," in J. Frappier and R. R. Grimm, eds., Le roman jusqu'à la fin du XIII ^e siècle, Grundri b der romanischen Literaturen des Mittelalters 4.1 (1978): 60-73 at 63 for this and the immediately following remarks. Also Robert W. Hanning, The Vision of History in Early Britain: From Gildas to Geoffrey of Monmouth (New York: Columbia University Press, 1966), on the connection between historiography and romance.

42. Lambert of Ardres, Chronicon Ghisnense et Ardense, ed. GodefroyMénilglaise (1855) 198. This early edition was superseded by Johann Heller's edition under the title Historia comitum Ghisnensium in MGH, Scriptores 24 (1879): 550-642. See Heller: 556, on the 1855 edition.

43. "ad terram tamen et Boloniensis comitatus dignitatem, veri vel simulati amoris objectum, recuperata ejusdem comitisse gratia, aspiravit." MGH, SS 24: 603-605 chaps. 90-93 for this episode, 605 chap. 93 for quote. This important chronicle has been much studied by Duby: see, for example, Terra e nobiltà: 146-148, Hommes et structures: 161 and 221-223; The Chivalrous Society: 143-146; and especially Medieval Marriage: chap. 3, "A Noble House: The Counts of Guines," 83-110; and The Knight the Lady and the Priest (1988): "The Counts of Guines," 243-284. Also see Jaeger: 207 f. and Flori (1986): 294-297 on Lambert's portrait of Arnold. "The Young" in Arnold's name refers to his being then a knight errant, hence a jeune (P. jove ).

44. Ed. Godefroy-Ménilglaise (1855): 198. Also, on the counts of Flanders and Hainaut (Hennegau) in that period, Iacobi de Guisia Annales historiae illustrium principum Hanoniae, ed. Ernst Sackur, MGH, SS 30.1: 44-334, and [Gilbert of Mons, 13th c.,] Gisleberti Balduini V Hanoniae Comitis Cancellarii Chronica Hanonia (1040-1195), ed. Denis Ch. Godefroy-Ménilglaise (Tornaci: Typis Malo et Levasseur, 1874; Genève: Slatkine Reprints, 1971); La Chronique de Gislebert de Mons, ed. Léon Vanderkindere (Bruxelles: Kiessling, 1904). For the tormented history of this region of French Flanders see, besides such classics as Henry Pirenne, L. Vanderkindere, and F.-L. Ganshof: Louis Trenard, ed., Histoire des Pays-Bas Français (Toulouse: E. Privat, 1972): especially chapter 3.

45. MGH, SS 24: 603, vv. 39-42, chap. 90.

46. Chap. 24, ed. Godefroy-Ménilglaise: 61; MGH, SS 24: 573.

47. Chaps. 80 f. p. 598; 1855 ed.: 170-173. Lambert reminds his readers that Arnold's father Baldwin II had been dubbed by Thomas Becket around 1165; likewise he describes at length Arnold's dubbing (resulting in his being turned into a "perfect man") on Pentecost 1181—the only event he precisely dates: "in die sancto Pentecostes  . . . militaribus eum in virum perfectum dedicavit sacramentis dominice incarnationis anno 1181." MGH, SS 24: 604, chap. 91. See G. Duby, The Three Orders (1988): 300. Similarly, Lambert emphasizes Arnold's having been entrusted to Count Philip of Flanders for his military and moral education: "moribus erudiendus et militaribus officiis diligenter imbuendus et introducendus," MGH, SS 24: 603. At times of leasure, Arnold indulged in listening to his elders telling edifying Carolingian and Arthurian stories: "senes autem et decrepitos, eo quod veterum eventuras et fabulas et historias ei narrarent et moralitatis series narrationi sue continuarent et annecterent, venerabatur et secum detinebat. Proinde militem quendam veteranum dictum Costantinensem, qui de Romanis imperatoribus et de Karlomanno, de Rolando et Olivero et de Arturo Britannie rege eum instruebat et aures eius demulcebat." Ibid.: 607.

