1. Chapter epigraphs quoted from "Story of a Waitress," Independent , 18 June 1908, 1381; and Gertrude Sweet to Robert Hesketh, 13 April 1937, Reel 416, Local Union Records, Hotel Employees and Restaurant Employees International Files, Washington, D.C. (hereafter LUR, HERE Files).

On barriers to female unionism, see, for example, Ruth Milkman, "Organizing the Sexual Division of Labor," Socialist Review 49 (January-February 1980): 95-150; Alice Kessler-Harris, "Where Are the Organized Women Workers?" Feminist Studies 3 (Fall 1975): 92-110; and Nancy Schrom Dye, As Equals and as Sisters: Feminism, the Labor Movement, and the Women's Trade Union League of New York (Columbia, 1980).

2. See, for example, Dana Frank, "Housewives, Socialists, and the Politics of Food: The New York City Cost of Living Protests," Feminist Studies 11 (Summer 1985): 255-85; and Patricia Cooper, Once a Cigar Maker: Men, Women, and Work Culture in American Cigar Factories, 1900-1919 (Urbana, 1987).

3. Ira B. Cross, A History of the Labor Movement in California (Berkeley, 1935), 177 and 33n.; Grace Heilman Stimson, Rise of the Labor Movement in Los Angeles (Berkeley, 1955), 66; Matthew Josephson, Union House, Union Bar: A History of the Hotel and Restaurant Employees and Bartenders International Union, AFL-CIO (New York, 1956), 7-12; Robert Hesketh, "Hotel and Restaurant Employees," American Federationist 38 (October 1931): 1269-71; "Brief History of Our Organization," The Federation News , 25 January 1930; Henry C. Barbour, "Wages, Hours, and Unionization in Year-Round Hotels," unpublished study, School of Hotel Administration, Cornell University, 1948, 115-16; Paul Frisch, ''Gibraltar of Unionism: The Development of Butte's Labor Movement, 1878-1900," The Speculator (Summer 1985): 12-20. For a discussion of the relation between the Knights of Labor and culinary workers, see Mixer and Server (periodical; hereafter MS ), April 1904, 5-7.

4. Since 1982 the official name of the union has been the Hotel Employees and Restaurant Employees. For official HERE membership figures, see the HERE Officers' Report, 1947, 17-18, HERE Files. The major published accounts of the history of the International include Josephson, Union House, Union Bar ; Jay Rubin and M. J. Obermeier, Growth of a Union: The Life and Times of Edward Flore (New York, 1943); Morris A. Horowitz, The New York Hotel Industry (Cambridge, 1960), 21-65 passim; and John E Henderson, Labor Market Institutions and Wages in the Lodging Industry (East Lansing, 1965), 129-59.

5. An examination of the IWW Collection, Walter Reuther Library, Wayne State University (hereafter IWW, WRL-WSU), and various IWW newspapers such as Industrial Worker and Solidarity revealed only scattered organizing efforts among culinary workers. For references to IWW culinary organizing outside New York before World War I, see "To the Workers Who Feed the World," Box 174; 10 October 1906-15 September 1911, General Executive Board Minutes, Box 7, file 1; "Address to the Hotel and Restaurant Workers," Industrial Union Bulletin , 4 January 1908, Box 156; Foodstuff Workers Industrial Union, Local 460, Box 69—all in IWW, WRL-WSU. Also see Industrial Worker , 21 May 1910, 13 August 1910, 24 September 1910, 11 June 1910, 18 June 1910; Solidarity , 28 June 1913, 16 August 1913; and Guy Louis Rocha, "Radical Labor Struggles in the Tonopah-Goldfield Mining District, 1901-22," Nevada Historical Society Quarterly 20 (Spring 1977): 10-11. For IWW organizing in New York, see note 16.

6. Early discussions of gender separatism include Belva Mary Herron, "The Progress of Labor Organizations Among Women, Together with Some Considerations Concerning Their Place in Industry," University Studies 1 (May 1905): 443-511; Alice Henry, The Trade Union Woman (New York, 1915); Alice Henry, Women and the Labor Movement (New York, 1923); and Teresa Wolfson, The Woman Worker and the Trade Unions (New York, 1926). For more recent analyses, see Roger Waldinger, "Another Look at the ILGWU: Women, Industry Structure, and Collective Action," and Alice Kessler-Harris, "Problems of Coalition-Building: Women and Trade Unions in the 1920s," both in Women, Work, and Protest: A Century of Women's Labor History , ed. Ruth Milkman (Boston, 1985), 86-138; and Susan Glenn, Daughters of the Shtetl: Life and Labor in the Immigrant Generation (Ithaca, 1990).