48. "Das adlige Rittertum, von dem die höfische Dichtung erzählt, kann nicht aus Verschiebungen in der Ständeordnung erklärt werden; es ist ein Erziehungs-und Bildungsgedanke von weitreichender Bedeutung und ein Phänomen der Geistesgeschichte viel mehr als der Sozialgeschichte . . . . den Traum vom adligen Menschen, der die Demut in seinen Adel aufgenommen hat . . . ." Bumke, Studien zum Ritterbegriff im 12. und 13. Jahrhundert (1964; 2d ed. 1977): 147 f. I have slightly modified Jaeger's translation 208 f. to make it more literal. W. T. H. Jackson's translation (1977: 120) somewhat obscures the meaning (e.g.: "cannot be explained by shifting it into the social hierarchy"). Bumke's thoroughly documented study shows how, more than for other literatures, the sociological interpretation of German medieval literature has long been established in Germany. But although Jaeger cites it approvingly, it does not appear to confirm his general thesis: it implicitly shows that the German concept of knighthood must have owed much to France, since, contrary to French chevalier and so on, even the pertinent German terms ( rîter, ritter, etc.) appeared in significant contexts only at the end of the twelfth century. Bumke's main point is that the lexical and semantic history of the basic terms denies the existence of the notions of nobility, knighthood, and chivalry as a unified class or status as well as unified mental constructs before 1250 except in literature. This would support the conclusion that chivalry was an idea that became a social fact through the influence of literature, which in turn reflected a growing ideology.

49. Jaeger's thesis (209) is that the process involved a direct "assimilation of the imperial tradition of courtesy to the archaic values of feudal nobility."

50. J. Bumke, Mäzene im Mittelalter (1979), and Jaeger: 234. Chrétien, for example, mentions prompting from Marie de Champagne, but such suggestions must usually have referred to no more than theme and plot: the way the material would be used and the meaning it would be given were presumably the poet's prerogative. Also Karl J. Holzknecht, Literary Patronage in the Middle Ages (University of Pennsylvania Diss., Philadelphia, 1923; New York: Octagon Books, 1966), and Mary Dominica Legge, Anglo-Norman Literature and Its Background (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1963; Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1978).

51. "Non enim scientiae fortis militia vel militiae prejudicat honesta scientia litterarum, imo in principe copula tam utilis, tam conveniens est duarum ut, sicut praedictus Ayulfus asserebat, princeps quem non nobilitat scientia litterarum non parum degenerans sit quasi rusticanus et quodammodo bestialis." Epistola 16, PL 203 (1855; rpt. Turnhout: Brepols, 1979): 147-151: see 149-BC, quoted by Jaeger: 224 f. and Flori (1986): 304. This letter, of uncertain date, has been placed between 1130 and 1183: see Flori (1986): 304, note. The letter to Henry of Champagne is Ep. 17, PL 203: 151-156. See, also, Philip of Harvengt's De continentia clericorum, PL 203: 811-820, on the comparative status of the ordines of clerics and milites, and the remarks in J. Flori (1986): 235-239.

52. "quanto litteratiores erant et eruditiores, tanto in rebus bellicis animosiores  . . . et strenuiores." De principis instructione liber, ed. George F. Warner (London: Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1891): 1, praefatio, 21.8.7. By praising the great princes of the past for joining "toga and armor," literacy and valor, Gerald of Wales was sounding a hope of restoration of ancient imperial glory.

53. Jaeger: 223 f., quoting the H. Meyer-Benfey ed. (1909) and the studies by Helmut de Boor (1964): 394 for the 1180-1190 date as well as Ingeborg Glier (1971) for 1170-1180.

54. Tony Hunt in Forum for Modern Language Studies (1981): 105 f. (Trans. mine.)

55. Keen (1984): 6-17: 6 f. on the Ordene, 8-11 on Llull's Libre, and 11-17 on Charny's and later similar treatises; and F. Cardini, "Il guerriero e il cavaliere" (1987): 100 f. Keen draws extensively from these three treatises throughout his study. See Ordene de chevalerie in Étienne Barbazan, ed., Fabliaux et contes des poètes français des XI ^e , XII ^e , XIII ^e , XIV ^e et XV ^e siècles, new ed. vol. 1 (Paris: B. Warée, 1808), and Raoul de Houdenc [ca. 1165-ca. 1230], Le roman des ailes / The Anonymous Ordene de chevalerie, ed. Keith Busby (Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 1983). Llull's tract was translated into many languages through the sixteenth century, including Caxton's English edition. Charny's Livre de chevalerie is in tome 1 (1873), part 3 of Jean Froissart's Chroniques in Froissart, Oeuvres, ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove, 25 vols. (Bruxelles: V. Devaux for the Académie Royale de Belgique, 1867-1877).