7. In Daughters of the Shtetl , ch. 6, Glenn notes that her work draws on Mary Jo Buhle's distinction between native-born varieties of feminism and urban-immigrant varieties. See Buhle, Women and American Socialism , 1870-1920 (Urbana, 1981), chs. 2, 3, passim.

8. In "The Progress of Labor Organizations Among Women," 66, Herron suggests that men prefer mixed locals in trades in which direct competition exists; separatism is advocated where competition is minimal. In the culinary industry, sex segregation lessened direct competition but did not eliminate it. Hence, it is not surprising that men were divided in their attitudes toward separatism.

9. MS , May 1902, 5; June 1905, 84.

10. Lillian Ruth Matthews, Women in Trade Unions in San Francisco (Berkeley, 1913), 76; MS , April 1901, 6; April 1906, 28; San Francisco Labor Clarion (hereafter SFLC ), 23 January 1906; San Francisco Examiner , 3 April 1901.

11. Catering Industry Employee (HERE's national journal; hereafter CIE ), June 1900, 7; April 1940, 35; August 1946, 37; April 1947, 40; October 1948, 37; SFLC , 9 January 1903, 4 December 1904, 7 July 1905, 23 January 1906, 1 May 1908, 10 July 1908, 1 January 1909, 24 February 1911, 25 June 1915, 24 August 1928, 22 February 1946, 5 December 1947; San Francisco Call 5 July 1909. For additional details on LaRue and Younger, see Susan Englander, "The San Francisco Wage-Earners' Suffrage League: Class Conflict and Class Coalition in the California Women's Suffrage Movement, 1907-1912," master's thesis, San Francisco State University, 1989, ch. 3.

12. San Francisco Examiner , 4 May 1901, 6 May 1901; MS , November 1902, 35; San Francisco Chronicle , 12 August 1917; SFLC , 18 December 1903; Robert E. L. Knight, Industrial Relations in the San Francisco Bay Area, 1900-1918 (Berkeley, 1960), 67-72, 136; Matthews, Women in Trade Unions in San Francisco , 78; Ed Rosenberg, "The San Francisco Strikes of 1901," American Federationist (1902): 15-18.

13. SFLC , 18 August 1905, 27 October 1905, 19 June 1906, 10 August 1906, 6 September 1907, 26 March 1909, 13 August 1909, 27 August 1915; Knight, Industrial Relations in the San Francisco Bay Area , 164-65; Louise Margaret Ploeger, "Trade Unionism Among the Women of San Francisco," master's thesis, University of California, 1920, 107-8.

14. SFLC , 19 May 1916, 21 July 1916, 11 August 1916, 25 August 1916; Ploeger, "Trade Unionism Among the Women of San Francisco," 108-11.

15. See John B. Andrews and Helen Bliss, A History of Women in Trade Unions, 1825 to the Knights of Labor , 61st Cong., 2d sess., 1911, Senate Document 645, 147, for New York City female culinary membership from 1902-9. See Gary M. Fink, ed., Biographical Dictionary of American Labor (Westport, 1984), 56-57, 599-600, for a description of Maud Younger's activities. Dye, As Equals and as Sisters , 61-65, 76-80; "Story of a Waitress."

16. Offshoots of the New York movement also appeared in Buffalo, Boston, Philadelphia, and elsewhere. For IWW organizing in New York City, see Frank Bohn, "The Strike of the New York Hotel and Restaurant Workers," International Socialist Review 13 (February 1913): 620-21; "Workers of the World Now Run Affairs for New York Waiters," Square Deal 12 (February 1913): 29-32, 87; Solidarity , 14 and 21 February 1914; 15 June 1912, 2; 15 February 1913, 4; Hugo Ernst, "The Hotel and Restaurant Workers," American Federationist 53 (June 1946): 20-21, 29; New York Hotel and Motel Trades Council, The Story of the First Contract (New York, 1974), 19-25; New York Times (hereafter NYT ), 8, 10, 14, 20, 31 May 1912; 2, 4, 22 June 1912; 4 July 1912; 13-14, 25 January 1913; 1-2 February 1913; 14-15 May 1914; 9, 21, 28 December 1915; 29 October 1918; 7 and 27 December 1918.

17. Organizing can be traced in SFLC , 16 November 1917, 21 June 1918, 7 March 1919, 4 August 1919; NYT , 7 and 27 December 1918; "Department Store Waitresses Win Increase," Life and Labor Bulletin , July 1918, 141.

18. For IWW organizing attempts during World War I and the 1920s, see "Wake Up! Hotel, Restaurants, and Cafeteria Workers," n.d. [ca. 1920s], Box 177, IWW, WRL-WSU; Charles Devlin, "Help Organize Hotel, Restaurant, and Domestic Workers," One Big Union Monthly 2 (February 1920): 49; Charles Devlin, "Who Does Not Work Neither Shall He Eat," One Big Union Monthly 2 (August 1920): 56-57; ''Who Will Feed Us When Capitalism Breaks Down?" One Big Union Monthly 2 (November 1920): 40-42; "The Servant Girl Rediscovered," One Big Union Monthly 2 (January 1920): 53-54; L. S. Chumley, ''Hotel, Restaurant, and Domestic Workers," 1918, Box 163, IWW, WRL-WSU.

19. Ernst categorizes Denver in this fashion; see MS , July 1923, 38. The term also is used by Max Kniesche in "Schroeder's Cafe and the German Restaurant Tradition in San Francisco, 1907-1976," an interview by Ruth Teiser conducted in 1976 for the Regional Oral History Office, Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley (UCB).

20. Interview with Charles Paulsen conducted by the author, 28 July 1983, Cincinnati; Rubin and Obermeier, Growth of a Union , 164-80.

21. Following World War I, employers linked the open-shop concept with Americanism by dubbing it the "American Plan." The "yellow-dog contract" was a pledge by the employee that he or she would not join or support a union. Some employers required these contracts from all newly hired workers. For a general account that includes particulars on HERE, see Irving Bernstein, The Lean Years (Boston, 1960), 85, 117, 336. See also Lawrence Nelson to Lena Mattausch, 28 January 1922, letter stuck in Local 457 Minutebook, 1916-22, Local 457 Files, Butte, Montana.

22. MS , November 1918, 19-20; July 1919, 79. HERE also chartered black "domestic worker" unions in this period. See Elizabeth Haynes, "Negroes in Domestic Service in the U.S.," Journal of Negro History 8 (October 1923): 435.

23. MS , October 1907, 35; Emily Barrows, "Trade Union Organization Among Women in Chicago," master's thesis, University of Chicago, 1920, 156; Esther Taber, "Women in Unions: Through Trade Union Organization Waitresses Have Secured Marked Improvement in Conditions," American Federationist 12 (December 1905), 927; Waitresses' Local 48 Constitution and By-Laws, n.d., Bancroft Library, UCB.

24. CIE , April 1935, 6. The International did allow local unions to admit Asian workers (although their right to transfer from one local to another was denied); front cover, MS , April 1905; CIE , July 1925, 31; February 1937, 54.

25. MS , November 1905, 30; May 1917, 41; Proceedings , 1923 Convention, HERE Files, 132. Ernst also favored organizing Japanese culinary workers. See SFLC , 18 August 1916. The Butte response is illuminated in the following: Frisch, "Gilbraltar of Unionism," 14-15; Rose Hum Lee, The Growth and Decline of Chinese Communities in the Rocky Mountain Region (Ph.D. diss., Department of Sociology, University of Chicago, 1947; rept., New York, 1978), 104-16, 187; Local 457 Minutebook, 21 June 1918, Local 457 Files; Local 457 Minutebook, 8 January 1926 and 5 March 1926, Box 14-1, Women's Protective Union Collection (WPUC), 174, Montana Historical Society, Helena, Montana.

26. MS , May 1917, 23; July 1919, 79; four-page typed manuscript by Ethel M. Smith, "The Union Waitress Interprets," n.d., 2, Reel 2, C-2, Papers of the Women's Trade Union League and Its Principal Leaders (microfilm edition; hereafter WTUL Papers), Radcliffe College, Arthur and Elizabeth Schlesinger Library, Cambridge, Mass.; William Whyte, Human Relations in the Restaurant Industry (New York, 1948), 192.