56. Rita Lejeune, "The Troubadours," in R. S. Loomis, ed. (1959, 1961): 393-399 at 394.

57. Keen (1984): 39, with references, p. 258 n. 73, to the Novellino, L'avventuroso ciciliano, and Folgòre da San Gimignano.

58. Scaglione, The Liberal Arts and the Jesuit College System (1986): 91, 113. On Llull's career see the masterly study by Anthony Bonner, ed., Selected Works of Ramon Llull (1232-1316), 2 vols. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), which does not include the book on chivalry.

59. In light of the exemplary and morally well-motivated presentation of the chivalric state they contain, it is interesting to note that the author of these treatises is the same Charny who has been recently in the news as the first exhibitor of the Holy Shroud in his newly built church in the 1350s. The "Shroud of Turin," Christendom's most hallowed relic, soon passed into the hands of the Savoy dukes. After long controversy, it has now been carbon-dated to 1260-1380, hence not far from the time Charny exhibited it with such dramatic impact.

60. Ghillebert de Lannoy (1386-1462), Oeuvres, ed. Charles Potvin (Louvain: Imprimerie de P. et J. Lefever, 1878) 443-472. See J. H. Hexter, Reappraisals in History (1979): 64, on Ghillebert and his younger contemporary Jean de Lannoy exhorting the young to learn: Ghillebert urges the study of the ancients, especially the historians, who teach how our ancestors loved honor and yearned to serve the public good.

61. Because it was better known outside Spain, I presume, M. Keen uses a complete French manuscript version of Valera's Espejo, while a partial one was printed in 1497 and a different manuscript has been edited in 1981: see Keen: 256,n. 48.

The standard medieval confusion between ancient heroes and medieval knights was not as absurd as it may strike us, since phenomena analogous to knightly practices belong to many cultures, with the ancient Thracians offering perhaps the most interesting early cases. See Zlatozara Goceva's several studies: Monumenta orae Ponti Euxini Bulgariae (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1979); Corpus cultus equitis Thracii (CCET) (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1979-); Monumenta inter Danubium et Haenum reperta (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1981-1984); and "Les traits charactéristiques de l'iconographie du chevalier thrace," Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique n.s. 14 (1986): 237-243. See the detailed study of the "prehistory" of chivalry from the earliest times to the ninth century by Franco Cardini, Alle radici della cavalleria medievale (Firenze: La Nuova Italia, 1981), where the Thracians are not mentioned.

62. The original received numerous editions, like the 1498 one (Venice: Simon Bevilaqua) and the 1607 one (Rome: apud Bartholomaeum Zannettum).

63. Philip Strayer, The Reign of Philip the Fair (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980): 93 f.

64. Strayer, ibid.

65. Bk. 3, pt. 2, chap. 29 in 1498 ed. (pages unnumbered); pp. 523-533 in Rome, 1607 ed. In the French version (Molenaer ed.) this became chap. 27 of same part: see pp. 353 f.

66. Ibid. bk. 3, pt. 2, chap. 12 in 1498 ed. and (at pp. 482-484) 1607 ed. Same chapter number in French version, pp. 324 f.

67. Ibid. bk. 3, pt. 2, chap. 34 in 1498 ed.; p. 549 of 1607 ed. See Strayer 7 f.

68. The title of this "capitulum 18 tertiae partis libri secundi" is: "Quid est curialitas et quod decet ministros regum et principum curiales esse." In the Venice 1498 edition I read "omnis virtus quia" instead of Jaeger's (161) "qua." Jaeger: 286 f., note 47, reports Konrad von Megenberg's free adaptation from Aegidius's coupling of curiality with military qualities: "ministri minores imperatoris duo in se debent habere milicie bona, videlicet curialitatem morum et armorum industriam . . . . Congruit igitur ministros Cesaris tanto curialiores esse, id est bonis moribus splendidiores, quanto curia eius sublimior est curiis omnium secularium miliciarum." Yconomica: 2.4.12 in Ökonomik (Buch II), ed. Sabine Krüger, MGH, Staatsschriften des späteren Mittelalters 3.5 (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1977): 199.

69. Li livres dou gouvernement des rois: a Xlllth century French version of Egidio Colonna's treatise De regimine principum, ed. Samuel P. Molenaer (New York: Columbia University Press and Macmillan, 1899; rpt. New York: AMS Press, 1966).