27. Frances Donovan, The Woman Who Waits (Boston, 1920), 134; Chumley, "Hotel, Restaurant, and Domestic Workers."

28. Although the labor movement had taken the lead in the nineteenth-century drive for shorter hours, by the early twentieth century its response was more ambivalent. The AFL's voluntaristic viewpoint discouraged state interference and touted free collective bargaining as the better method for improving working conditions, especially for adult men. They objected less to maximum hour legislation than to minimum wage legislation, however, because wage rates fluctuated much more rapidly than did standards for hours, and the minimum wage might more easily become the maximum. The historic struggle for hours legislation in the nineteenth century also ameliorated the AFL's voluntaristic sentiment in regard to hours; no such legacy existed in relation to wage legislation. For a discussion of the relation between the labor movement and protective legislation, see Susan Lehrer, Origins of Protective Labor Legislation for Women , 1905-1925 (Albany, 1987), 144-83.

29. For an overview of the campaigns to secure protective legislation, see Elizabeth Brandeis, "Organized Labor and Protective Labor Legislation," in Labor and the New Deal ed. Milton Derber and Edwin Young (Madison, 1962); Barbara A. Babcock et al., Sex Discrimination and the Law: Causes and Remedies (Boston, 1975); and Judith Baer, The Chains of Protection: The Judicial Response to Women's Labor Legislation (Westport, 1978). For the seminal role of middle-class organizations, especially on the East Coast, see U.S. Department of Labor, Women's Bureau, History of Labor Legislation for Women in Three States , Bulletin no. 66, by Clara Beyer (Washington, D.C., 1929); and Consumers' League of New York City, Behind the Scenes in a Restaurant: A Study of 1017 Women Restaurant Employees (New York, 1916).

30. Consumers' League of New York City, Behind the Scenes in a Restaurant , 36; MS , April 1909, 55; July 1911, 34; U.S. Department of Labor, Women's Bureau, History of Labor Legislation for Women in Three States , 123; SFLC , 3 February 1911, 3; Earl C. Crockett, "The History of California Labor Legislation, 1910-1930," Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1931, 12-14.

31. Nancy Dye discusses similar divisions among working-class women in the WTUL in Dye, As Equals and as Sisters , 146-52. She notes that sex-specific minimum wage laws were harder to justify than similar hours legislation because "there was no physiological reason for women to earn a specified wage." By the 1920s, however, the working-class women within the league united in favor of protective legislation, emphasizing the social and economic conditions that necessitated protection.

32. Coast Seamen's Journal , 22 January 1913, 6; SFLC , 20, 27 December 1912, 2; U.S. Department of Labor, Women's Bureau, History of Labor Legislation for Women in Three States , 130-31n; Crockett, "The History of California Labor Legislation," 12-14.

33. California (State) Industrial Welfare Commission, Fifth Biennial Report for 1922-24 (1927), 12; California (State) Industrial Welfare Commission, What California Has Done to Protect the Women Workers (Sacramento, 1929); Ploeger, "Trade Unionism Among the Women of San Francisco," 115-19; California (State) Industrial Welfare Commission, Fourth Biennial Report for 1919-20 (1924), 130.

34. MS , August 1924, 18-19.

35. California (State) Industrial Welfare Commission, Fifth Biennial Report for 1922-24 , 18; handwritten notes, Box 4, File "Calif. DIW Misc.," San Francisco Labor Council Records, Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley (hereafter SFLC R, BL-UCB); Crockett, "The History of California Labor Legislation," 72-73, 90-94.

36. Quote from Henry Pelling, American Labor (Chicago, 1960), 178. For labor union membership growth during the 1930s and World War II, see Marten Estey, The Unions: Structure, Development, and Management (New York, 1981), 11-12.

37. The Hotel Employees and Restaurant Employees did not record the membership totals for individual crafts; thus, the exact number of organized waitresses can only be estimated. Nonetheless, the membership figures for waitress locals provide some guidance.

38. Philip Taft, "Brief Review of Other Industries," in How Collective Bargaining Works , ed. Harry A. Mills (New York, 1942), 924; CIE , August 1933, 28.

39. CIE , January 1935, 25; Josephson, Union House, Union Bar , 193-98. The participation of the left-wing unions, AFW and FWIU, is mentioned in Grace Hutchins, Women Who Work (New York, 1934). For an account of the involvement of the Women's Bureau, see the correspondence between Edward Flore and Mary Anderson, File "HERE," Box 865, RG-86, NA.

40. See the Restaurant Industry Basic Code, submitted by the National Restaurant Association, approved 10 August 1933; Hugo Ernst to John O'Connell, 20 December 1933, F-"Culinary Misc.," Box 8, SFLC R, BL-UCB; Lafayette G. Harter, Jr., "Master Contracts and Group Bargaining in the San Francisco Restaurant Industry," master's thesis, Stanford University, 1948, 42.

41. For an overview of San Francisco's union traditions, see Michael Kazin, Barons of Labor: The San Francisco Building Trades and Union Power in the Progressive Era (Urbana, 1987), ch. 1.

42. CIE , September 1933, frontispiece; October 1933, 28; February 1934, 21; LJEB Minutes, 20 December 1933, Local 2 Files, San Francisco, HERE Files.

43. LJEB Minutes, 20 December 1933, Local 2 Files; typed ms., "Findings of Fact and Conclusions of Law," B. J. Della Valle v. Cooks, Waitresses and Miscellaneous Employees, 4, File "Cooks vs. Valle," Box 7, SFLC R, BL-UCB.

44. LJEB Minutes, 15 May 1934, Local 2 Files; File 170-9742, RG-280, NA.

45. LJEB Minutes, January 1933-December 1934, in particular, 13 July 1934, Local 2 Files; interview with William G. Storie conducted by Corinne Gilb, UCB, 24 January, 31 March, 7 April, 1959, 53; SFLC , 3 August 1934. For accounts of the General Strike, see Irving Bernstein, The Turbulent Years: A History of the American Worker , 1933-1941 (Boston, 1969), 252-98; and Bruce Nelson, Workers on the Waterfront: Seamen, Longshoremen, and Unionism in the 1930s (Urbana, 1990), ch. 5.

46. David Selvin, Sky Full of Storm (San Francisco, 1975), 50; interview with Lou Goldblatt conducted by Lucy Kendall for the California Historical Society, n.d.; CIE , October 1934, 33; September 1935, 15; Membership Records, HERE Files.

47. Only one hotel in San Francisco was unionized at this point, the Whitcomb Hotel. Ernst to James Vahey, 5 March 1935, File "HERE," Box 8, SFLC R, BL-UCB; CIE , October 1934, 33; March 1936, 33; SFLC , 8 January 1937; LJEB Minutes, 3 October 1933, 21 January 1936, 15 January 1937, 6 April 1937, 15 April 1937, 1 May 1937, Local 2 Files; Van Dusen Kennedy, Arbitration in the San Francisco Hotel and Restaurant Industries (Philadelphia, 1952), 13; telegram, Matthewson to Hugh Kerwin, 19 April 1937 and 28 May 1937, Case file 182-2408, RG-280, NA. Local 283, chartered in March of 1937, demanded recognition and working conditions comparable to the other organized crafts. George O. Bahrs, The San Francisco Employers' Council (Philadelphia, 1948); CIE , June 1937.

48. Josephson, Union House, Union Bar , 264-69; "Summary Report," Matthewson to Kerwin, 28 July 1937; "Final Report," 28 July 1937, by Matthew-son; telegram, Matthewson to Kerwin, 17 July 1937. All in Case file 182-2408, RG-280, NA. LJEB Minutes, 15 April 1937, Local 2 Files; transcript, ''Award of Fred Athearn, Arbitrator, to the San Francisco LJEB and San Francisco Hotel Operators," San Francisco, 1937, Local 2 Files; Harter, "Master Contracts and Group Bargaining in the San Francisco Restaurant Industry," 52-64; Kennedy, Arbitration in the San Francisco Hotel and Restaurant Industry , 13-14, 29-32, passim; press release, 22 December 1937, and Ernst to Clarence Johnson, 4 January 1938, LJEB Correspondence Folder, Local 2 Files.

49. LJEB Minutes, 27 August 1937, Local 2 Files; SFLC , 10 December 1937. Arbitration Proceedings between the San Francisco LJEB and Owl Drug Co. before George Cheney, Union Opening Brief, 16 December 1943, SFLC R, BL-UCB, 2-3; S.F. clubs to LJEB, October 1937, and Ernst to Hesketh, 9 December 1937, LJEB Correspondence Folder, Local 2 Files.

50. Warren G. Desepte to C. C. Coulter, 10 February 1935, 26 February 1935, 30 August 1936, 11 September 1936, Reel 1, Retail Clerks International Union Records, Wisconsin State Historical Society, Madison, Wisconsin; Ernst to O'Connell, 13 October 1934, File "HERE," Box 8, SFLC R, BL-UCB.

51. In part because of the actions of local AFL unionists like Ernst, San Francisco department stores remained within the AFL, unlike those in New York and other major cities.

52. Strike Board Minutes, 9 November 1940, Local 2 Files. For further details, see Dorothy Sue Cobble, "Sisters in the Craft: Waitresses and Their Unions in the Twentieth Century," Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1986, 199-201.

53. Local 48 EB Minutes, 19 July 1938, and Local 48 MM Minutes, 20 April 1938, Local 2 Files; CIE , February 1940, 26-27.

54. B/G Organizer Bulletin , 11 October 1941; Union Brief and Exhibits, Arbitration Proceedings between the San Francisco LJEB and the Hotel Employers' Association before Edgar Rowe, 18 August 1942, 2, Local 2 Files.

55. LJEB Minutes, 15 October 1936 and 17 June 1941, Local 2 Files.

56. Petition, 13 September 1937, San Francisco Employers to Ernst; Ernst to O'Connell, 21 July 1939, LJEB Correspondence Folder, and LJEB Minutes, 16 October 1934 and 6 November 1934, Local 2 Files.

57. Ernst to SFLC Delegates, 15 March 1933 and 25 July 1933, and T. K. Bronson to O'Connell, 9 October 1939, File "HERE," Box 8, SFLC R, BL-UCB; Duchess Sandwich Co. President to C. T. McDonough, 14 December 1940, LJEB Correspondence Folder, Local 2 Files.

58. LJEB Minutes, 4 June 1940 and 16 July 1940, Local 2 Files.

59. Department Store Strike Bulletin , 3 October 1941, and "Score Card," San Francisco Strikes and Lockouts Collection, Box 1, BL-UCB.

60. Department Store Strike Bulletin , 3 November 1941; 18 November 1941; interview with Carmen Lucia conducted by Seth Widgerson and Bette Craig, Wayne State University, Oral History Project, 1978.

61. Stafford to SFLC, 16 December 1938, File "Local 1100," Box 15, SFLC R, BL-UCB; CIE , January 1939, 43; interview with Helen Jaye conducted by Lucy Kendall for the California Historical Society, 23 March 1981.

62. In imitation of union practices, employer members who refused to abide by group decisions were fined, harassed, and shunned. See Josephson, Union House, Union Bar , 295-96.

63. Interview with William G. Storie, 154; Kennedy, Arbitration in the San Francisco Hotel and Restaurant Industry , 11; Bahrs, The San Francisco Employers' Council , iii; binder entitled "House Card Agreements 1938-1946," Local 2 Files; interview with Paul St. Sure conducted by Corinne Gilb, March-June 1957, Institute of Industrial Relations Oral History Project, UCB, 487-89.

64. Rubenstein to Ernst, 18 November 1937, 20 November 1937, and leaflet signed by David Rubenstein, n.d. [ca. November 1937], LJEB Correspondence Folder, Local 2 Files.

65. LJEB Minutes, 2 August 1938, 6 June 1939, 5 March 1941, and Rubenstein to LJEB, 26 February 1938, LJEB Correspondence Folder, Local 2 Files.

66. Bahrs, The San Francisco Employers' Council 10; LJEB Minutes, 6 May 1941, 20 May 1941, 10 June 1941, Local 2 Files. Interview with William G. Storie, 154-56.

67. Interview with William G. Storie; Andrew Gallagher to John Steelman, 3 July 1941 and n.d. [ca. July 1941], Case File 196-6257A, RG-280, NA; Harter, "Master Contracts and Group Bargaining in the San Francisco Restaurant Industry," 67; and Edward Eaves, "A History of the Cooks and Waiters' Unions of San Francisco," Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1930, 98.

68. Interview with William G. Storie; LJEB Minutes, 25 August 1941, Local 2 Files. This first master restaurant contract subsequently became the universally accepted scale for organized restaurants whether or not they belonged to the association. Copies of both the old and new house card agreements can be found in the binder entitled "House Card Agreements 1938-1946," Local 2 Files.

69. For a detailed account of the 1941 San Francisco hotel strike, consult Josephson, Union House, Union Bar , 293-96; and Harter, "Master Contracts and Group Bargaining in the San Francisco Restaurant Industry," 73-101. See also Case File F-196-2066, RG-280, NA. In other cities, hotel employers also turned to association bargaining. Gertrude Sweet wrote the International of this new employer technique, much feared by the unions. Sweet to Hesketh, Reel 416, LUR, HERE Files.

70. For further comments on the remarkable stability of San Francisco culinary labor relations and the unprecedented use of arbitration machinery, see Kennedy, Arbitration in the San Francisco Hotel and Restaurant Industry , 1-19, 100-109; and Harter, "Master Contracts and Group Bargaining in the San Francisco Restaurant Industry," 128-33.